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Brodie, Ian Ross. "Interest groups and Supreme Court of Canada." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq20728.pdf.
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Sampson, Aileen G. "Factors affecting the formation of interest groups." Connect to this title online, 2007. http://etd.lib.clemson.edu/documents/1181250753/.
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Hill, Timothy G. "Interest-ing candidates the electoral impact of interest group endorsements /." Columbus, OH : Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1061393728.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xv, 219 p. : ill. Includes abstract and vita. Advisor: Herbert F. Weisberg, Dept. of Political Science. Includes bibliographical references (p. 214-219).
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Cosgrove, Kenneth Mark. "The tangled web : ethnic groups, interest group theory, and congressional foreign policymaking /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1993.
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Feng, Qi. "Two essays on trade policy and interest groups /." Diss., ON-CAMPUS Access For University of Minnesota, Twin Cities Click on "Connect to Digital Dissertations", 2000. http://www.lib.umn.edu/articles/proquest.phtml.
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Kypriotis, Allen Christos. "Interest Group Subsidization of Congressional Work: A Theory of Interest Group Influence Through Legislative Committees." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1337623045.
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Noble, Elisa Lynn. "Sources of information utilized by California agricultural interest groups." Thesis, Texas A&M University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/4257.
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Existing interest group theory describes legislative decision-making as a communication process whereby interest groups research information on issues, combine this information with constituent opinions, and present the resulting information to legislators. Legislators then use this information in developing legislation. The original source of information used by lobbyists greatly impacts the interest groupâÂÂs ability to effectively represent its policy objectives in the decision-making process. The purpose of this study was to identify and evaluate sources of information utilized by selected California agricultural interest groups. This study determined common sources used among selected California agricultural interest groups, how and why groups choose their sources, the role of trust in information source selection, and what purposes interest groups have for using the information. Data from this study suggest lobbyists of California agricultural interest groups are primarily researching for lobbying purposes. Lobbyists acknowledged the importance of research in their lobbying work. Specifically, two main themes developed from the intervieweesâ responses: 1) lobbyists gather the political and technical information needed to thoroughly understand an issue before lobbying on it, and 2) lobbyists find the appropriate information to support their organizationâÂÂs policy objectives. The purpose of their research and the type of information needed drive how lobbyists research an issue and what information sources they utilize. Lobbyists rely on their previous experiences to determine which sources will provide them with the necessary information. Data from this study suggest four main factors that impact which information sources lobbyists choose to utilize: 1) what information is needed, 2) who their contacts and personal relationships are with, 3) how much they trust potential sources, and 4) other characteristics of the sources such as accessibility, quality and accuracy, brevity and readability, experience of source, current information, scientifically-based, sincere, and/or a source that provides needed pictures or graphics.
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ALBARELLO, ANGELA BRIGIDA. "FGRUPOS: A MULTI-AGENT FRAMEWORK FOR INTEREST GROUPS FORMATION." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2005. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=6684@1.
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FUNDAÇÃO PADRE LEONEL FRANCAO crescente uso da tecnologia da informação exerce nos dias atuais grande influência sobre o comportamento da sociedade. Isso é parcialmente decorrente da aplicação de novas estratégias organizacionais que fazem com que pessoas e entidades se beneficiem e evoluam em suas atividades. Uma tendência observada no presente está associada aos benefícios alcançados quando pessoas com o mesmo interesse se unem para a realização de uma tarefa comum. Esta dissertação apresenta um framework multi-agente que permite a instanciação de aplicações que fornecem como resultado um relatório de grupos de interesse formados a partir de qualquer base de dados, heurística de definição de perfil do usuário, heurística de definição de perfil do grupo, estratégia de formação de grupos, e formato de apresentação dos dados.
The current growth on the use of information technology exerts great influence on the behavior of the society. That is partially due to the application of new organization strategies which assist people and institutions on the development of their activities. A tendency which can be currently observed is associated with the benefits that occur when people with the same interest are grouped together for the accomplishment of a common task. This dissertation presents a Multi Agent framework that allows for the instantiation of applications that generate interest groups reports from any database, user profile definition heuristic, group formation strategy and data presentation format.
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Lineros, Rosa Mauricio. "Photoremovable protecting groups for carbonyl compounds of biological interest." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Politècnica de València, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10251/167764.
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[ES] El espectro de la luz solar está compuesto por una amplia gama de radiaciones electromagnéticas las cuales tienen diferentes impactos sobre la vida en la tierra. Entre ellas, las pertenecientes a la región ultravioleta toman un papel principal cuando nos referimos a la fotobiología, ya que pueden interactuar con las biomoléculas por medio de procesos tanto directos como fotosensibilizados. Como resultado, estas biomoléculas pueden sufrir modificaciones que no siempre tienen efectos beneficiosos. En este contexto, los daños fotoinducidos al ADN son de gran relevancia ya que están estrechamente relacionados con la creciente incidencia de cáncer de piel. Por ello, es necesario investigar tanto los mecanismos involucrados en dichos procesos como el desarrollo de nuevas estrategias para combatirlos. En la presente tesis se da respuesta a estas necesidades mediante el desarrollo y empleo de grupos protectores fotolábiles (PPG).
En una primera parte se avanza en el desarrollo de nuevos PPG basados en filtros solares. Estos ofrecen la ventaja de actuar, una vez liberados, como un escudo protector frente a la radiación ultravioleta. En este contexto, en el Capítulo 3 se profundiza en las propiedades fotofísicas y fotoquímicas de los sistemas formados por la avobenzona como PPG de ácidos carboxílicos, más concretamente del ketoprofeno (KP) y del naproxeno (NPX). En este estudio se analiza por medio de modelado molecular y técnicas espectroscópicas la influencia que tiene la energía relativa del triplete de la avobenzona en su forma dicetónica, 3AB(K)*, respecto a la de los compuestos protegidos en el proceso de liberación. Siguiendo en esta misma línea de trabajo, en el Capítulo 4 se ha desarrollado un nuevo PPG capaz de liberar el filtro solar oxibenzona (OB) junto con compuestos carbonílicos.
En una segunda parte, el foco de atención se ha puesto en el concepto de "Caballo de Troya", el cual establece que ciertas lesiones del ADN pueden actuar a su vez como fotosensibilizadores endógenos generando así nuevas lesiones en su entorno. En este contexto, en el Capítulo 5 se han estudiado, mediante métodos tanto experimentales como teóricos, las propiedades fotosensibilizantes de dos de los daños oxidativos del ADN, el 5-formiluracilo (ForU) y la 5-formilcitosina (ForC), poniendo especial énfasis en la capacidad de estos para poblar sus estados tripletes, así como de inducir la formación fotosensibilizada de dímeros ciclobutánicos de pirimidina (CPD). Por último, en el Capítulo 6 se ha desarrollado una nueva alternativa sintética para la incorporación del ForU en oligonucleótidos. Debido a la inestabilidad del grupo aldehído, esta síntesis se lleva a cabo generalmente mediante la incorporación de un precursor el cual es posteriormente convertido en el ForU mediante la acción de un agente oxidante. Por el contrario, en la nueva alternativa planteada el aldehído es protegido con un PPG, de manera que una vez insertado en el ODN, el aldehído es liberado de forma selectiva mediante el empleo de luz. Este trabajo supone un avance en el estudio de las propiedades fotosensibilizantes del ForU ofreciendo una nueva herramienta para la evaluación de las mismas en un entorno más cercano al del ADN.[CA] L'espectre de la llum solar està compost per una àmplia gamma de radiacions electromagnètiques les quals tenen diferents impactes sobre la vida en la terra. Entre elles, les pertanyents a la regió ultraviolada prenen un paper principal quan ens referim a la fotobiologia, ja que poden interactuar amb les biomolècules per mitjà de processos tant directes com fotosensibilitzats. Com a resultat, aquestes biomolècules poden patir modificacions que no sempre tenen efectes beneficiosos. En este context, els danys fotoinduits a l'ADN són de gran rellevància ja que estan estretament relacionats amb la creixent incidència de càncer de pell. Per això, és necessari tant d'investigar els mecanismes involucrats en els processos com el desenvolupament de noves estratègies per a combatre'ls. En la present tesi es dóna resposta a aquestes necessitats per mitjà del desenvolupament i ús de grups protectors fotolàbils (PPG). En una primera part s'avança en el desenvolupament de nous PPG basats en filtres solars. Estos ofereixen l'avantatge d'actuar, una vegada alliberats, com un escut protector enfront de la radiació ultraviolada. En este context, en el capítol 3 s'aprofundeix en les propietats fotofísiques i fotoquímiques dels sistemes formats per l'avobenzona com PPG d'àcids carboxílics, més concretament del ketoprofé (KP) i del naproxé (NPX). En este estudi s'analitza per mitjà de modelatge molecular i tècniques espectroscòpiques la influència que té en el procés d'alliberament l'energia relativa del triplet de l'avobenzona en la seua forma dicetònica, 3AB(K)*, respecte a la dels compostos protegits. En esta mateixa línia de treball, en el capítol 4 s'ha desenvolupat un nou PPG capaç d'alliberar el filtre solar oxibenzona (OB) junt amb compostos carbonílics. En una segona part, el focus d'atenció s'ha posat en el concepte de "Cavall de Troia", el qual estableix que certes lesions de l'ADN poden actuar al seu torn com fotosensibilitzadors endògens generant així noves lesions en el seu entorn. En este context, en el capítol 5 s'han estudiat, per mitjà de mètodes tant experimentals com teòrics, les propietats fotosensibilitzants de dos dels danys oxidatius de l'ADN, el 5-formiluracil (ForU) i la 5-formilcitosina (ForC), posant especial èmfasi tant en la capacitat d'estos per a poblar els seus estats triplet, com d'induir la formació fotosensibilitzada de dímers ciclobutànics de pirimidina (CPD). Finalment, en el capítol 6 s'ha desenvolupat una nova alternativa sintètica per a la incorporació del ForU en oligonucleòtids. A causa de la inestabilitat del grup aldehid, esta síntesi es duu a terme generalment per mitjà de la incorporació d'un precursor el qual és posteriorment convertit en el ForU per mitjà de l'acció d'un agent oxidant. Al contrari, en la nova alternativa plantejada l'aldehid és protegit amb un PPG, de manera que una vegada inserit en l'oligonucleòtid, l'aldehid és alliberat de forma selectiva per mitjà de l'ús de llum. Este treball suposa un avanç en l'estudi de les propietats fotosensibilitzants del ForU i ofereix una nova ferramenta per a l'avaluació de les mateixes en un entorn més pròxim al de l'ADN.
[EN] The solar spectrum is composed of a wide range of electromagnetic radiations which have different impacts on life on earth. Among them, those belonging to the ultraviolet region are of utmost importance when we refer to photobiology, since they can interact with biomolecules through both direct and photosensitized processes. As a result, these biomolecules can undergo modifications that do not always have beneficial effects. In this context, photoinduced DNA damage is of great relevance as it is closely related to the increasing incidence of skin cancer. Therefore, it is necessary both to investigate the mechanisms involved in these processes and to develop new strategies to avoid them. In this Thesis these issues have been addressed through the development and use of photolabile protecting groups (PPG). The first part of this Thesis involves the development of new PPG based on solar filters. Once released, these PPG offer the advantage of acting as ultraviolet shields. In this context, Chapter 3 looks into the photophysical and photochemical properties of those systems formed by avobenzone as PPG of carboxylic acids, more specifically ketoprofen (KP) and naproxen (NPX). In this study, the influence on the photorelease process of the relative energetic location of the avobenzone triplet manifold in its diketo form, 3AB(K)*, with respect to that of its caged compound, is duly analyzed by means of molecular modeling and spectroscopic techniques. Following this same line of work, a new PPG capable of releasing oxybenzone (OB) solar filter along with carbonyl compounds has been developed in Chapter 4. The second part of this Thesis focuses on the "Trojan Horse" concept, which establishes that certain DNA lesions can act as endogenous photosensitizers, thus generating new lesions in their neighborhood. In this context, in Chapter 5 the photosensitizing properties of two oxidatively generated DNA damages, namely 5-formyluracil (ForU) and 5-formylcytosine (ForC), have been studied by means of experimental and theoretical approaches. Here, special emphasis has been placed on unraveling their capacity to photoinduce the formation of cyclobutane pyrimidine dimers (CPD). Finally, in Chapter 6 a new synthetic alternative for the incorporation of ForU into oligodeoxynucleotides (ODN) has been developed. Due to the instability of the aldehyde group, this synthesis is generally carried out by incorporating a precursor which is subsequently converted into ForU by the action of an oxidative agent. On the contrary, in the new approach, the aldehyde is protected with a PPG, so that once inserted into the ODN, the aldehyde is selectively released through the use of light. This work entails a step forward in the study of the photosensitizing properties of ForU, offering a new tool for their evaluation within the DNA environment.
Lineros Rosa, M. (2021). Photoremovable protecting groups for carbonyl compounds of biological interest [Tesis doctoral]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/167764
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Senkus, Dovydas. "Ar lobizmo įteisinimas yra suderinamas su konstitucijoje įtvirtintu principu, jog įstatymų leidėjai turi vadovautis valstybės interesais?" Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2014~D_20140614_152844-09872.
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Nors lobizmas Lietuvoje buvo įtvirtintas 2001 metais, priėmus Lietuvos Respublikos Lobistinės veiklos įstatymą, iki šiol lietuvių teisinėje literatūroje nebuvo skiriama daug dėmesio lobizmo kaip instituto suderinamumui su Konstitucijos 59 straipsnio 4 dalyje įtvirtintu principu, jog Seimo nariai savo darbe turi vadovautis valstybės interesu. Lobizmas dažniausiai yra nagrinėjamas politikos mokslų kontekste kaip grupių interesų perdavimo priemonė. Teisinėje literatūroje yra straipsnių analizuojančių Lobistinės veiklos įstatymą, jo veikimą ar neveikimą bei kitus lobizmo įtvirtinimo aspektus. Visgi lobizmo ir konstitucinio principo, jog Seimo nariai savo darbe turi vadovautis valstybės interesu suderinamumo problema kyla tada, kai interesų grupės, pasitelkdamos lobistus, siekia savo siaurų interesų, kurie prieštarauja valstybės interesui, patenkinimo. Taigi priėmus lobizmą įteisinančius įstatymus (leidus privačioms interesų grupėms tiesiogiai daryti įtaką leidžiamajai valdžiai) kyla reali grėsmė, kad bus pažeistas Konstitucijoje įtvirtintas principas, jog įstatymų leidėjai turi vadovautis valstybės, o ne privačiais interesais. Šis baigiamasis darbas ir yra skiriamas ištirti šių dviejų institutų suderinamumą, jų reglamentavimą ir interpretavimą, nurodyti ryškiausius probleminius aspektus ir pateikti samprotavimus, kurie galėtų būti pagalbine medžiaga kitiems, susidomėjusiems šios problemos sprendimu.
Tyrimo objektas – Lobistinė veikla, kuria pagal galiojančius teisės aktus... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]While lobbying in Lithuania was legitimised in 2001, after passing the Law on Lobbying Activities, up until this day legal scholars in Lithuania have not made any researches about compatibility of lobbying with the constitutional principle that legislators must act according to the state interests. Lobbying is usually examined in the context of political science as a vehicle for transmission of group interests. In legal literature some scholars analyse functionality of the Law on Lobbying Activities, but other problems of lobbying are not being analysed. This problem of compatibility lobbying and constitutional principle that legislators must act according to the state interests arise when interest groups, through lobbyists, try to satisfy their own selfish needs which are against state interests. So because the Law on Lobbying Activities was passed (private groups were allowed to influence government representatives) there is a real danger that constitutional principle which obliges legislators to act according to the state interests, not according to the private interest will be breached. This thesis is intended to investigate the compatibility of these two institutes, their regulation and to show some of the most problematic aspects which arises while trying to compare these two institutes. The object of this thesis is lobbying activities, which are in accordance with existing legislation and intended to affect the legislative decisions, and its compatibility with the... [to full text]
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Erdogan, Celil. "Ethnic Interest Groups And American Foreign Policy: Sources Of Influence." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12611525/index.pdf.
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Ethnic interest groups have historically played a role in the making of American foreign policy but their influence has increased especially following the end of the Cold War. This influence has important repercussions on American foreign policy towards the home countries of the powerful ethnic groups and the regions that these countries are located in.
Within this context, this thesis examines the sources or the reasons of the influence of ethnic interest groups on American foreign policy, which has also affected Turkish-American relations significantly. It first focuses on the structural factors that make ethnic influence possible such as the characteristics of the American political system and the important role that Congress plays in the formulation of foreign policy. It then discusses the organizational factors such as organizational strength and using of successful persuasion and dissuasion methods that make it possible to influence American foreign policy. It ends with a normative discussion on the desirability of ethnic influence on American foreign policy.
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Sloof, Randolph. "Game-theoretic models of the political influence of interest groups /." Boston [u.a.] : Kluwer Academic, 1998. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/245964746.pdf.
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Simonelli, Adrianna. "The Six Protected Classes, Congress and Interest Groups| A Study." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1587827.
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The purpose of this thesis is to examine why an effort by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) to update Medicare Part D prescription drug formularies failed so spectacularly. Additionally, it will examine the strong Congressional response and the role interest groups played in the defeat of this proposal. The unexpectedness of the rule is what garnered the response from Congress while the atomistic nature of modern interest groups allowed for coalition building and targeted lobbying efforts that further perpetuated the Congressional response. In conclusion, if any regulatory agency wants to undertake a controversial rulemaking they need to solicit appropriate feedback from relevant parties before doing so to prevent Congressional outrage. Even though interest groups have a more fractured message on most issues today due to their general atomization, they proved that they could still successfully coalesce around important policies to achieve a desired outcome.
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Porter, Martin Howard Andrew. "Interest groups, advocacy coalitions and the EC enviromental policy process." Thesis, University of Bath, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.319714.
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Gross, Debra Sue. "Interest groups in the policy-making process : an organizational perspective /." The Ohio State University, 1986. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487322984314125.
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Sneddon, Nicola M. "Interest groups and policy-making the welfare state, 1942-1964 /." Thesis, Connect to e-thesis, 1999. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/922/.
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Anderson, Barrett L. "Interest Groups and Supreme Court Commerce Clause Regulation, 1920-1937." DigitalCommons@USU, 2018. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/7329.
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Did interest groups influence the Supreme Court’s interpretation of federal economic regulatory authority under the Commerce Clause leading up to the Supreme Court’s 1937 reversal? Recent scholarship has begun a renewed study of this tumultuous era seeking alternative explanations for the Court’s behavior beyond the conventional explanations concerning Roosevelt’s court packing plan. I build on this literature by extending the discussion to the influence that interest groups may have had on the Court. I propose that interest groups served as a supporting and influential audience for the Supreme Court as the justices’ institutional legitimacy became threatened by both the political pressure and legal changes that the Court faced during this era.
To test these theoretical assumptions, I compiled a dataset of Supreme Court cases using the U.S. Supreme Court Library Official Reports Database ranging from the beginning of the 1920 Supreme Court term through the end of the 1937 term. Cases were included if 1) the case had one or more filed amicus briefs; and 2) the questions and arguments in the case were based on the Commerce Clause or legislation that relies wholly or in part on the Commerce Clause. Applying a basic logit model, I find support for the assumption that amicus briefs influenced the Court by providing the justices with a supporting audience. To further test the influence of amicus briefs, I compare the arguments and information provided exclusively by amicus briefs in this group of cases to the Supreme Court majority’s opinions to test for similar content. Amicus briefs are considered influential if the Court included information exclusively from an amicus in their majority opinion. I find that in the largest number of cases, amici influenced the Court majority’s opinions in favor of their preferred litigant when they provide unique arguments and information. Consequently, I find moderate support for the influence of interest groups on the Court both externally by providing a supporting audience and internally by providing the Court with supporting information.
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Sellars, Christian. "The organisation and behaviour of interest groups: a theoretical review and application to South Africa." South African Network for Economic Research, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/75949.
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In recent years. South Africa’s business and union leaders have often been called on to replicate the country’s substantial political achievements, in the economic sphere. Two important documents released in mid 1996 discuss the establishment of structures to facilitate dialogue between government, labour and business. The purpose of this would be to try to find ways of generating the growth and employment sorely needed in the country if democracy is to lead to any improvement in the living conditions of the majority. The government’s macroeconomic strategy paper - ‘Growth, Employment and Redistribution,’ commonly referred to as GEAR, was released first, followed by the report of the Labour Market Commission (LMC) convened by the President to investigate labour policy. The GEAR document proposes ‘a broad national agreement to create an environment for rapid growth, brisk investment and accelerated delivery of public services’ (1996: 26). The agreement would be needed to prevent the recent depreciation of the Rand from triggering a vicious cycle of wage and price increases which would destabilise financial markets and undermine the competitiveness of local industry. This could be achieved, GEAR argues, if labour and business were willing to consider the restraint of wages and prices. The idea of a national agreement is further elaborated in the LMC report, which proposes a ‘National Accord’ (1996). This proposal follows from the LMC’s belief that the negotiation of economic issues through institutional structures, as opposed to direct regulation by government statute, is both socially desirable and economically efficient (ibid, 219). Price restraint, wage restraint and investment decisions, together with tangible commitments from government on training, social welfare provision and industrial promotion would be the main issues covered by the accord. South Africa’s economic policy framework has been subject to heated debate since the release of GEAR. The union movement has expressed serious reservations about the market orientation of the government’s macroeconomic strategy. Given this position, together with the complex and fragmented structure of interest organisation in South Africa, the prospects for an accord or national agreement are not promising. Yet, the government has expressed the desire to set one up. This paper provides a review of political theory on interest groups. The purpose of this is to draw concepts and ideas from contributions in this area to see if they can shed any light on the nature of interest group interaction in South Africa, particularly with respect to the possibility of establishing a social accord. The review draws from two bodies of thought. The first is the theory of corporatism and the second that of public choice (often referred to as rational choice). Corporatist theory has enjoyed a fair degree of popularity amongst South African social scientists. However, the debate between them has not progressed very far, mainly due to confusion over terminology. Further, as argued Section 1, some local contributions have misread the international literature, ignoring aspects which might be of relevance to South Africa. These omissions are re-examined, but the section concludes that there are limitations in the extent to which corporatist theory is able to explain the dynamics of interest group formation and behaviour. Section 2 tries to find alternative explanations in the theory of public choice. The methodological integrity and general value of public choice theory has been strongly questioned (Green & Shapiro, 1994). While the paper provides a synopsis of public choice literature and a review of its critics, the focus is on the analysis of collective action. Despite the shortcomings which it shares with general public choice, this analysis provides useful theoretical pointers which can assist in developing an understanding of interest group dynamics which goes beyond corporatist theory. In the third section, the paper comes back to South Africa and looks at the recent history of interest organisation to establish whether any of the theoretical tools picked up in previous sections are helpful in understanding the local experience. After a general background, the section goes into the discussion of three particular issues, being: community participation in policy formation, trade policy and the labour market. Section 4 acknowledges that there is potential to build the capacity of interest organisations in South Africa and to restructure their interaction in socially beneficial ways. However, a number of issues are identified which mitigate against the conclusion of an effective social accord. These include the weaknesses evident in interest group organisation, the alliance between the African National Congress and the union federation Cosatu,1 and the absence of competition in South Africa at party political level. It is concluded that electoral reform might be a better means of democratising the country’s political environment than attempts at managing interest groups.Working paper (South African Network for Economic Research) ; v. 1
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De, Cremer David. "Beyond self-interest in social dilemmas : a relational model of co-operation." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.299416.
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Scott, Hannah Marie Stith. "Interest Groups and Contemporary Agricultural Policy: An Examination of Niche Theory." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1439935627.
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Patel, Asmita. "Ethnicity and other factors as determinants of interest in parenting groups." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2006. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.674641.
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Singh, Alaka. "The Political Economy in India: Interest Groups and Development (1947-1990)." W&M ScholarWorks, 1992. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625751.
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Ho, Po-ying Amy. "Interest groups and the policy process a study of environmental protection policies in Hong Kong /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1988. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B31975380.
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Li, Kin-yin Mark. "Interest groups and the debate on the establishment of a central provident fund in Hong Kong." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1988. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B31975501.
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Blanke, Svenja. "Civic foreign policy U.S. religious interest groups and Central America, 1973-1990 /." [S.l. : s.n.], 2001. http://www.diss.fu-berlin.de/2003/122/index.html.
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Londoño, María del Pilar. "Institutional arrangements that affect free trade agreements : economic rationality versus interest groups /." Rotterdam : Rotterdam : Erasmus Research Institute of Management (ERIM), Erasmus University Rotterdam ; Erasmus University Rotterdam [Host], 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1765/7578.
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Mizui, Mariko. "The interest groups of the tin industry in England c. 1580-1640." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297615.
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Wang-Kaeding, Heidi. "Strategic concepts and interest groups in China's environmental foreign relations (1984-2015)." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3511/.
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This thesis introduces an overlooked perspective on Chinese foreign policy, that of interest groups. I use environmental foreign relations as a vantage point to examine how domestic interest groups exert influence on China’s environmental foreign relations. The proposed theoretical framework, constructivist utilitarianism, provides a bridge between the constructivist school and rationalistic institutionalism in the IR debate to explain the discursive turn of the Chinese government in global environmental governance. The discursive turn refers to the changing attitudes towards environmental governance based on learning, shared experiences, and offering an alternative norm to replace liberal environmentalism. The interest groups under scrutiny are line ministries, state-owned enterprises, environmental non-governmental organisations, local governors, and intellectuals. They each represent a distinct interest, and demonstrate different pathways for influencing foreign relations. The focus on domestic players supplements the traditional focus on international systemic factors to explain the behaviour of China on the global stage and in bilateral relations. The empirical chapters are organised according to three dimensions: international environmental treaty implementation, sharing the Chinese experience, and offering an alternative environmental norm. Each chapter focuses on one factor, in the following order: environmental diplomacy, the Chinese experience, and ecological civilisation. These three dimensions reflect the trend of the discursive turn, which is closely linked to China’s desire to establish a good national image. My findings show that interest groups in China utilise the strategic concepts of environmental diplomacy and the Chinese experience to maximise their interests. The emergence of the discourse of ecological civilisation creates space for different groups to jump onto the bandwagon by interpreting the concept in favour of their interests. In this process, identity politics becomes a mechanism by which to aggregate and rank domestic preferences in such a way that economic interests outweigh environmental ones at the state level. This thesis calls for more future research to examine other foreign relations issues through the lens of interest groups, to better comprehend the complex dynamics of China’s role in the world.
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Catterall, Emma Ruth. "Interest groups, influence, and the European Commission : identifying reliable providers of information." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.695269.
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The question of influence in interest group research has fascinated and frustrated researchers in equal measure. Access has often been used as a precondition of influence, whereby the more access an interest group has to the policy-making process, the more opportunities for influence it will have. Consequently, this operationalisation has focused on the frequency or amount of access that interest groups attain; yet, this neglects the quality of those interactions as well as the quality of information that interest groups provide. Information is key in translating access into influence and the theoretical literature emphasises the importance for interest groups to establish reputations as reliable providers of policy-relevant information. However, this concept has rarely been investigated in empirical research. The aim of this thesis was to investigate reliable providers of information (RPls) to the Commission during EU policy formulation and assess whether RPI status could provide an improved predictor of influence than measures based on frequency alone, A large-N survey of interest groups active in EU policy-making was undertaken to test the predictor power of RPI status compared with contact frequency and information provision. Additionally, the resources and characteristics that underpin an interest groups' ability to achieve RPI Status were investigated. The findings demonstrate that RPI status predicts interest group influence to a greater degree than contact frequency and information provision. Moreover, this thesis identifies two distinct categories of interest groups with RPI status. One of these groups consists of reliable rather than frequent and reliable providers of information. Research that focuses on frequency alone will overlook this significant group. Moreover, by focusing on the quality of interest groups' interactions with policy-makers and the quality of information they provide, this research has contributed towards closing the gap between the theoretical and empirical literature on interest group influence.
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Becker, Kane Jenna. "Lobbying Justice: Exploring the Influence of Interest Groups in State High Courts." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2015. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/310221.
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Political SciencePh.D.
Despite well documented evidence that both the level and diversity of amicus participation in state high courts have been growing, we know little about whether or under what conditions amicus briefs have an impact on court outcomes. This dissertation investigates how interest groups attempt to influence state supreme courts through their participation as amicus curiae. Using an original dataset assembled from content analysis of more than 2300 state supreme court decisions handed down between 1995 and 2010 and spanning three distinct areas of law - products liability, environmental law, and free speech/expression - I find that amicus briefs submitted by interest groups have the most influence over judicial outcomes in areas of law where interest groups routinely make large-scale donations to judicial campaigns. These results raise serious concerns about the influence of big money in judicial elections. The second part of this dissertation tests two competing theories of amicus influence to determine how state high court judges utilize amicus brief information in judicial decision making. The informational theory assumes the influence of amicus brief information to be evenly distributed across judges. However, theories of confirmation bias and motivated reasoning suggest that the information in amicus briefs may be received and evaluated differently depending upon the ideological predispositions of individual judges. Using multi-level modeling, I analyze the votes of more than 12,000 individual state high court judges to determine whether judge ideology conditions the influence of amicus briefs such that judges are more receptive to pro-attitudinal information contained in briefs from interest groups that share their predispositions. Results suggest that method of judicial retention and area of case law structures the mechanism of amicus brief influence. Amicus briefs appear to play an informational role in complex areas of case law but the presence of competitive judicial elections appear to alter the mechanism of amicus brief influence such that judicial responsiveness to amicus briefs is more closely tied to the reelection and campaign fundraising considerations of individual judges. The final portion of this dissertation investigates the case-level and court-level factors that attract interest group participation as amicus curiae in state high courts in order to better our understanding of interest group strategies when engaging state judiciaries. This paper tests the hypothesis that groups strategically target cases that will best serve the policy and institutional interests of the group, while focusing group resources on cases and courts where they are most likely to be successful. Results indicate that both liberal and conservative groups target state high courts that are elected through competitive and retention election processes rather than those that are appointed, suggesting that interest groups believe their influence will be greater with judges who are accountable to the public. Results also show that both liberal and conservative groups target courts from states that are ideologically sympathetic, but not necessarily from courts that are ideologically similar.
Temple University--Theses
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Louie, Johnson Yu Kwong. "Interest Groups, Executive-Legislative Relations and the U.S. Politics of NATO Enlargement." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/9920.
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The activism of ethnic interest groups reflects the development of a pluralist American foreign-policy process in the post-Cold War era. Since U.S. political power is divided and shared between the Presidency and Congress, there are two separate and interdependent decision-making arenas for interest groups to seek political access. A topic left relatively under examined is the impact of partisanship in executive-legislative relations on the strategies groups use to influence foreign-policy decisions. This thesis contributes to the study of the domestic politics of foreign policymaking by examining the role of ethnic interest groups in the Clinton administration’s decision to enlarge the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Party control of American political institutions, public opinion, and mass electoral pressure are posited as variables to guide the theory development of group strategies in foreign-policy lobbying.
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Hausegger, Lori Joanne. "The impact of interest groups on judicial decision making : a comparison of women's groups in the U.S. and Canada /." The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488191124571516.
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Duvanova, Dinissa S. "Interest groups in post-communist countries a comparative analysis of business and employer associations /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1183919779.
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CATOLA, MARCO. "Essays in Political Economy: strategic interactions among firms, interest groups and policy makers." Doctoral thesis, Università di Siena, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11365/1072601.
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This thesis is the collection of three stand-alone theoretical contributions in which Game Theory is applied to analyse different issues connected to the interaction between the economic, political and institutional domains, which I believe are particularly relevant in the present context and have not been sufficiently addressed in the economic literature
The first essay discusses the effects on the quality of the decision generated by the introduction of a watchdog advisor, who provides policy recommendations to an incumbent, where these recommendations are costly to be ignored. Through a simple model, it is shown that, if both incumbent and advisor are sensitive to the pressure from an Interest Group, the positive impact of the latter is very small, even though not null. Moreover, by characterising the conditions that allow this effect, it is shown that if the bureaucrat's recommendation is too binding, the decision power moves from the incumbent to the bureaucrat, producing a reduction in accountability without any improvement in the quality of the decision taken.
The second essay is part of the growing literature on partial decentralisation, and in particular of the strand pointing out that one of its possible side effects is a reduction in accountability because voters are imperfectly informed about each government contribution. The specific contribution of this essay is to take into account the possibility for politicians to directly manipulate this asymmetry in information. The paper presents a simple model in which two levels of government are involved in the provision of a local public good with the local government that can decide to spend its budget either on the provision of the public good or in spending that influences the information of the voters in its favour. A central result is that the conflict of interest that arises among the levels of government reduces the spending in the public good at both levels, while it generates a wasteful spending to pander to voters.
The third essay discusses the incentive for firms to externalise the environmental damage caused by the production process depending on the number of firms active into the market, provided that firms can form a lobby to influence the environmental regulation. The analysis is conducted through a model of Cournot competition where, at the beginning of the game, firms have to decide whether to internalise the cost generated by their polluting production process or not. Firms that decide not to internalise this cost are subject to a linear taxation over production whose level is the result of a political game between the lobby of the firms that have decided not to internalise and a government characterised by different policy objectives that include the reduction of the externality level. The first result is that no matter of the specific policy objective, the share of firms that decide to internalise the cost is increasing in the number of firms present into the market. The second result is that, in general, the share of internalising firms is the highest if the government is interested only in minimising pollution. Finally, if the government is interested in consumers' Surplus, then either no firm chooses to internalise, if the number of firms is small enough, or all firms choose to internalise.
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Gross, Vlad. "Official business : accounting for interest group influence in EU Commission policy-making." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015IEPP0027.
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Cette thèse présente une contribution théorique et empirique à la recherche sur la représentation politique des groupes d’intérêt. Plus précisément, son objectif est de développer une analyse de la question la plus importante dans ce domaine, notamment celle de l’influence de groupes d’intérêt sur les politiques de la Commission Européenne. La nature multiforme de l’influence a été présentée dans le premier chapitre, avec un appui sur le rôle des fonctionnaires publics, le contexte politique et les caractéristiques des groupes d’intérêt. Le succès du lobbying a été comparé à travers de différents DGs de la Commission mais aussi à travers des différents contextes politiques avec des différents degrés de saillance et conflit. Les résultats de recherche confirment le rôle primordial des fonctionnaires publics dans les changements des politiques publiques au niveau de la Commission Européenne. Les recherches sur l’influence des groupes d’intérêt doivent prendre en compte le chevauchement de préférences exprimées par les décideurs politiques et les groupes d’intérêt pour mieux comprendre le succès de leur lobbying. En plus, les groups de business ont plus d’influence politique auprès des fonctionnaires qui travaillent dans les directions qui s’appuient sur les politiques économiques. Les résultats soulignent aussi l’importance des variables institutionnelles qui définissent le contexte dans lequel l’influence est exercée. Autrement dit, si certains groupes d’intérêt sont influents dépend du cadre institutionnel, et plus généralement du contexte politique dans lequel l’influence est utiliséThis study is an account of interest group representation and lobbying success in the European Union. The questions I address are when and why interest groups succeed (or fail) to obtain their preferred policy outcome in the European Commission decision-making process. Lobbying success cannot be exclusively perceived as a function of the political resource exchanges between interest group coalitions and EU institutions. Instead, I argue that policy influence is a complex process that is under the control of policymakers. While multiple actors can effectively influence policy, public officials have a central-veto player-role in the process. They can also accommodate or reject interest group demands for other reasons than information exchange, such as their own ideological preferences, institutional embeddedness or the policy context. I argue that lobbying success can be better explained by a convergence between policymaker preferences, interest group preferences, and the policy context in which their preferences emerge. Thus, I focus on the role of policymakers as the predominant actors with formal agency capacities to change policy. Interest group scholars rely on methodological diversity, combining process tracing and survey designs, to establish the policy preferences of relevant political actors. By using such an approach, the results presented here paint a more refined picture of lobbying success, which depends much more on policymaker preferences than previous studies have considered. This conclusion should encourage scholars in the field to pay more attention to strong and weak ties within policy elite networks in an effort to better understand lobbying success
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Fleming, Anthony. "Institutions, interest groups, and gun control policy a comparative study of focusing events /." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10450/10914.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 2010.Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains iii, 195 p. : ill. (some col.). Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 186-195).
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Lee, Shuk-ping. "Social stability and public policy the role of special interest groups in Macao /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2006. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B3642433X.
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Rasmussen, Maja Kluger. "The influence of interest groups in the European Parliament : does policy shape politics?" Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/698/.
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For a long time, the European Parliament (EP) was viewed as a lobbying sideshow mainly to be targeted if interest groups were unsuccessful at getting their demands included in the European Commission’s proposal. Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) have a reputation for being particularly open to diffuse interests who, due to their limited resources, use ‘friendly’ MEPs to put pressure on the European Commission and the Council. The notion of the EP representing diffuse interests conflicts with the broader political science literature on interest groups, which dwells on business bias. There are, however, good reasons to doubt the EP’s reputation as a defender of diffuse interests. Much of our current knowledge about the EP’s interest group politics stems from a time when the EP’s legislative powers were more limited. Within the last twenty years, the EP has evolved from a ‘multilingual talking shop’ to a genuine co-legislator with the Council. The increased powers of the EP raise the question of whether EP interest group politics has normalised, whereby the assumptions of the interest group literature would seem to reflect the reality of the EP. A common assumption in the interest group literature is that diffuse interests carry limited weight in decision-making because their resources and interests remain subordinate to that of business. However, business influence differs across policy fields depending on how the costs and benefits related to policies are distributed. The aim of my thesis is to investigate how the distribution of costs and benefits of legislative proposals influence interest groups’ likelihood of winning particular conflicts in the EP. This is done by examining four legislative dossiers in the areas of employment, consumer, and environmental policies. The thesis draws on the process-tracing of EU documents, and 144 interviews with MEPs, EP officials, and interest groups.
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Lee, Shuk-ping, and 李淑冰. "Social stability and public policy: the role of special interest groups in Macao." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2006. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B3642433X.
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Law, Penelope Jane. "The long-run development of environmental interest groups in Britain : two case studies." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.392434.
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Mendez-Grant, Monica S. "A study of freshman interest groups and leadership practices at Texas Woman's University." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2001. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2837/.
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This study investigated the level of leadership practices and retention rates of freshman students at Texas Woman's University. The data for the study were collected using the Leadership Practices Inventory, Student Version. The sample for the study consisted of 151 freshman students. The students were each placed in one of three control groups. Group A students (the treatment group) were in the Neighbors Educated Together Program (NET). Group B students (control group) were in one of two university-sponsored programs (COLORS or University 1000), and Group C students (control group) were the residual group of first-time college freshmen. These three groups were surveyed prior to their participation in the NET program or a university-sponsored program and again at the end of 14 weeks. In addition, retention rates were examined on the 12 class day of the spring semester. The study found statistically significant differences (p <. 05) on the pretests and posttests between Group C, residual students, and the other two groups on the Enabling the Followers to Act subscale, the Inspiring a Shared Vision subscale, and Encouraging the Heart subscale. Group A, NET students, and Group B, COLORS/University 1000 students, showed no statistically significant differences between groups. The difference from the residual group could indicate that students who self-select into programs such as NET, COLORS, and University 1000 are more likely to engage in practices measured by the subscale prior to enrollment in the respective programs. No statistically significant differences were found on the Challenging the Process or Modeling the Way subscales. The lack of significance shows that there are no differences in practices for any of these groups prior to enrollment at the university or as a result of participation in a university-sponsored program such as NET, COLORS, or University 1000. A chi-square test was performed following the 12 class day for the Spring 2001 th semester. Approximately 89% of the students in Group C Residual, 97% of Group B COLORS/University 1000, and 91% of Group A NET were retained. The chi- square frequency test revealed no statistically significant differences in level of retention between groups.
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Egdell, Janet M. "Interest groups and information in the development of agri-environment policy in Scotland." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1999. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk/R?func=search-advanced-go&find_code1=WSN&request1=AAIU484063.
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This thesis explores the processes by which agri-environmental policy has developed in Scotland, using the 1996 Countryside Premium Scheme consultation as a case study. The role of interest groups within the policy process and the impacts those groups have on policy outcomes through the provision of information to policy-makers are investigated. In the process of developing a new policy, policy-makers require new information. In designing agri-environmental schemes, the Scottish Office requires information on the likely environmental, farm management and farm income impacts of proposed schemes and prescriptions. Such information is increasingly sought through public consultations, which can be considered in terms of the policy-makers demanding information which is then supplied by interested parties. This policy 'market' is amenable to analysis using economic tools more generally used in conventional markets for priced goods and services, such as the Structure-Conduct-Performance framework and the analysis of transaction costs. The public consultations undertaken prior to the introduction of the Countryside Premium Scheme in 1997 was investigated as such a policy 'market'. This revealed the structure of the agri-environmental policy network within Scotland. Three-quarters of the 71 respondents to the consultation were interviewed to establish their conduct within the policy process, and the costs involved in their providing information to the Scottish Office. The impact of the information provided on the policy outcome was explored using a combination of the perceptions of the policy actors surveyed and, more objectively, a comparison of the suggestions made in the written consultation responses with the changes made prior to implementation of the Scheme. The transaction costs paid by interest groups involved in this consultation were the equivalent of around £50,000. In return for this investment, both agricultural and environmental interest groups were found to have had some limited impact on the policy outcomes, through the provision of different types of information.
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Fitch-Roy, Oscar William Frederick. "Negotiating the EU's 2030 climate and energy framework : agendas, ideas and European interest groups." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/27058.
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In 2014, European heads of state selected new targets for the EU as part of the 2030 climate and energy framework. The targets will guide the ambition and nature of EU policy in this area until 2030 and are likely to have important implications for Europe’s transition to a low-carbon economy. The decision taken by the European Council was preceded by several years of vigorous interaction between interest groups, the European Commission and the member states. The outcome of this interaction set the agenda for EU climate and energy policy but the role of interest groups in climate and energy policy, especially relative to important economic ideas, is relatively under researched. By augmenting and applying the multiple streams approach developed by John Kingdon in the 1980s and using process-tracing techniques, this thesis contributes a detailed case study of this important instance of European interest representation. It is found that the complex and dynamic political context for the interaction made planning and executing advocacy campaigns challenging for all actors. The debate about the 2030 framework is shown to hinge on the idea of technology-neutrality and its status on the policymaking agenda. A number of policy coalitions are observed with a wide range of characteristics, some novel. Several attempts at ‘policy entrepreneurship’ by interest groups are recorded but most were disrupted by the confused and fast-changing political situation. It is shown that a combination of spill-over between policy windows, framing and coalition building activity served to push the idea of technology neutrality up the agenda. The multiple streams approach is shown to be broadly applicable to the research context and aims but greater agency over policy windows than originally assumed must be granted to actors and the possibility for successful policy entrepreneurship to yield unintended policy outcomes allowed for.
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Öberg, PerOla. "Särintresse och allmänintresse korparatismens ansikten = [Particular and public interest : the faces of corporatism] /." Uppsala : [Uppsala University], 1994. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/33135586.html.
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Li, Kin-yin Mark, and 李建賢. "Interest groups and the debate on the establishment of a central provident fund in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1988. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31975501.
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Santiago, López Facundo A. "The europeanization of regional interest groups Catalonia, Tuscany and Wales in a comparative perspective." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/285197.
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El principal objetivo de esta tesis es analizar el proceso de Europeización de los grupos de interés regionales (GIRs), explorando de qué manera, en qué medida y debido a que razones los GIRs han transformado sus valores, su organización y sus estrategias, adaptándolas a la lógica y formas de la Unión Europea (UE). Un GIR europeizado tiene valores y objetivos que son promovidos por la UE y los comparte con organizaciones similares alrededor del continente. Tiene una organización que le da preeminencia a los asuntos relativos a la UE, y es capaz de buscar, recibir y administrar fondos de la UE con eficacia. Finalmente, posee estrategias que superan las fronteras nacionales y regionales, lo que no solo significa trabajar en organizaciones pan-Europeas sino también acercarse a instituciones y actores mas allá de las arenas regionales y nacionales para intentar influenciar el desarrollo de las políticas de la UE.
El estudio de la Europeización de los GIRs presenta un interés teórico y empírico para la ciencia política, dado que se encuentra en la intersección entre los estudios sobre Europeización, grupos de interés y regiones, donde la investigación es aún incipiente (Roller & Sloat, 2002; Constantelos, 2004; McCauley, 2010). Al parecer la Europeización de los GIRs varía dependiendo de la región que se observe, lo que lleva a nuestro interés en explicar de qué manera ocurren estas variaciones, y cuál puede ser su motive. Con este objetivo, planeamos primero medir el grado de Europeización, de los GIRs, lo que nos permitirá comparar e identificar variaciones entre ellos. En segundo lugar intentaremos explicar esas variaciones, haciendo uso de la variable de autoridad regional creada por Marks et al (2008), y teniendo en cuenta los factores intervinientes (Risse et al, 2001; Borzel & Risse, 2003) que pudiesen mediar en esta Europeización.
Para analizar la Europeización de los GIRs, esta tesis propone un estudio comparativo de los GIRs en tres regiones diferentes de Europa. Cataluña, Toscana y Gales fueron elegidas por sus similitudes (Keating, 2009; Keating & Wilson, 2009; 2010) y su diferencia en la variable independiente de la autoridad regional (Hooghe et al, 2008). Para evitar la interferencia de las características de la política analizada, esta investigación se enfoca solo en la política ambiental, en la cual la UE tiene una capacidad regulativa considerable, y que es implementada no solo a nivel nacional sino principalmente a nivel regional. España, Italia y el Reino Unido están involucrados en procesos de descentralización desde hace cuatro décadas, así como en recientes reformas estatutarias (Keating, 2009). Este estudio espera encontrar diferencias en la Europeización de los GIRs de estas tres regiones. En este sentido, Cataluña, Toscana y Gales presentan una oportunidad invaluable para la comparación.The main objective of this thesis is to analyse the process of Europeanization of regional interest groups (RIGs), exploring in which way, to which measure and due to which reasons RIGs have transformed their values, organization and strategies, adapting them to the logic and ways of the European Union (EU). A europeanized RIG has values and objectives that are championed by the EU and shares them with similar organizations around the continent. It has an organization that gives EU issues a prominent position, and is capable of searching for, receiving and administering EU funds with efficiency. Finally, it has strategies broader than the regional and national frontiers, which not only means working on pan-European organization, but also approaching actors and institutions beyond the regional and national arenas to try and influence EU policy-making. The study of the Europeanization of RIGs presents an empirical and theoretical interest for political science, as it stands in the intersection of the studies of Europeanization, interest groups and regions, where research is still incipient (Roller & Sloat, 2002; Constantelos, 2004; McCauley, 2010). It would appear that the Europeanization of RIGs varies depending on the region we observe, which leads to our interest in explaining in which way these variations occur, and which could be its driving force. For this purpose, we first plan to measure the degree of Europeanization of RIGs, which will allow us to compare and identify variations amongst them. Secondly, we will try to explain those variations, making use of the variable of regional authority created by Marks et al (2008), and taking account of the mediating factors (Risse et al, 2001; Borzel & Risse, 2003) that could intervene in this Europeanization. To analyse the Europeanization of RIGs, this thesis proposes a comparative study of the RIGs in three different regions of Europe. Catalonia, Tuscany and Wales were chosen for their similarities in many of their characteristics (Keating, 2009; Keating & Wilson, 2009; 2010) but their difference in relation to the independent variable of regional authority (Hooghe et al, 2008). In order to avoid an interference of the features of the policy analysed, this research was designed to focus on only one policy. We have selected the environmental policy, in which the EU has a considerable regulative capacity, and which is implemented not only on the national level but mainly on the regional level. Spain, Italy and the United Kingdom have been involved for the last four decades in processes of devolution and decentralization, as well as recent statute reforms (Keating, 2009).The study expects to find differences in the Europeanization of RIGs from these three regions. The fact that they are similar in most other aspects helps minimize the possibility of other explanations. In this sense, Catalonia, Tuscany and Wales present an invaluable possibility for comparison.
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Campbell, Kristin Lynn. "Struggling to set the campaign agenda: candidates, the media, and interest groups in elections." Texas A&M University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/1547.
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Democracy is best described as a struggle over competing ideals and values. One of the most important places where this struggle takes place is in the electoral arena. My dissertation examines the struggle between candidates and their respective messages in this arena. Focusing on fourteen Senate races from 1998 and 2000, I examine, in depth, how the struggle over competing ideals takes place (or in some cases, does not take place) and whether some candidates are more successful than others at navigating their message through the political environment to voters. This study examines the impact of candidate skills and resources as well as state characteristics on the strategies candidates employ when emphasizing campaign issues. In addition, my dissertation focuses on the impact interest group advertising has on the candidates campaign dialogue and analyzes media coverage in Senate races by comparing each candidates core message to the campaign information transmitted by the media to voters.
The analysis presented here reveals that candidates employ both multi-dimensional and unidimensional strategies. State party competition appears to offer the most plausible explanation for the variation in strategy across the states. Competition, rather than encouraging a multi-dimensional campaign strategy, appears to promote
convergence towards the median voter and a unidimensional strategy. Furthermore, this study suggests that candidates face a number of obstacles in trying to transmit their campaign message to voters. In addition to struggling against their opponent, candidates have to struggle against both interest groups and the media to get their message to the electorate. Just under one-half of the advertisements interest groups ran were successful at interjecting issues into the campaign debate. Furthermore, in over seventy percent of the Senate races included in this study, the media emphasized issues other than what the candidates were focusing on. While this may have the positive benefit of infusing more issues into the debate, it may also blur the lines of accountabilityparticularly if candidates have no intention of acting on issues emphasized exclusively by the media.
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Micolta, Patricia. "Illicit Interest Groups: The Political Impact of The Medellin Drug Trafficking Organizations in Colombia." FIU Digital Commons, 2012. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/625.
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Although drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) exist and have an effect on health, crime, economies, and politics, little research has explored these entities as political organizations. Legal interest groups and movements have been found to influence domestic and international politics because they operate within legal parameters. Illicit groups, such as DTOs, have rarely been accounted for—especially in the literature on interest groups—though they play a measurable role in affecting domestic and international politics in similar ways.
Using an interest group model, this dissertation analyzed DTOs as illicit interest groups (IIGs) to explain their political influence. The analysis included a study of group formation, development, and demise that examined IIG motivation, organization, and policy impact. The data for the study drew from primary and secondary sources, which include interviews with former DTO members and government officials, government documents, journalistic accounts, memoirs, and academic research.
To illustrate the interest group model, the study examined Medellin-based DTO leaders, popularly known as the “Medellin Cartel.” In particular, the study focused on the external factors that gave rise to DTOs in Colombia and how Medellin DTOs reacted to the implementation of counternarcotics efforts. The discussion was framed by the implementation of the 1979 Extradition Treaty negotiated between Colombia and the United States. The treaty was significant because as drug trafficking became the principal bilateral issue in the 1980s; extradition became a major method of combating the illicit drug business.
The study’s findings suggested that Medellin DTO leaders had a one-issue agenda and used a variety of political strategies to influence public opinion and all three branches of government—the judicial, the legislative, and the executive—in an effort to invalidate the 1979 Extradition Treaty. The changes in the life cycle of the 1979 Extradition Treaty correlated with changes in the political power of Medellin-based DTOs vis-à-vis the Colombian government, and international forces such as the U.S. government’s push for tougher counternarcotics efforts.
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Acharya, Ram Chandra. "International trade policy: A game-theoretic approach with special-interest groups and optimizing politicians." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/8618.
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With industry lobby groups and optimizing politicians, I have derived trade policies endogenously for a small open economy using game-theoretic approach. I have extensively studied the effects of linkages among industries on their structure of endogenous protection for vertically related industries, horizontally related industries, and for industries which have multiple linkages both through production and consumption. In vertically related industries, I have found that the structure of protection of a downstream (upstream) industry depends on the nature of backward (forward) linkages. Among other results, I have shown that in Nash equilibrium, a downstream industry may support the protection of an upstream industry (a case so far considered a puzzle). In the second model, I have incorporated a non-traded good which is horizontally linked with the traded good and have shown that a non-traded industry can derive protection by lobbying in trade policy formulation. Even if only the non-traded good industry is organized, it distorts what otherwise would have been the free trade situation. It is shown that if the traded and the non-traded good industries are producing gross substitutes (complements) the lobby groups representing these two industries reinforce (cancel) each others' efforts to obtain higher profit. In the third model, I have studied the effects of multiple linkages among industries on the structure of protection. It is shown that there is no one-to-one correspondence between the representation of an industry by a lobby group and its protection through an import tariff or export tax. The net effect of lobbying of an industry depends on how its lobbying activity is neutralized or reinforced by other lobby groups. This model could explain the protection episodes of sugar, sugar user, textile, apparel and wheat industries in the United States. Besides deriving various theoretical results, given taste and technology parameters. I have solved the three-stage game of endogenous trade policy numerically and computed the Pareto efficient frontier. The frontier may be a single point or a line segment. If the frontier is a single point, the game has a unique truthful Nash equilibrium, whereas if it is a line segment, it has a continuum of truthful Nash equilibria.
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Acharya, Ram. "International trade policy, a game-theoretic approach with special-interest groups and optimizing politicians." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape7/PQDD_0017/NQ45167.pdf.
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