Relevant bibliographies by topics / Intergovernmental relations

Academic literature on the topic 'Intergovernmental relations'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 31 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Intergovernmental relations"

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STOKER, GERRY. "INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS." Public Administration 73, no. 1 (March 1995): 101–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9299.1995.tb00819.x.

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Bloksberg, Leonard M. "Intergovernmental Relations." Journal of Aging & Social Policy 1, no. 3-4 (October 23, 1989): 11–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j031v01n03_04.

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Grafton, Carl, and Deil S. Wright. "Understanding Intergovernmental Relations." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 19, no. 1 (1989): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330574.

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Brosio, Giorgio. "Reform: intergovernmental relations." International Journal of Public Administration 23, no. 2-3 (January 2000): 345–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01900690008525465.

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Falcone, Santa, and Zhiyong Lan. "Intergovernmental Relations and Productivity." Public Administration Review 57, no. 4 (July 1997): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/977313.

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Jung, Yongduck. "The Intergovernmental Relations for Sustainable Developments of Korea." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 11 (December 31, 1996): 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps11002.

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Korea is again entering an era of local autonomy. After General Park Chung Hee seized power through a military coup in 1961, Korean local governments did not have substantial political and administrative decision-making power for 30 years. During an earlier period of the Republic, under the 'Local Autonomy Law' of 1949, Korean local governments had been locally formed policy-making assemblies whose members were locally elected by the inhabitants. For some time in that period even the chief executives of the local governments were elected by the area residents. In 1961, however, the military governments adopted the so-called 'Law Concerning Temporary Measures for Local Autonomy', which suspended the functions of all local assemblies, and the administrative heads of local units became appointive. Following that decision, local governing functions were controlled by the Ministry of Home Affairs- and the respective provincial governors who were appointed by the President. There was, therefore, essentially no political decentralization at all in Korea from 1961 to 1991 (Jung, 1987: 526). In 1991, however, the local assemblies were reorganized. In addition to the locally formed assemblies, the chief executives of local governments were elected directly by residents in 1995. These direct elections have enabled the Korean local governments regain their nominal political decision-making power. In practical terms, however, there still remain a substantial number of central controls in the central-local government relationship.
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Benz, Arthur. "Intergovernmental Relations in the 1980s." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 19, no. 4 (1989): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330425.

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Glassberg, Andrew D. "Intergovernmental Relations and Base Closing." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 25, no. 3 (1995): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330688.

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NATHAN, RICHARD P., and JOHN R. LAGO. "Intergovernmental Fiscal Roles and Relations." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 509, no. 1 (May 1990): 36–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716290509001004.

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Chandler, J. A. "Three Faces of Intergovernmental Relations." Public Policy and Administration 7, no. 1-2 (January 1992): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095207679200700105.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Intergovernmental relations"

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Becerra, Ligia Melo. "Intergovernmental fiscal relations : the Colombian case." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.404775.

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Rhodes, R. A. W. "Understanding intergovernmental relations : Theory and practice." Thesis, University of Essex, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.355657.

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Zeemering, Eric S. "Who collaborates? local decisions about intergovernmental relations /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3274249.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Political Science, 2007.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-07, Section: A, page: 3133. Adviser: Russell L. Hanson. Title from dissertation home page (viewed Mar. 28, 2008).
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Medeiros, Antônio Carlos de. "Politics and intergovernmental relations in Brazil, 1964-1982." New York : Garland, 1986. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/13701466.html.

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Wasti, Syed. "Intergovernmental fiscal relations : a case study of Pakistan." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2013. https://researchportal.port.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/intergovernmental-fiscal-relations(742c4c4e-9ecd-40d1-8de9-027e6ba8db7e).html.

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This dissertation explores the effect of intergovernmental fiscal transfers on the fiscal operations of the federating units in Pakistan. It is the first attempt to carry out disaggregated analysis of the fiscal behavior of each of the four provinces of Pakistan, separately and jointly in response to various types and categories of federal transfers, grants and borrowings. Thus it is a noteworthy addition in the empirical literature in the context of a less developed and resource constraints country where the sensitivities are always attached in the determination of distributional criteria and allocation of transfers among federating units. The study explores whether federal transfers to provinces have been utilized for stimulating provincial public expenditures or have largely been substituted for fiscal efforts to collect taxes from provincial own resources. The study also investigates the impact of unconditional and conditional transfers to determine the varying effects on public spending. Moreover, the phenomenon of “Flypaper Effect” which hypothesizes that the federal transfers and the provincial gross domestic product (resident income) have similar accelerating or multiplier effect on provincial expenditures is also examined. In addition, it is also attempted to scrutinize the role of federal transfers in the process of fiscal equalization among provinces as regards to the provision of public services. The government expenditure method is applied to determine the quantity of public service provision. To estimate the provincial fiscal response to federal transfers, total provincial expenditure is modeled as a function of provincial gross domestic product at factor cost, several types of transfers and total borrowings. Various macro, fiscal and demographic variables are also used in the estimation process to remove simultaneity in grants and provincial expenditures and also to control for diverse socioeconomic characteristics of federating units. All variables are adjusted with the respective provincial population and measured in constant prices. The expenditure functions are estimated by using Ordinary Least Square and Two Stage Least Square estimation techniques through E-VIEWS software covering the period between 1973 and 2009. Various specifications of expenditure function are used in this study for testing different hypothesis. The empirical results establish the importance of our thesis as estimated fiscal behavior of individual provinces show significantly varied responses. The findings of the study clearly highlight that aggregate or joint provincial fiscal response is more similar to the behavior of two relatively developed Punjab and Sindh provinces. The direction, marginal effects and the level of significance of coefficients measuring fiscal response to federal transfers for these two provinces is significantly different as compared with the other two underdeveloped Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Baluchistan provinces. Thus, any attempts to draw conclusions regarding provincial response to federal transfers based on combined data may mislead mainly due the diverse socio and demographic characteristics and also because of the varied levels of economic development of federating units. Therefore, to design transfer strategies in Pakistan disaggregate analysis of provincial fiscal behavior is imperative. It is affirmed that the conditional grant have a larger and more elastic effect on provincial expenditure compared to unconditional grants. Therefore conscious effort is needed to design appropriate transfer strategies by attaching conditionality to its spending. The findings also suggest that unconditional transfers are heavily utilized for substitution of effort to raise revenue from own resources. Hence for rewarding improved provincial fiscal effort, some premium may be attached on the achievement of certain level of social services. This reward should be in the form of close ended matching grant to avoid its likely misuse. Similarly conditional matching incentives may also be given for goods of high federal priority but attracts lower provincial investment. Conditional grants though compromise the objective of provincial expenditure autonomy but nevertheless these greatly enhance the multiplier effect of fund transferred. The significant and much higher provincial dependence on federal transfers are found in Pakistan. It is therefore vital that provinces may have access to some buoyant sources of revenue to finance adequately their fiscal needs. Alternatively provinces may be also allowed piggybacking on personal income tax, wealth tax or single stage sales tax as practiced in number of countries. The unconditional transfers however may be continued for meeting fixed cost of running provincial governments without compromising on the provincial priorities. The analysis will facilitate development practitioners, policy makers and planners in designing appropriate criteria and allocation strategies for future fiscal framework of federal transfers.
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Cullen, Julie Berry. "Essays on special education finance and intergovernmental relations." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/10318.

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Jessica, Weller. "Evolving federalism : intergovernmental relations and multilevel governance in Canada." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/63871.

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The following research paper investigates the changing character of federalism in Canada, as expressed through intergovernmental relations. Specifically, the impact that individual prime ministers and their governments may have on these relationships is explored. In particular, Stephen Harper and Justin Trudeau’s management styles are compared in order to determine what lasting or significant effect, if any, these individuals have had on how Canada’s federal and provincial governments interact with each other. Secondary literature describing and summarizing Harper’s style of open federalism, in conjunction with primary research on Justin Trudeau’s reversion to a more collaborative style, concludes that though each prime minister was able to have some tangible effects on federal-provincial relations during their time in office, these effects were, or will be, easily overridden by their successors. The following research asks whether Harper and Trudeau’s actual styles of intergovernmental relations were consistent with their rhetoric on the same subject. Though Harper spoke often about his preferred style of open federalism, it appears to many scholars that not all of his actions reflected the core tenets of this model. Likewise, though Trudeau advertised a collaborative, more multi-level approach to governance during the 2015 election campaign and during his time in office, I conclude that much of his efforts to follow up on these principles are symbolic at best. In both cases, it appears that the federal government consistently pursues its own goals, regardless of the rhetoric used to describe provincial involvement, rights, and in Trudeau’s case, genuine collaboration with both the provinces and additional third-party groups.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Craig, Anthony. "Intergovernmental relations between Britain, Ireland and Northern Ireland 1966-1974." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2009. http://eprints.staffs.ac.uk/834/.

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This thesis investigates how relations between the government of Britain, Ireland and Northern Ireland changed in the early years of the Northern Ireland Troubles until the collapse of the Sunningdale executive in May 1974. Specifically this research looks at the three relations studying many of the important aspects of intergovernmental relations within the three jurisdictions at the time and using a wide range of examples to demonstrate how the primary driver in relations between all three jurisdictions moved from economic to political, security and intelligence by 1972 and how these relationships grew and developed before their eventual collapse in the months following the Ulster Workers’ Council Strike. Primarily this study is based on archive research in London, Dublin and Belfast at the official national archives of the three states. However it has also made use of interviews with officials. It includes new insight into negotiations for membership of the EEC, Territorial Seas Delimitation, the Arms Crisis, British relations with Terence O’Neill (and the Northern Ireland government’s opinion of the British), the preparations for internment and Direct Rule, the origins of the Northern Ireland Office and the Irish government’s relations with Northern Ireland’s nationalists. This thesis, using recently released sources, challenges a number of conclusions from previously published research, particularly into North-South relations after 1966, and Britain’s preparations for sending British troops in support of the Northern Ireland government. Significantly, this PhD also demonstrates a long series of British attempts at the end of 1972 and throughout 1973 to tease the Irish government into increasing their border security operations. In doing so it explains the Sunningdale Agreement in the context of a relationship between the Cosgrave and Heath governments that went far beyond what was known at the time and was dependent to a far greater extent on security cooperation than has previously been accepted.
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Mathebula, Fortunate Mashebu. "Intergovernmental relations reform in a newly emerging South African Policy." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/27578.

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This study examines the importance of a central agency such as The Presidency in the administration of intergovernmental relations (IGR) in South Africa. Further to this broad objective, is the need to develop a definitional framework for IGR, particularly within the context of the unitary-federal system. The study contends that the mechanism for an IGR system in emerging democracies should be obligatory and driven through constitutional provisions and arrangements. The historical-political evolution of the South African Constitution has demonstrated the importance of a central agency in regulating IGR mechanisms. This study was able to trace historical precedents ranging from the British Imperial Council era, through to the Apartheid era, the President’s Council and The Presidency of the current democratic government of South Africa. In order to provide clarity on the importance of a high profile office within an IGR co-ordination infrastructure, the study utilised the authority relationship models, which strategically present a new paradigmatic shift in theoretical constructs. These models identified and explored the viabilities in the procurement of significant relationships between and amongst spheres of government. In clarifying the emerging cooperative governance paradigm, a terminological compromise for federalism in South Africa was posted. The study also provides a distinguished hierarchy-defining route between spheres and tiers of government as an important notation for consideration. Since models are abstractions of reality, the study establishes that the political coherency of IGR constructs could be considered as a direct function of a normative environmental infrastructure. The study examines factors influencing IGR. Principal to these is the party political system and the character of the Head of State. The study argues that the degree to which the ruling political coalition/party is centralised impacts directly on the ability of sub-national governments to interrelate. The study found that IGR reform should be based on the following conditionalities that involve IGR as a human activity, which should accommodate varied socialisation values. The study further attempts to promote the notion that IGR, as a political activity, should be flexible enough to accommodate constituency-serving tendencies, which are reminiscent of new and emerging political environments. Furthermore, as a technocratic activity, IGR should accommodate the reality of it being a terrain of contestation between elected and appointed officials. At the same time, it could act as a relational barometer that could be functional in nature and allow everyone in government to be an IGR practitioner. Whilst the study has left unanswered questions, it has laid the basis upon which emerging democratic dispensations should approach IGR. More specifically, the IGR definition presented in this study, has called for a disengagement process with the federal/unitary view of IGR. This study exemplifies the need for continuous debate in Public Administration as it provides a critical knowledge base for society to expand future intellectual discussions on IGR reforms in new and emerging democracies.
Thesis (DAdmin)--University of Pretoria, 2004.
School of Public Management and Administration (SPMA)
unrestricted
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Mathebula, Fotunate Mashebu. "Intergovernmental relations reform in a newly emerging South African Policy." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/27578.

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This study examines the importance of a central agency such as The Presidency in the administration of intergovernmental relations (IGR) in South Africa. Further to this broad objective, is the need to develop a definitional framework for IGR, particularly within the context of the unitary-federal system. The study contends that the mechanism for an IGR system in emerging democracies should be obligatory and driven through constitutional provisions and arrangements. The historical-political evolution of the South African Constitution has demonstrated the importance of a central agency in regulating IGR mechanisms. This study was able to trace historical precedents ranging from the British Imperial Council era, through to the Apartheid era, the President’s Council and The Presidency of the current democratic government of South Africa. In order to provide clarity on the importance of a high profile office within an IGR co-ordination infrastructure, the study utilised the authority relationship models, which strategically present a new paradigmatic shift in theoretical constructs. These models identified and explored the viabilities in the procurement of significant relationships between and amongst spheres of government. In clarifying the emerging cooperative governance paradigm, a terminological compromise for federalism in South Africa was posted. The study also provides a distinguished hierarchy-defining route between spheres and tiers of government as an important notation for consideration. Since models are abstractions of reality, the study establishes that the political coherency of IGR constructs could be considered as a direct function of a normative environmental infrastructure. The study examines factors influencing IGR. Principal to these is the party political system and the character of the Head of State. The study argues that the degree to which the ruling political coalition/party is centralised impacts directly on the ability of sub-national governments to interrelate. The study found that IGR reform should be based on the following conditionalities that involve IGR as a human activity, which should accommodate varied socialisation values. The study further attempts to promote the notion that IGR, as a political activity, should be flexible enough to accommodate constituency-serving tendencies, which are reminiscent of new and emerging political environments. Furthermore, as a technocratic activity, IGR should accommodate the reality of it being a terrain of contestation between elected and appointed officials. At the same time, it could act as a relational barometer that could be functional in nature and allow everyone in government to be an IGR practitioner. Whilst the study has left unanswered questions, it has laid the basis upon which emerging democratic dispensations should approach IGR. More specifically, the IGR definition presented in this study, has called for a disengagement process with the federal/unitary view of IGR. This study exemplifies the need for continuous debate in Public Administration as it provides a critical knowledge base for society to expand future intellectual discussions on IGR reforms in new and emerging democracies.
Thesis (DAdmin)--University of Pretoria, 2005.
School of Public Management and Administration (SPMA)
unrestricted
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Books on the topic "Intergovernmental relations"

1

Richard, Simeon, and Royal Commission on the Economic Union and Development Prospects for Canada., eds. Intergovernmental relations. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985.

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Fisher, Ronald C., ed. Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-5352-2.

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Gonçalves Veiga, Linda, Mathew Kurian, and Reza Ardakanian. Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-06296-9.

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Wright, Deil Spencer. Understanding intergovernmental relations. 3rd ed. Pacific Grove, Calif: Brooks/Cole Pub. Co., 1988.

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C, Fisher Ronald, ed. Intergovernmental fiscal relations. Boston, Mass: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1997.

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O, Egwaikhide Festus, and University of Ibadan. Programme on Ethnic and Federal Studies., eds. Intergovernmental relations in Nigeria. Ibadan: Programme on Ethnic and Federal Studies (PEFS), 2004.

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Nice, David C. The politics of intergovernmental relations. 2nd ed. Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1995.

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Bahl, Roy W. Intergovernmental fiscal relations in China. Washington, DC (1818 H St. NW Washington 20433): Country Economics Dept., World Bank, 1992.

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Fessha, Yonatan T., Karl Kössler, and Francesco Palermo, eds. Intergovernmental Relations in Divided Societies. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-88785-8.

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Mpedi, Madue Steve, and Kalema Rashid, eds. Intergovernmental relations in South Africa. Pretoria: Van Schaik, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Intergovernmental relations"

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Holzer, Marc, and Richard W. Schwester. "Intergovernmental Relations." In Public Administration, 90–106. Third edition. | Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2019. |: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429507878-5.

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Shafritz, Jay M., E. W. Russell, Christopher P. Borick, and Albert C. Hyde. "Intergovernmental Relations." In Introducing Public Administration, 166–206. 10th ed. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003191322-5.

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Bourey, James M. "Intergovernmental relations." In A Guidebook for City and County Managers, 106–17. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003262756-12.

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Szmulewicz Ramírez, Esteban. "Intergovernmental Relations." In Encyclopedia of Contemporary Constitutionalism, 1–18. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31739-7_221-1.

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Smith, B. C. "Intergovernmental Relations." In Decentralization, 79–98. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003404927-5.

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Holzer, Marc, and Richard W. Schwester. "Intergovernmental Relations." In Public Administration, 115–34. 4th ed. New York: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003403555-5.

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Fisk, Jonathan M. "The City of Brownsville and Plastic Bag Politics in Texas." In Intergovernmental Relations, 65–77. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003272441-4.

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Fisk, Jonathan M. "The City of Kansas City and Uber Politics in Missouri." In Intergovernmental Relations, 130–41. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003272441-9.

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Fisk, Jonathan M. "Unpacking State and Local Conflict." In Intergovernmental Relations, 31–48. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003272441-2.

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Fisk, Jonathan M. "The City of Pittsburgh and Paid Sick Leave Politics in Pennsylvania." In Intergovernmental Relations, 169–82. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003272441-12.

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Conference papers on the topic "Intergovernmental relations"

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El-Dessouki, Ayman I. "Draft constitution of Kurdistan and intergovernmental relations in Iraq." In نحو دستورٍ معاصر لإقليم كوردستان-العراق. Koya University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14500/tmc2019.coo237.

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Suharto, Didik G., Widodo Muktiyo, and Kristina Setyowati. "Public Service Quality of Village Government In Intergovernmental Relations Perspective." In 2016 International Conference on Public Management. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpm-16.2016.111.

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Shu, Yang. "Shenyang Metropolitan Area environment and resource research: Base on intergovernmental relations." In 2013 International Conference on Management Science and Engineering (ICMSE). IEEE, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icmse.2013.6586569.

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Nishigaki, Yasuyuki, and Hideya Kato. "YARDSTICK COMPETITION AND TAX COMPETITION -INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS AND EFFICIENCY OF PUBLIC GOODS-." In 5th Economics & Finance Conference, Miami. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/efc.2016.005.020.

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Arsovski, Marjan. "COMPARATIVE ANALISIS OF THE COMPETENCES BETWEEN THE POLITICAL AND SECURITY COMMITTEE AND THE COMMITTEE OF PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION." In SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.2.5.21.p20.

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Following the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union remains intergovernmental in nature, similar to the former European political cooperation in the second pillar, but with some new administrative and institutional changes in the way it is formulated. The most important question is the relationship between the Coreper - permanent representatives in Brussels and the Intergovernmental Political Committee. In this context, the research is aimed at analyzing the mutual relations between the Committee of Permanent Representatives and the Political and Security Committee in forwarding questions to the Council of the European Union regarding the Common and External Security Policy of the European Union. Keywords: Committee of the Permanent Representatives, Political and Security Committee
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Zheng, Li. "Research on the Game Analysis of Central and Local Governments under the Perspective of Intergovernmental Relations." In 2016 International Conference on Economics, Social Science, Arts, Education and Management Engineering. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/essaeme-16.2016.167.

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Храмченко, Анна Александровна, and Дарина Владимировна Шарапова. "TRANSFORMATION OF THE BUDGET IN THE RUSSIAN MARKET SYSTEM." In Научные исследования в современном мире. Теория и практика: сборник статей XXVI всероссийской (национальной) научной конференции (Санкт-Петербург, Май 2024). Crossref, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/240503.2024.29.90.006.

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В статье рассматривается трансформация бюджетной системы в условиях рыночной экономики России. Анализируются изменения в принципах формирования доходов и расходов бюджета, межбюджетных отношений. Особое внимание уделяется роли бюджета в регулировании экономики. The article examines the transformation of the budget system in the context of the Russian market economy. Changes in the principles of forming budget revenues and expenditures, as well as intergovernmental fiscal relations, are analyzed. Particular attention is paid to the role of the budget in regulating the economy.
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Ávila, Thiago José Tavares, Danilo Gonçalves dos Santos, and Ronise Suzuki de Oliveira. "Intergovernmental Relations in the Implementation of the Public Service User Defense Code in Brazil: State capabilities and institutional arrangements." In dg.o 2022: The 23st Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3543434.3543440.

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Qiang, Zhang. "Study on coordinating mode of intergovernmental relations in water resources management of river basins: Based on water resources integrated management in river basin." In 2013 International Conference on Management Science and Engineering (ICMSE). IEEE, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icmse.2013.6586575.

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Sierra Aznar, Miguel, Farouk Chorou, Jyh-Yuan Chen, Andreas Dreizler, and Robert W. Dibble. "Experimental and Numerical Investigation of the Argon Power Cycle." In ASME 2018 Internal Combustion Engine Division Fall Technical Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icef2018-9670.

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Carbon capture has been deemed crucial by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change if the world is to achieve the ambitious goals stated in the Paris agreement. A deeper integration of renewable energy sources is also needed if we are to mitigate the large amount of greenhouse gas emitted as a result of increasing world fossil fuel energy consumption. These new power technologies bring an increased need for distributed fast dispatch power and energy storage that counteract their intermittent nature. A novel technological approach to provide fast dispatch emission free power is the use of the Argon Power Cycle, a technology that makes carbon capture an integral part of its functioning principle. The core concept behind this technology is a closed loop internal combustion engine cycle working with a monoatomic gas in concert with a membrane gas separation unit. By replacing the working fluid of internal combustion engines with a synthetic mixture of monoatomic gases and oxygen, the theoretical thermal efficiency can be increased up to 80%, more than 20% over conventional air cycles. Furthermore, the absence of nitrogen in the system prevents formation of nitrogen oxides, eliminating the need for expensive exhaust gas after-treatment and allowing for efficient use of renewable generated hydrogen fuel. In the case of hydrocarbon fuels, the closed loop nature of the cycle affords to boost the pressure and concentration of gases in the exhaust stream at no penalty to the cycle, providing the driving force to cost effective gas membrane separation of carbon dioxide. In this work we investigated the potential benefits of the Argon Power Cycle to improve upon current stationary power generation systems regarding efficiency, air pollutants and greenhouse gas emissions. A cooperative fuel research engine was used to carry out experiments and evaluate engine performance in relation to its air breathing counterpart. A 30% efficiency improvement was achieved and results showed a reduction on engine heat losses and an overall increase on the indicated mean effective pressure, despite the lesser oxygen content present in the working fluid. Greenhouse gas emissions were reduced as expected due to a substantial increase in efficiency and nitric oxides were eliminated as it was expected. Numerical simulation were carried out to predict the performance and energy penalty of a membrane separation unit. Energy penalties as low as 2% were obtained capturing 100% of the carbon dioxide generated.
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Reports on the topic "Intergovernmental relations"

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De la Cruz, Rafael. Intergovernmental Relations and Local Competitiveness in Latin America. Inter-American Development Bank, November 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0006586.

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O'Leary, Christopher J., and Robert A. Straits. Intergovernmental Relations in Employment Policy: The United States Experience. W.E. Upjohn Institute, February 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.17848/wp00-60.

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Qiao, Baoyun, Xiaoqin Fan, Hanif Rahemtulla, Hans van Rijn, and Lina Li. Critical Issues for Fiscal Reform in the People’s Republic of China Part 2: Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations and Debt Management. Asian Development Bank, June 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/wps230191-2.

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The People’s Republic of China (PRC) has achieved remarkable progress in poverty reduction and economic growth—despite having had fiscal institutions that, initially, were not well aligned with its socioeconomic goals. Since 1980, however, a fiscal framework has gradually been developed that meets the economy’s basic requirements. Interestingly, while subnational government in the PRC now provides large public investments in physical and social infrastructure, revenues have remained largely centralized. Within this setting, this paper focuses on intergovernmental fiscal relations and on local government debt management.
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Ter-Minassian, Teresa, and Andrés Muñoz Miranda. Options for a Reform of the Mexican Intergovernmental Transfer System in Light of International Experiences. Inter-American Development Bank, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0004217.

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This paper focuses on the design of intergovernmental transfers to reduce vertical and horizontal fiscal imbalances and improve the performance of subnational governments. It provides an overview of international experiences, especially of large federations, with a view to devising viable options for reform of the transfer system in Mexico. While there is no one-size-fits-all ideal model of design and implementation of intergovernmental transfer systems, this analysis points to some lessons that can inform reforms, including the need to view intergovernmental transfers as an integral part of the overall system of intergovernmental fiscal relations; the use of different types of intergovernmental transfers that are best suited to fulfill different objectives; and the incorporation of equalization schemes to address regional disparities. In the light of these experiences, we find that the current Mexican transfer system is too fragmented, is linked to volatile oil revenues, involves substantial discretion in the allocation of a significant portion of the transfers, and lacks sufficient equalizing power. This paper presents and discusses possible reform options and demonstrates that it is altogether possible to reduce transfer dependence to promote effort and fiscal responsibility; simplify the system to increase predictability and ease its administration; eliminate discretion to increase transparency and establish stronger subnational budget constraints; and improve fiscal equalization to promote equity in subnational service delivery. Careful consideration of political economy dynamics is given in the simulations of possible reforms, with a view to minimizing short-term gains and losses as well as political opposition.
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Huntzinger, Hervé, Pierre Kopp, and Rémy Prud'homme. Stronger Municipalities for Stronger Cities in Argentina. Inter-American Development Bank, February 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008997.

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In recent years a number of studies have been devoted to the twin issues of economic development and of decentralization in Argentina. Many papers have tried to understand the complex system of intergovernmental relations. Most of them, however, have focussed on the role of provinces, and neglected the problems raised by municipalities. This paper tries to bridge this gap, and to suggest that stronger municipalities could contribute to produce stronger cities that would in turn foster economic development.
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Kelly, Luke. Characteristics of Global Health Diplomacy. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.09.

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This rapid review focuses on Global Health Diplomacy and defines it as a method of interaction between the different stakeholders of the public health sector in a bid to promote representation, cooperation, promotion of the right to health and improvement of health systems for vulnerable populations on a global scale. It is the link between health and international relations. GHD has various actors including states, intergovernmental organizations, private companies, public-private partnerships and non-governmental organizations. Foreign policies can be integrated into national health in various ways i.e., designing institutions to govern practices regarding health diplomacy (i.e., health and foreign affairs ministries), creating and promoting norms and ideas that support foreign policy integration and promoting policies that deal with specific issues affecting the different actors in the GHD arena to encourage states to integrate them into their national health strategies. GHD is classified into core diplomacy – where there are bilateral and multilateral negotiations which may lead to binding agreements, multistakeholder diplomacy – where there are multilateral and bilateral negotiations which do not lead to binding agreements and informal diplomacy – which are interactions between other actors in the public health sector i.e., NGOs and Intergovernmental Organizations. The US National Security Strategy of 2010 highlighted the matters to be considered while drafting a health strategy as: the prevalence of the disease, the potential of the state to treat the disease and the value of affected areas. The UK Government Strategy found the drivers of health strategies to be self-interest (protecting security and economic interests of the state), enhancing the UK’s reputation, and focusing on global health to help others. The report views health diplomacy as a field which requires expertise from different disciplines, especially in the field of foreign policy and public health. The lack of diplomatic expertise and health expertise have been cited as barriers to integrating health into foreign policies. States and other actors should collaborate to promote the right to health globally.
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Devlin, Robert. The Free Trade Area of the Americas and MERCOSUR-European Union Free Trade Processes: Can They Learn Something from Each Other? Inter-American Development Bank, December 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008679.

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The FTAA process itself has already generated important positive externalities for the hemisphere and the multilateral system. It has provided a regular forum in which 34 countries'; trade delegations have gotten to personally know each other better on a first name basis. This increasing personal espirit des corps not only has enhanced the FTAA process, but has also provided a new stage for resolving bilateral trade issues and undertaking new initiatives. Since the baseline for the FTAA is the WTO disciplines, FTAA meetings have been a learning laboratory for many delegations regarding the complex Uruguay Round obligations and other areas not yet contained therein (e.g., Competition Policy and mechanisms for communication with Civil Society). The Preparatory Stage also generated many comparative databases and inventories on trade-related issues among the 34, increasing intergovernmental transparency in trade relations. Moreover, thanks to the release of most of this information to the public, this transparency has been transmitted to private markets as well. Independently of whether an FTAA is actually realized in 2005, it has steady marched forward to date. The success raises the question about whether there are lessons for other ambitious transcontinental, or interregional, trade initiatives. More specifically, are there lessons for the just initiated MEU trade negotiations? Alternatively, are there possible lessons from the MEU approach for the FTAA process? The purpose of this paper is to preliminarily address these questions. There are serious limitations to doing so, however. First, the FTAA process is relatively advanced with more than 5 years of intense work behind it, yet it is still very incomplete and it remains to be seen whether the ultimate objective of a free trade area (FTA) is achieved. Meanwhile, the MEU negotiations have just begun in earnest. Hence, the evaluation of the former is based on an advanced process with incomplete outcomes, while the evaluation of the latter is based on only very initial steps of a process. The economic and political contexts of the two negotiation processes are quite different as well.
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Price, Roz. Climate Change Risks and Opportunities in Yemen. Institute of Development Studies, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.096.

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This rapid review provides insight into the effects of climate change in the Republic of Yemen (Yemen), with particular attention on key sectors of concern, including food security, water, energy and health. Many contextual and background factors are relevant when discussing climate-related impacts and potential priorities in Yemen. Limited studies and tools that provide climate data for Yemen exist, and there is a clear lack of recent and reliable climate data and statistics for past and future climates in Yemen, both at the national and more local levels (downscaled). Country-level information in this report is drawn mostly from information reported in Yemen’s UNFCCC reporting (Republic of Yemen, 2013, 2015) and other sources, which tend to be donor climate change country profiles, such as a USAID (2017) climate change risk profile for Yemen and a Climate Service Center Germany (GERICS) (2015) climate fact sheet on Yemen. Many of these are based on projections from older sources. Studies more commonly tend to look at water scarcity or food insecurity issues in relation to Yemen, with climate change mentioned as a factor (one of many) but not the main focus. Regional information is taken from the latest Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) Sixth Assessment Report (AR6) report in relation to the Arabian Peninsula (and hence Yemen). Academic sources as well as donor, research institutes and intergovernmental organisations sources are also included. It was outside the scope of this report to review literature in the Arabic language.
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Subramanian, Suneetha M., and Maiko Nishi. Nature as Culture: Conceptualizing What It Implies and Potential Ways to Capture the Paradigm in Scenario Building Exercises. United Nations University Institute for the Advanced Study of Sustainability, December 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53326/ivbp2438.

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The recent Values Assessment conducted by the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) highlights the impact of different worldviews on people's relationship with nature. This paper summarizes the findings from a literature review that examined nature-culture interconnections and how they play out in outcomes related to conservation and human well-being. It seeks to highlight the various ways in which Nature as Culture is conceptualized and further, generalized. It also aims to identify a short set of promising indicators that could be used for scenario modelling for nature futures work and identify potential areas of research to explore further in this field to ensure that the concept is more robustly embedded in plans to operationalize policy goals on sustainability, including biodiversity conservation. The paper emphasizes the need for further research in this area, calling for methods that incorporate a diverse range of resources across ecosystems, species types and national borders. It highlights ground-truthing and primary data collection as essential components in understanding intrinsic, instrumental and relational values for fostering sustainable practices.
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10

Lewis, Dustin, ed. Database of States’ Statements (August 2011–October 2016) concerning Use of Force in relation to Syria. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, May 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/ekmb4241.

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Many see armed conflict in Syria as a flashpoint for international law. The situation raises numerous unsettling questions, not least concerning normative foundations of the contemporary collective-security and human-security systems, including the following: Amid recurring reports of attacks directed against civilian populations and hospitals with seeming impunity, what loss of legitimacy might law suffer? May—and should—states forcibly intervene to prevent (more) chemical-weapons attacks? If the government of Syria is considered unwilling or unable to obviate terrorist threats from spilling over its borders into other countries, may another state forcibly intervene to protect itself (and others), even without Syria’s consent and without an express authorization of the U.N. Security Council? What began in Daraa in 2011 as protests escalated into armed conflict. Today, armed conflict in Syria implicates a multitude of people, organizations, states, and entities. Some are obvious, such as the civilian population, the government, and organized armed groups (including designated terrorist organizations, for example the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or ISIS). Other implicated actors might be less obvious. They include dozens of third states that have intervened or otherwise acted in relation to armed conflict in Syria; numerous intergovernmental bodies; diverse domestic, foreign, and international courts; and seemingly innumerable NGOs. Over time, different states have adopted wide-ranging and diverse approaches to undertaking measures (or not) concerning armed conflict in Syria, whether in relation to the government, one or more armed opposition groups, or the civilian population. Especially since mid-2014, a growing number of states have undertaken military operations directed against ISIS in Syria. For at least a year-and-a-half, Russia has bolstered military strategies of the Syrian government. At least one state (the United States) has directed an operation against a Syrian military base. And, more broadly, many states provide (other) forms of support or assistance to the government of Syria, to armed opposition groups, or to the civilian population. Against that backdrop, the Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict (HLS PILAC) set out to collect states’ statements made from August 2011 through November 2016 concerning use of force in relation to Syria. A primary aim of the database is to provide a comparatively broad set of reliable resources regarding states’ perspectives, with a focus on legal parameters. A premise underlying the database is that through careful documentation of diverse approaches, we can better understand those perspectives. The intended audience of the database is legal practitioners. The database is composed of statements made on behalf of states and/or by state officials. For the most part, the database focuses on statements regarding legal parameters concerning use of force in relation to Syria. HLS PILAC does not pass judgment on whether each statement is necessarily legally salient for purposes of international law. Nor does HLS PILAC seek to determine whether a particular statement may be understood as an expression of opinio juris or an act of state practice (though it might be).
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