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Journal articles on the topic 'Intellectuals'
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1
Mui, Constance L., and Julien S. Murphy. "Victims, Power and Intellectuals: Laruelle and Sartre." Labyrinth 19, no. 2 (March 14, 2018): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.25180/lj.v19i2.92.
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In two recent works, Intellectuals and Power and General Theory of Victims, François Laruelle offers a critique of the public intellectual, including Jean-Paul Sartre, claiming such intellectuals have a disregard for victims of crimes against humanity. Laruelle insists that the victim has been left out of philosophy and displaced by an abstract pursuit of justice. He offers a non- philosophical approach that reverses the victim/intellectual dyad and calls for compassionate insurrection. In this paper, we probe Laruelle's critique of the committed intellectual's obligations to victims, specifically, through an examination of Sartre's "A Plea for Intellectuals." We hope to show the value of Laruelle's theory on victims, crime and power for imagining future-oriented intellectuals.
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Abushalha, Ziad. "Shakespeare and Intellectual Castration in the Arab World: Hamlet as a Detached Arab Intellectual in Jawad Al-Assadi's Forget Hamlet." International Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Translation 5, no. 1 (January 31, 2022): 238–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijllt.2022.5.1.28.
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This study aims at investigating the crises of the Arab intellectuals under the policies of some Arab regimes. It analyses Jawad Al-Assadi's Forget Hamlet as an example of this political oppression that targeted Arab intellectuals in the Ba'athy Iraq, headed by Sadam Hussien. The study discusses the theme of the neutral Arab intellectual who kept a silent position in a time of political crisis. It traces how Hamlet in this adaptation was dramatized as a hapless and inactive intellectual to mock those Iraqi intellectuals, in particular, and Arab intellectuals, in general, who succumbed to power and avoided speaking truth to the oppressive regimes. After analyzing the scope of intellectualism in the play, the study discusses how Hamlet became a signifier to reflect the Arab intellectual crises in a time of political oppression.
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Asgharzadeh, Alireza. "Intellectuals and the State in Iran." American Journal of Islam and Society 21, no. 4 (October 1, 2004): 107–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i4.1753.
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Negin Nabavi’s Intellectuals and the State in Iran comes at a time when aprocess of soul-searching by some Iranian intellectuals that started immediately after the triumph of Islamic revolution has now faded away, withoutyielding any satisfactory results. This process was inspired by the question:What role did the (secular left-leaning) intellectuals play in the revolution’striumph, which culminated in an Islamic state inherently opposed to theactivities of these same intellectuals? This important topic, of course, givesrise to the familiar question of “What is meant by an intellectual?” whichNabavi addresses in the book’s first part. Having given a historical perspectiveon the development and evolution of intellectualism in Iran, she concludesthat a distinguishing character of the Iranian intellectual was “theintellectual’s task to take a stance and engage with issues in society” (p. 3);where “dissent” was “a necessary component in the career of any Iranianintellectual” (p. 18).In part two, Nabavi discusses the processes that led to the “radicalizationof the Iranian intellectual.” Here she explores the emergence of what shecalls “the Third-Worldist intellectual” and the cooptation of a great numberof intellectuals by the Pahlavi regime . According to her, during this period(1963-70) “the notions of the ‘native’ and the ‘authentic’ became so pervasivethat even the establishment could not remain impervious to them” (p.106). The epilogue briefly touches upon the relationships between intellectualsand the revolution, where the author concludes that the intellectuals“lost out in the year that followed the revolution” (p. 149) ...
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Mustafa, Muhtadin Dg. "DAKWAH DAN PENGEMBANGAN INTELEKTUALITAS." Al-Mishbah | Jurnal Ilmu Dakwah dan Komunikasi 8, no. 1 (June 5, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.24239/al-mishbah.vol8.iss1.1.
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Da'wah and intellectualism have a close relationship with each other. On one hand, Islamic preaching must be conveyed in a professional way, and on the other hand, it requires the incolvement of the intellecuals as a community at the forefront of missionary activity. There are two categories of intellectuals: first, Ulul Albab, the intellectuals who are able to draw conclusions, lessons and warnings from the Quran, historical events and phenomena. Second, ulama who has the same duties as the intellectual, whose task is to observe the whole teachings of Islam, interpret and convey them to the public, as well as to build a civilization. Intellectualis and Muslim scholars, both as the subject and object of Islamic preaching, is an interesting fact to be studied in order to create such packagings of Islamic preaching as materials, methods and media that are effective to establish the best people and happiness in the afterlife.
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Fatsis, Lambros. "Becoming public characters, not public intellectuals." European Journal of Social Theory 21, no. 3 (November 17, 2016): 267–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368431016677977.
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Research into the sociology of intellectual life reveals numerous appeals to the public conscience of intellectuals. The way in which concepts such as ‘the public intellectual’ or ‘intellectual life’ are discussed, however, conceals a long history of biased thinking about thinking as an elite endeavour with prohibitive requirements for entry. This article argues that this tendency prioritizes the intellectual realm over the public sphere, and betrays any claims to public relevance unless a broader definition of what counts as intellectual life is introduced. By calling for a shift from the notion of public intellectuals to Jane Jacobs’ (1961) idea of the ‘public character’, a publicly situated and affect-laden conception of intellectual life is articulated with the aim of redefining intellectual life as an ordinary, collective pursuit, rather than the prerogative of a few extraordinary individuals, as well as restoring the role of the senses in theoretical discussions on the life of the mind. The theoretical scope of this article therefore is to cast the net wider in the search for meanings of what public intellectual life is, can or may be in a larger context than ‘intellectualist’ discussions currently allow.
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Sinan, U. "Otman Baba as the Organic Intellectual of the Turkmen-Yoruks." BULLETIN of L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. HISTORICAL SCIENCES. PHILOSOPHY. RELIGION Series 136, no. 3 (2021): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2021-136-3-161-175.
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The article examines a social structure of the Ottoman Empire based on the classification and comparative analysis of groups of intellectuals in accordance with the concept of an organic intellectual. On the basis of the analysis of the image of Otman Baba, the intellectual feature of the nomadic Turks is revealed. It necessary to note that three different intellectual groups are representing three different layers. The first of these are the intellectuals of the ruling bloc. These intellectuals go through historical transformations and continue as ulema (theologians). These intellectuals, the sheikhs, are the bearers of the Sunni Islamic ideology. The second type of intellectuals consists largely of the apostles (Ahis) that represent the craftsmen in the cities and the workers in these branches of crafts. The Ahis have an ideology that cannot be explained, with Islam only and Sunni Islam in particular. The third type of intellectuals is the abdals that are the intellectuals of the TurkmenYörük, who are the main oppressed class of the society. These three types of intellectuals can be explained with the concept of organic intellectuals. Otman Baba is the best example to describe the organic intellectual of Turkmen-Yoruks. Sheikh Bedreddin was unfortunately attributed to his place. Another phenomenon is the continued existence of the Ottoman sovereign to continue to block the period of the Republic of Turkey intellectuals. I define these intellectuals with the concept of “sedimentary intellectuals”.
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Nwokolo, Aaron Onyemaechi. "Intellectualism as a Catalyst for Sustainable Development in Nigeria." UJAH: Unizik Journal of Arts and Humanities 21, no. 4 (May 21, 2021): 254–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ujah.v21i4.15.
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Knowledge, research and intellectual input are veritable instruments for the advancement of any state. Intellectuals help to shape and formulate policies that can stimulate development. This paper examined the various intellectual contributions by scholars and researchers towards unlocking and enhancing development in Nigeria. It further discussed how intellectual discourse can help to unravel opportunities for socio-political and economic development of Nigeria.
Keywords: Intellectualism, Stimulation, Sustainable, Development
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Kurbet, Oleksandra. "Intellectual migration from Ukraine: a historical and economic essay." Ìstorìâ narodnogo gospodarstva ta ekonomìčnoï dumki Ukraïni 2019, no. 52 (2019): 189–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/ingedu2019.52.189.
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The article presents a retrospective analysis of the Ukrainian population intellectual migration, its factors and motives. The author singled out the displacement of Ukrainian intellectuals, who had the most significant influence on the Ukraine’s development. In different periods, such migrations were caused by the colonial position of Ukraine as a part of different empires. This position caused the outflow of the intellectuals to the metropolises, because they provided more opportunities. Ukrainian intellectuals made trips to Muscovy to translate, to teach students and to teach children languages, beginning in the second half of the 16th century. At the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries, the Ukrainians – mostly alumni and teachers of the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy – became leaders of European culture and education in Muscovy. One of the important factors of intellectual migration was the political harassment of Ukrainians. The most crucial – in the meaning of intellectual losses – were following events: the emigration of Ivan Mazepa and his followers in the beginning of the 18th century; the publication of the Emsky decree in 1876; "The Philosophy Steamer" in 1921–22; and the establishment of Bolshevik-Soviet authority on the Ukrainian lands. The last one was analysed with the use of the conventional approach to the determination of the waves of massive migration of Ukrainian population. It was found that the largest outflow of intellectuals occurred within the second (interwar) and the third (after World War II) waves. This outflow became one of the factors that destabilized Ukraine's economic development and reduced this country’s institutional capacity. The author concludes that the outflow of intellectuals to the metropolises likewise the political emigration inevitably led to the exclusion of well-educated and active individuals from ethnic Ukrainian lands. However, emigration made it possible for intellectuals to survive, to reproduce intellectually and to educate the later generations, especially in the Soviet period. In conclusion, the author warned that the proposed results should not be seen as a call to restrict the mobility of intellectuals, as this could dam-age the scientific system as a whole. Instead, the author proposed to promote academic mobility as a tool to enhance the professional level of Ukrainian scientists and to create a competitive scientific environment in Ukraine.
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Bgoya, Walter. "50 Years of Independence: Reflections on the Role of Publishing and Progressive African Intellectuals." Africa Spectrum 49, no. 3 (December 2014): 107–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971404900305.
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In this contribution, the role of progressive African intellectuals fifty years after independence in the context of African postcolonial, political and socio-economic conditions is examined. African intellectuals have been marginalized by the African state, and progressive intellectuals have been disunited in their struggle for relevance. The possibilities for African intellectual autonomy and international solidarity are shown through a recollection of the flourishing intellectual environment and local publishing output of post-independence Tanzania. The end of that era and the demise of publishing, including in African languages, has negatively impacted African economic and intellectual emancipation and can only be addressed by international solidarity among progressive intellectuals.
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Özbək, Sinan. "Otman Baba as the Organic Intellectual of the Turkmen-Yoruks." SCIENTIFIC WORK 75, no. 2 (February 18, 2022): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/75/21-32.
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Summary When the Ottoman society is examined, it can be mentioned that three different intellectual groups are representing three different layers. The first of these are the intellectuals of the ruling bloc. These intellectuals go through historical transformations and continue as ulema (theologians). These intellectuals, the sheikhs, are the bearers of the Sunni Islamic ideology. The second type of intellectuals consists largely of the apostles (Ahis) that represent the craftsmen in the cities and the workers in these branches of crafts. The Ahis have an ideology that cannot be explained, with Islam only and Sunni Islam in particular. The third type of intellectuals is the abdals that are the intellectuals of the Turkmen-Yörük, who are the main oppressed class of the society. These three types of intellectuals can be explained with the concept of organic intellectuals. Otman Baba is the best example to describe the organic intellectual of Turkmen-Yoruks. Sheikh Bedreddin was unfortunately attributed to his place. Another phenomenon is the continued existence of the Ottoman sovereign to continue to block the period of the Republic of Turkey intellectuals. I define these intellectuals with the concept of “sedimentary intellectuals”. Key words: Otman Baba, Yuruks or Yorouks Turkmens, Khorassan saints, Fakılar, İntelligentsia (Concept of Organic)
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Kibble, Matthew. "REVIEWS: Women Intellectuals and Intellectual Fascism." Women: A Cultural Review 11, no. 1-2 (January 2000): 161–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09574040050051541.
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Nişancı, Ensar. "The New Intellectual Capital Of Turkey: Muslim Intellectuals." EMAJ: Emerging Markets Journal 3, no. 2 (September 17, 2013): 127–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/emaj.2013.44.
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A new genre of intellectuals has newly arisen in Turkey. They are coming from İslamic backgrounds. They are different from both modernizing elites of State and traditional Ulema of Islam. The most distinctive feature of them is that they are self-confident towards western philosophy and intellectuals, while being pudent towards people. In this article both defining features of new Islamic Intellectuals by comparision and contrast to state intellectuals and ulema.
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Cheek, Timothy. "Citizen Intellectuals in Historical Perspective: Reflections on Callahan's “Citizen Ai”." Journal of Asian Studies 73, no. 4 (November 2014): 921–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911814001016.
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William Callahan's conceptualization of Ai Weiwei as a “citizen intellectual” is the latest in a long-standing cottage industry seeking to make sense of and define China's intellectuals. Frederic Wakeman Jr. in 1972 offered “a typology of intellectual species” for Chinese thinkers and writers in late imperial China: statesman, administrator, ethical idealist, aesthete, and emirite or recluse (Wakeman 1972, 35). Hao Zhidong applies a Weberian lens on twentieth-century Chinese intellectuals to identify nested categories of: professional, cultural, and (smallest of all) critical intellectuals (Hao 2003, 393). Tani Barlow traces the identity of China's thinkers and writers from “intellectual class” in 1905 to “enlightened scholars” in the 1920s to “intellectual” (zhishifenzi) ever since. Barlow identifies a tension between the social power of these knowledge specialists and their dangerous dance with the state in which they succumbed under both Nationalist and Communist regimes to a service role to power, a “category of the state” (Barlow 1991, 216). Merle Goldman has focused on critical intellectuals under the Chinese Communist Party, what most people think of as critics and dissidents. Carol Hamrin and I sought to go beyond Goldman's focus on dissidents to study “establishment intellectuals” by looking at “the motives and means for collaboration, as well as the sources of tension and conflict between leading intellectuals and the top Communist Party leadership” (Hamrin and Cheek 1986, 3). “Establishment intellectual” proved a useful category for opening up our understanding of intellectual participation at the elite level under Mao and during the 1980s. The 1989 Tiananmen demonstrations and the June 4th massacre and crackdown changed everything. Merle Goldman usefully picked up on these changes by identifying the rise of “disestablished intellectuals” in the post-Tiananmen period, particularly intellectuals who had been active in the reformist administration of the CCP in the 1980s associated with disgraced General Secretary Hu Yaobang (Goldman 2007, 15ff, 86ff). These fallen establishment intellectuals populated the academic posts, publishing ventures, and new business opportunities that exploded after Deng Xiaoping's famous certification of economic reform in his 1992 “Southern Tour.”
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Byba, Eugen. "The Unification of Ukrainian Intellectuals: Traditions of Honoring T. Shevchenko’s Memory." Науковий вісник Чернівецького національного університету імені Юрія Федьковича. Історія 1, no. 47 (June 30, 2018): 6–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2018.47.6-14.
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The study highlights the attempt to characterize and systematize the main measures tocommemorate the memory of T. Shevchenko among representatives of Ukrainian intellectuals. The article gives a general description of the process of becoming the tradition of celebrating Shevchenko anniversaries, as a form of association of Ukrainian intellectuals. It is revealed that the tradition of the annual commemoration of T. Shevchenko emerged during the evenings in the family circle of the advanced nationally conscious Ukrainian intellectuals.
Studying the memories of the leading representatives of the Ukrainian intellectuals, the process of disseminating the idea of the annual celebration and commemoration of Kobzar from his closest intellectual environment to the intellectual centers of Ukrainians in the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires is presented. Considering various forms of commemoration of T. Shevchenko’s memory, their description and influence on both: the Ukrainian intellectuals and Ukrainian society are presented.
The tradition of honoring T. Shevchenko’s memory, forming it as an ideal of the Ukrainian national liberation movement was a key factor in the process of establishing the corporate identity of Ukrainian intellectuals.
Keywords: Intellectuals, Shevchenko, Shevchenko anniversaries, traditions of intellectuals, the unionof intellectuals
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Neem, Johann N. "Anti-intellectualism and education reform." Phi Delta Kappan 101, no. 7 (March 30, 2020): 10–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0031721720917523.
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It is a strange and sobering experience to read Hofstadter in our own anti-intellectual era. If anything, left-leaning intellectuals’ sense of alienation has increased since the 1990s. To challenge anti-intellectualism in American education, the liberal arts and sciences will need to be restored to their central place in the curriculum.
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Maulana, Indra Maulana Indra. "Sejarah Karya-Karya Intelektual Muslim dan Pranata/Lembaga Sosial." Journal of Indonesian History 11, no. 2 (December 1, 2023): 12–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jih.v11i2.74731.
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This article explains the history of intellectual works produced by the Muslim community throughout the centuries and their relationship to social institutions or institutions in Islamic civilization. The main focus of the research is to reveal how Muslim intellectual thought has made a significant contribution to the development of social institutions in various historical contexts. This article includes an analysis of intellectual works related to law, ethics, education, and social order, and identifies their impact on Muslim society. Through a comprehensive literature review, this article examines the development of intellectualism in the Islamic tradition from early times to the modern era. Additionally, this article highlights the role of famous figures in the history of Islamic thought and the way their concepts have shaped social institutions such as the sharia legal system, educational institutions, and the social structure of Muslim societies. This research also highlights the contribution of Muslim intellectuals to the development of science and technology, which in turn influences social institutions and the development of civilization in the Islamic world. Through a deeper understanding of the history of Muslim intellectual works, this article aims to provide insight into how intellectualism and social institutions are interrelated in the context of Islamic civilization. In conclusion, this article considers the important role of Muslim intellectual works in shaping social institutions and institutions in the Islamic world throughout its history. Understanding this relationship can provide a better perspective on how Islamic intellectualism played a role in directing social, legal, and ethical developments in Muslim civilization.
Keywords: Muslim Intellectuals, Muslim Intellectual Works.
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U, Eddy. "The Making of Zhishifenzi: The Critical Impact of the Registration of Unemployed Intellectuals in the Early PRC." China Quarterly 173 (March 2003): 100–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000944390300007x.
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Existing research on Chinese intellectuals naturalizes the category, which is a social construction whose membership, attributes and political significance stem from state and society interactions. Recounting an urban registration campaign for unemployed intellectuals, this article describes the critical moment in which the Communist Party institutionalized its definition of zhishifenzi and local tensions appeared between officials and intellectuals. Due to high unemployment, state specifications and administrative disorganization, the campaign absorbed former Kuomingtang agents, expelled state employees, non-specialists, housewives, social deviants and legally unqualified individuals into the intellectual category. It reinforced longstanding Communist prejudices that intellectuals were politically, morally and professionally suspicious. The article suggests that research on Chinese intellectuals may break new ground, theoretically and empirically, by focusing upon social practices that reproduce the intellectual category beyond the elite level.
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Mihailova, Katia. "Dialogue, Monologue and Chronotope of Contemporary Intellectuals." Rhetoric and Communications, no. 56 (July 30, 2023): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.55206/tgdd3247.
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Abstract: The article is mainly theoretical and conceptual. The text is oriented towards a critical reading of the theoretical field available to the author, delineated by at least two private sociological disciplines - the sociology of intellectuals and the sociology of communications, plus fiction and the science of fiction itself - literary studies. The aim is to provide a theoretical modeling of the dialogue and monologue of the intellectuals on the way to the attainment and transmission of knowledge, and no empirical research results are presented. The object of the paper is intellectuals. The subject is focused on the dialogue, monologue and chronotope of the contemporary intellectual. The research questions are as follows. Is it possible for intellectuals today to work in a chronotope that is antithetical to their very habitus, to the intellectual ethos? What do intellectuals do in this chronotope? When are they silent, immersed in the monologue of intellectual reflection? And when do they engage in dialogue with others? This is the research framework of questions within which the article situates itself. The methods of analysis and synthesis are employed in this study. Rhetorical styles in the dialogue of the intellectual in the transmission of knowledge have been established. Features of the positivist rhetorical style are outlined. Specifics of the dystopian style are presented. The role and functions of an intellectual in society are outlined, as well as what intellectuals teach us, one possible answer being living by thinking and free choice. Keywords: intellectual, charisma, alienation, dialogue, monologue. Rhetoric and Communications Journal, issue 56, July 2023
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Hernando, Marcos González, and Patrick Baert. "Collectives of intellectuals: Their cohesiveness, accountability, and who can speak on their behalf." Sociological Review 68, no. 5 (January 17, 2020): 1143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026119900119.
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As of late, the sociology of intellectuals has made important inroads into its object of study. Much of this has been achieved by problematising the modes of engagement intellectuals undertake and multiplying the types of actor that can be considered to have intellectual authority, going beyond the traditional mould of the ‘authoritative’ public intellectual. However, relatively few have theorised how intellectuals associate themselves in groups: how collectives, whether in the form of institutions or not, negotiate their public interventions and position themselves as a group in the public debate. This article delves into this issue, with an emphasis on how ‘intellectual collectives’ reach a common identity and decide who can intervene ‘on their behalf’ – what we call prosopopoeia. Informed by positioning theory, and based on two variables (presence of a single organisational basis and purported intellectual cohesiveness), this article contributes to current debates on the sociology of intellectuals by analysing how collectives of intellectuals intervene in the public debate, reach some form of coordination with their peers, police the boundaries of their collective identity, and, in the process, attain a common position across audiences.
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Cheek, Timothy. "Xu Jilin and the Thought Work of China's Public Intellectuals." China Quarterly 186 (June 2006): 401–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100600021x.
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This article takes recent theoretical essays by Shanghai scholar and public intellectual, Xu Jilin, and other scholars of the history of thought and culture (sixiang wenhua shi) as a case study of efforts by intellectuals in the People's Republic of China to define and promote a role as public intellectuals separate from the party-state. This analysis suggests that political liberalism is used in such intellectual discourse to explain the social experience of intellectuals in China today and to promote a renewed public role for them. This public intellectual discourse is characterized by the continued privileging of sixiang (thought), by the naturalizing of foreign theories about liberalism, and by the use of such thought work to argue for a renewed public role for intellectuals as interpreters of public issues rather than as legislators of public values.
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Misztal, Barbara A. "Ambiguities and Clichés in the Debate about Public Intellectuals." European Journal of Sociology 48, no. 2 (August 2007): 295–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975607000380.
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This paper's purpose is to exam Turner's (2006a) thesis that Britain neither produced its own public intellectuals nor a distinctive sociology. It aims to outline difficulties with the logic of Turner's argument rather than to discuss any particular public intellectual in Britain. The paper argues that Turner's claim about the comparative insignificance of public intellectuals in Britain reinforces the myth of British exceptionalism and overlooks the significance of the contribution to the public sphere by intellectuals from other disciplines than sociology. It discusses Turner's assumption that intellectual innovation requires massive disruptive and violent change and suggests that such an assertion is not necessarily supported by studies of the conditions of the production of knowledge. Finally, the paper argues that Turner's anguish at the absence of public intellectuals among sociologists in Britain is symptomatic of New Left thinking that models the idea of the intellectual on Gramsci. In conclusion, the paper asserts that Turner's idea of the intellectual fails to note the tension at the heart of the role of public intellectual–the tension between specialist and non-specialist functions.
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Misztal, Barbara A. "Strategic Curiosity: A Way to Awaken Awareness of a Common Future." Comparative Sociology 18, no. 1 (January 16, 2019): 94–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341488.
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Abstract Intellectual strategies change in response to broader socio-political transformations of the world and the development of new means of communication. In today’s complex and fragmented intellectual landscape, public intellectuals perform various functions and conceive different strategies. As traditional public intellectuals are finding it much harder to argue with authority, thought leaders, or new for-profit thinkers linked to ideologically driven think tanks, are getting new visibility. Yet another group, the ‘new intellectuals’, who in contrast to traditional public intellectuals housed at the university are detached from its institutional structures, contributes to the non-academic culture of criticism of neo-liberalism. As these three groups are not engaged in meaningful conversations, a work on the restoration of the severed links between wonder at the world and the imagination to think beyond the present is neglected. In the hope that all three groups of today’s intellectuals, despite their different values and styles, can still place curiosity at the core of their strategies, this paper argues that primarily it should be a task of the traditional public intellectual to awaken people’s awareness of a common future. It concludes that to re-empower the traditional public intellectual, there is a need to prevent modern universities from becoming places with little room for curiosity.
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Vaughan, Michalina. "Intellectual Power and the Powerlessness of Intellectuals." Theory, Culture & Society 3, no. 3 (November 1986): 93–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026327686003003009.
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Emagna, Maximin. "Les Intellectuels Camerounais Sous le Regime Ahidjo (1958-1982)." Afrika Focus 12, no. 1-3 (February 11, 1996): 51–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0120103004.
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The Intellectuals in Cameroon Under the Rule of Ahidjo (1958-1982) A study concerning the intellectuals of the Third World in general, and African intellectuals in particular, should not exclude the political context in which intellectuals live and work. Indeed, democracy cannot truly emerge and remain durable without the existence of freedom of thought and criticism. In Cameroon, intellectuals and their ideas have always been considered seditious and subversive. For this reason, they have often been persecuted. Some have chosen freely or by the force of circumstances to become bureaucrats within the administrative and political structures of the country to ensure their survival (political and social immortality) as also that of their family. Others, by principle, have combined their intellectual and cyclical factors which push intellectuals either to become civil servants or to choose exile. It also contradicts the idea of intellectual deficiency in Africa. Indeed, some categories of intellectuals such as writers, via their writings, ask questions and provide a critical review of the economic, political and social reality of the country. They even propose alternative ideas and proposals to such questions as management, government and governance in the coutry. Dictatorships may destroy individuals, but never ideas or the spirit of liberty.
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YANG, FLORENCE W. "More Stick than Carrot?: Xi’s Policy toward Establishment Intellectuals." Issues & Studies 57, no. 02 (June 2021): 2150008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251121500089.
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After President Xi Jinping came to office, the Chinese government tightened its ideological control over establishment intellectuals and particularly the university teachers. This project aims to answer the question of why and when an authoritarian state chooses to do so. It focuses on the CCP’s policy toward establishment intellectuals under Xi and explores the most applicable explanation for this policy shift. Based on the existing literature on the cyclical model of state-intellectual relations in China, we propose a new model of “Dual Methods in State-Intellectual Relations.” The model demonstrates that the CCP has employed dual methods of repression and co-optation on intellectuals adopting different roles. Leaders choose repression when they perceive that the legitimacy of their rule is challenged externally or internally by criticism and collective actions led by intellectuals. In this case, the goal of repression is to either set up a new “red line” or warn intellectuals that they have crossed it.
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Wang, Yunning. "Film Literary Criticism and Image Aesthetics: Around Film Criticism." SHS Web of Conferences 167 (2023): 01014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202316701014.
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Film criticism has been carried out in the form of activities since its inception, in which many outstanding intellectuals and artists have participated.Especially in this respect, European intellectuals can contrast with American intellectuals, who have long held films in contempt. “In Europe, intellectuals have been fascinated by filmmaking since the beginning of their media,” writes Tim Bewart and Thomas Szobak.It is not surprising, therefore, that in the 1920s, throughout Europe, Paris, Berlin, Moscow, a group of intellectuals dedicated to all corners of the art and other artists on the same basis as art, came together to discuss and write about film. “Unlike the U.S., where movies were excluded from intellectual reflection until the late 1950s, film criticism was a battleground for intellectuals in France.
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Alwee, Azhar Ibrahim. "Asian Intellectuals for Cultural Resistance: Departures and Disruptions." KnE Social Sciences 1, no. 3 (April 13, 2017): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.18502/kss.v1i3.723.
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<p>In the past, the emergence of viable intellectual groups had been stunted by the grip of colonial imperialism, apart from the long years of feudal tutelage that made the society subservient to its ruling ideology. Today, the challenges are far more complex. Calling for intellectuals to take up cultural resistance can be just a utopianistic fervour, unless we first unravel the obstacles that prevent intellectuals from making a substantive presence in society. In this paper, four main areas will be discussed, namely: (a) the relegation of intellectuals in this era of technoscientific and soundbites euphoria, (b) the domains in which intellectuals should take up the task of cultural resistance, such as addressing intellectual captivity, culturalism, ethno-religious exclusivism and neoliberalism, (c) the timidity in our context of forging an Asian intellectual solidarity and comradery, and (d) the need to forge autonomous and humanistic sociological thinking amongst Asian cultural and intellectual circles. At present, the struggle for cultural resistance is marked by departures and disruptions. Thus, it warrants the creative and critical approaches with foremost commitment in imagining the possibility of cultural resistance as a start. </p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>cultural resistance, intellectuals, culture circle, postcolonialism<strong><em></em></strong></p>
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Baert, Patrick. "The power struggle of French intellectuals at the end of the Second World War: A study in the sociology of ideas." European Journal of Social Theory 14, no. 4 (November 2011): 415–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368431011417928.
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This article is one of the first sociological explorations of power struggles between intellectuals where matters of life and death are literally at stake. It counters the prevailing tendency within sociology to study intellectuals within confined academic institutions where power struggles are limited to matters of symbolic and institutional recognition. This study explores the conflict between collaborationist and Resistance intellectuals at the end of the Second World War in France, and it focuses in particular on the purge of collaborationist intellectuals which culminated in several high profile trials. This article shows that the arguments and meta-arguments put forward in these trials led to broader intellectual debates outside the courtroom. These debates not only centred on the notion of the writer’s responsibility, but also dealt with anxieties about the disintegrative forces of modern society. Whereas collaborationist intellectuals portrayed their writing as either separate from politics or rescuing a defunct or degenerate nation, Resistance intellectuals such as Jean-Paul Sartre were keen to portray collaborators as outsiders, both socially and sexually, lacking in social integration and subservient to a strong external force. The Resistance intellectuals saw the notion of individual responsibility not as antithetical but as integral to the remaking of the French nation, and this concept would become the cornerstone of the reshaping of the intellectual landscape in the post-war era in France.
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Abas Musofa, Ahmad. "Melacak Geneologi Keilmuan Masyarakat Jalur Sanad Intelektual Muslim Bengkulu Tahun 1985-2020." Indonesian Journal of Islamic History and Culture 1, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 104–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/ijihc.v1i2.611.
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Socio-religious scholarly in the community are reflected in either daily practice or literary works inherited. Through Muslim intellectuals, the scientific genealogy of society can be traced, either through their educational background or through their knowledge. The purpose of this article is to monitor the scientific genealogy of society through the knowledge of Muslim intellectuals who are active in various institutions and organizations. The historical research method used through four stages, namely heuristics, criticism, interpretation and historiography. Meanwhile, the approach used is intellectual history. This paper pioneered the study of the genealogy of Muslim intellectuals in Bengkulu, which so far received little attention. This is based on the results of studies related to Bengkulu Muslim intellectuals that have not been monitored on this issue. The important finding in this paper is that the scientific nature of each Muslim intellectual is different, but all sanad of the Muslim intellectuals are connected to the Prophet. The following is the scientific genealogy of society that is traced through sanad, they are tarekat (Syatariyah, Naqsyabandiyah, Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah, Syadziliyah), sanad al-Quran, sanad Hadith and sanad kitab.
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Yusuf, Muhammad, and Mardan Mardan. "MEMAKNAI PENDIDIKAN SEBAGAI PROYEK MORAL, INTELEKTUAL, DAN SPRITUAL (ANALISIS KRITIS PENAFSIRAN Q.S. AL-MUJADILAH AYAT 11)." At-Tajdid : Jurnal Pendidikan dan Pemikiran Islam 6, no. 1 (June 18, 2022): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.24127/att.v6i1.2079.
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The education process often produces a dichotomy between moral, intellectual, and spiritual aspects, even though education can make all these aspects simultaneously and in balance. This article is an analytical study of the meaning of verse 11 of Surah al-Mujadilah regarding education that integrates moral, intellectual, and spiritual competencies. Data are tracked and collected from the interpretation of the ulama through books of tafsir, the preachers' explanations, and relevant articles. The analysis was carried out by applying the approach to the sciences of the Koran, the science of interpretation, and educational theory. The understanding of verse 11 surah al-Mujadilah is distorted because of the limited interpreters' competence personally and intellectually and the selection of an inappropriate method of interpretation. The neglect of the moral urgency in education has led to a moral crisis among intellectuals and educated people. The ethical problem is not only happening to ordinary people but also intellectuals. As a result, modern humans who are synonymous with scientific progress are moving towards moral destruction. If morals are broken, it has a destructive impact on the whole.Keywords: Critical Analysis of Education, Intellectual Education, Moral Education
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Collins, Randall. "Who has been a successful public intellectual?" European Journal of Social Theory 14, no. 4 (November 2011): 437–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368431011417929.
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A stringent criterion for a public intellectual is proposed: persons who are simultaneously major creative intellectuals, and successful political leaders. Using data from the careers of 2700 philosophers throughout world history, and social scientists in recent centuries, the article concludes that three kinds of political failure by intellectuals are prominent: (1) failure to attain political office; (2) failure while in office; and (3) failure of political influence from adoption of one’s ideas. On the whole, major intellectuals are not good at politics; and politicians do not make outstanding intellectuals. The skills and pressures of the two spheres are too different.
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Tang, Xuefei. "Intellectual discourse on Chinese media in times of the coronavirus." Media Language and Discourse in Cultural China 13, no. 1 (March 29, 2022): 143–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cld.20029.tan.
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Abstract This paper investigates intellectual discourse in China during the COVID-19 coronavirus crisis through two discourse analyses, aiming to see the role of intellectuals in leading public discussion and perception on government decisions in times of crisis. Digital ethnography and digital discourse analysis are implemented to do a micro and in-depth analysis of texts and the media engagement of the Chinese intellectuals. In the context in which the presence and reception of public intellectuals in China has been transformed from pro-West gongzhi (公知) to intellectuals in the system (体制内), this study reviews the moral values and norms that promoted governmental policies and social coherence embedded in a new intellectual discourse. It contributes to the analysis of the dynamics and flexibility of China’s public communication in times of crisis within the social context in which online activities and offline realities are closely bonded in modern China.
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Hofmann, Murad Wilfried. "ON THE ROLE OF MUSLIM INTELLECTUALS." American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no. 3 (October 1, 1997): 67–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i3.2235.
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Before delving into the subject of the role of Muslim intellectuals, weshould agree on what we mean when using the term.The meaning of the word Muslim is well-known because it has beendefined in the Qur’an itself. According to Sfirut ul-Nisi, verse 125, aMuslim is someone “who submits his whole self to Allah, does what isgood, and follows the way of Ibrahim.” And according to verse 136 ofthe same sfiruh a Muslim is he who believes “in Allah, and His messengers,and the scriptures which He has sent down to those before.” Finally,Sfirut ul-Tuwbah says in verse 7 1 that believing Muslims “order what isright and forbid what is wrong, observe their prayers, pay zakat, andobey Allah and His messenger.”The meaning of the word intellectual is more difficult to determine andis not defined in the Qur’an. In fact, this term has been used only sincethe late 19th century. For our purposes, I do not propose to define asintellectual everybody who is “cultured” or academically trained-inArabic al-muthaqifin. Rather, I should like to restrict the term to what iscalled in Arabic al-mufuqirfin: analytical minds who communicate, asopinion leaders, through lecturing or publishing and do not just sit athome, thinking and criticizing.So we know what, or who, a Muslim intellectual is. But do such individualsexist?It is well known that the so-called elite of Europe, also of KemalistTurkey, came to believe that there was a contradiction between beingintelligent and believing in God. In fact, from the middle of the 19th centuryto the present time, considered it Western and Turkish academicsconsidered it intellectually chic to be an agnostic or an atheist, in particularif one was a leftist-as if intellectualism was a privilege of the Left,and not to be found on the conservative Right.This attitude, still pervasive today, goes back to the so-called Age ofReason and the Enlightenment-budding with Descartes in the 17th ...
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Letocha, Danièle. "Anachronisme et légitimité de la notion d’intellectuel pré-moderne." Renaissance and Reformation 36, no. 4 (January 1, 2000): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v36i4.8659.
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The term intellectuals(s) has been in use for scarcely more than one century. What is its definition? What conditions of possibility govern the emergence of the Modern intellectual? How many of these conditions can be traced to the past? The typological approach used here sets the origin of the intellectual’s role and status in the new paradigm of power established in Carolingian times (781–804), which displayed a peculiar axiom: the idea that all Power is intrinsically divisible. This view was already five centuries-old when Petrarch claimed the autonomous position of cultural critic—not the Modern intellectual’s status, but some of his authority, though on different grounds.
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Smith, Hilda L. "Women Intellectuals and Intellectual History: their paradigmatic separation." Women's History Review 16, no. 3 (July 2007): 353–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020601022246.
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Wickberg, Daniel. "Intellectual History vs. the Social History of Intellectuals." Rethinking History 5, no. 3 (November 2001): 383–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642520110078505.
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Papadaki, M. "The 'Government Intellectuals': Nicolas Politis - An Intellectual Portrait." European Journal of International Law 23, no. 1 (February 1, 2012): 221–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/chr108.
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Dzyubinskaya, K. D. "Welcoming speeches of Scottish subjects during the great progress of King James I Stuart to Edinburgh in 1617." Shagi / Steps 9, no. 2 (2023): 123–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2412-9410-2023-9-2-123-147.
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This article analyzes the welcoming speeches made by Scottish intellectuals during the journey of James VI and I Stuart to Scotland in 1617. These speeches, composed by the intellectuals themselves, reflected Scottish renaissance ideas on the status of Scotland. On the one hand, through such adresses Scottish intellectuals obtained the possibility to communicate with the crown and to express their attitude to the union of the two crowns and the king’s desire to reform the Scottish church. The author of the article pays special attention to the fact that Scottish intellectuals acknowledged the union of Scotland and England but perceived it as a union of two autonomous kingdoms. Using narratives drawn from Scottish history, intellectuals depicted for King James VI and I Stuart the historical independence of Scotland from English kings and the freedom of the Scottish Kirk from the influence of Rome. On the other hand, King James VI and I Stuart himself was part of this intellectual Scottish community, acting as patron for universities, colleges, and the intellectual community itself. In conclusion we notice that the welcoming speeches were similar in their content, depicting the glorious history of Scotland with the aim to extol Scottish culture and their Scottish King James VI and I Stuart.
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Despard, Lucy, and Paul Johnson. "Intellectuals." Foreign Affairs 68, no. 2 (1989): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043914.
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Ravochkin, Nikita Nikolaevich, and Valerii Nikolaevich Bobrikov. "Networks of modern intellectuals in pursuit of overcoming crisis trends: theoretical-applied aspect." Социодинамика, no. 7 (July 2020): 74–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7144.2020.7.33460.
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This article examines the role of networks of intellectuals in the aspect of seeking ways to overcome the current crises (primarily political-legal) trends. The object of this research is the networks of modern intellectuals. The authors clarify the concept of the networks of intellectuals, review the structural elements and relationship models between the participants. Leaning on the contemporary scientific material, the article describes most popular relationship strategies between the users of the networks of intellectuals and the government. Practical examples of relationships between the U. S. and European intellectuals along with the key difference in the applied strategies are analyzed. Among the main conclusions, the authors note the peculiarities of interaction inside and between various networks of intellectual; however, confrontation between the opponents appeared to be most constructive. Networks of intellectuals can be formed and function for several centuries and on the territories of multiple countries, launching functional chains presented by the developed ideas and concepts. The applied analysis demonstrate that intellectuals of the United States and Europe (despite commonality of views) adhere to different behavioral strategies in their relationship with the authorities: being in management structures or holding a position of independent experts respectively.
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Groenewoud, Margo. "Decolonization, Otherness, and the Neglect of the Dutch Caribbean in Caribbean Studies." Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 25, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 102–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-8912808.
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This essay traces the roots of marginalization of the Dutch Caribbean in Caribbean studies, approaching these roots as an integral part of a shared Caribbean intellectual history. In the era of twentieth-century Caribbean anticolonialism, nationalism, and decolonization, local intellectuals emerged in the public arena throughout the Caribbean region. The author studies the intellectual interplays and incubations taking place, asking if and how Dutch Caribbean thinkers and writers were involved. Her analysis finds that neglect and erasure impacted Dutch Caribbean studies first and foremost from within. Mid-twentieth-century Dutch Caribbean anticolonial intellectuals have confronted strong oppression and retaliations, leading to obscured publications as well as to considerable societal and archival silences. This reflects on the self-image of the Dutch Caribbean and an observed otherness attitude among Dutch Caribbean intellectuals.
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Brahimi, Mohamed Amine, Marcos Gonzalez Hernando, Marcus Morgan, and Amín Pérez. "Strategies of public intellectual engagement." Sociological Review 68, no. 5 (June 12, 2020): 982–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026120931422.
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This introduction to the Special Section on public intellectual engagement has three objectives. First, to explore the different meanings that the polysemic term ‘strategy’ can hold in relation to intellectuals. In the process, we showcase both this concept’s potential theoretical yield and its capacity to bridge the ‘performative’ and event-oriented study of intellectuals more common in English-speaking sociology with longue durée career-oriented analyses more associated with French sociology. The second objective is to reassess some of the main contributions to the sociology of intellectuals by reference to this notion of ‘strategy’, especially concerning issues of political allegiance and group membership. The final objective is to illustrate the potential of this approach in empirical work on intellectual engagement and introduce the articles that comprise the Special Section.
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Tomczak, Maria. "Intelektualiści zachodnioeuropejscy od wybuchu II wojny światowej do współczesności." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 11 (January 1, 2015): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2015.11.7.
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This study aims to show the forms of political involvement of Western European intellectuals. In doing so, the paper attempts to answer the question about the role they played in Western and Central Europe in the discussed period. The paper also demonstrates the cultural and political causes of their decline.streszczenieFor the intellectuals of Western and Central Europe, World War 2 was an extremely difficult period. The genocidal policies of the totalitarian states induced them to take a position, while at the same time depriving them of the ability to express their views publicly. This engendered a sense of helplessness; also, apart for a few exceptions, only emigrants could actually perform the function of intellectuals. Among those, an important role to play fell to two groups: German emigrants who distanced themselves from their nation, and Jewish emigrants, who addressed the subject of the Holocaust. After the war, the Iron Curtain also restricted the actions of intellectuals. It soon turned out that the tenor of spiritual life was set by left-wing authors, fascinated with the USSR. The fascination petered out after the disclosure of Stalin’s crimes in 1956. It was terminated definitively by the ruthless suppression of the Prague Spring. It was at that time that conservatism and right-wing intellectuals returned to Europe. Their aim was to reverse the trend and prevent Western Europe from drifting leftward. The change of the paradigm served to settle the scores with the leftist intellectuals. They were accused of subversive activities against the state and nation or treason. Also, in the intellectual circles there emerged a conviction that the previous formula had been exhausted. A new formula of activities of intellectuals was considered particularly in France, by authors of such eminence as R. Aron, M. Foucault, or P. Bourdieu. The deconstruction of the figure of the intellectual was completed by J.-F. Lyotard, who pronounced the death of intellectuals. Involvement of intellectuals remained a valid notion only in the countries of the Eastern bloc. In post-Cold War Europe, the decline of intellectuals became even more discernible. This was occasioned by a number of political and cultural factors. In this respect, particular role should be attributed to postmodernism which, by disproving the Enlightenment understanding of culture, undermined the role played by intellectuals.
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Morris, Lorenzo. "Rules for Public Intellectuals." PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 04 (October 2010): 671–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510001344.
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Like many political scientists, I willingly align myself with the intellectual side of the public intellectual title, but I make no claim to having a public identity. Still, I am moved to join in the shared confessions of public intellectuals (PI) by responding to Amitai Etzioni's article, because the ten-point distillation of his trials and tribulations so strongly resonates with my own experiences. However marginal they may be, frequent media commentaries and interviews have given me enough exposure to the treacherous pathways between scholarship and the media to sufficiently understand the PI's dilemma.
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Martin, James. "Between ethics and politics: Gramsci's theory of intellectuals." Modern Italy 3, no. 01 (May 1998): 67–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949808454792.
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SummaryThis article examines Gramsci's theory of intellectuals in the light of Bauman's distinction between ‘legislators’ and ‘interpreters’. By distinguishing descriptive and prescriptive dimensions to Gramsci's theory, it is possible to see a tension between the dual ethical and political functions that he attributes to ‘organic intellectuals’. In the one, Gramsci effectively deconstructs the intellectual's role as the bearer of universal knowledge, while in the other he reconstructs that role through an emphasis on the revolutionary party. It is argued that the tensions in Gramsci's theory stem from his attachment to a peculiarly modern conception of the relationship between intellectuals, culture and the state.
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Gürsel, Burcu. "The Mythical Interface of Turkish Intellectuals' Orientation toward the Armenian Genocide." International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, no. 4 (October 14, 2015): 791–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743815000999.
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Still prefaced in many commentaries as a taboo, the topic of the genocide in Turkey has ironically become a talking point de rigueur for anyone who is visible in the public sphere and who lays claims to an identity as an intellectual. “Anyone,” then, will momentarily serve as the working definition of the intellectual, for all intents and purposes, in this inquiry into the grammar among Turkish and Armenian intellectuals both within and outside Turkey. The litany of self-proclaimed firsts in addressing the topic of genocide in any given genre in Turkey is better understood in the light of Barthes' notion of the “inflexion” in myth. Such vocabulary of self-advertisement, of being a historic “first,” creates a curious hierarchy when it comes to the all-important topic of a foundational and denied genocide: it is not that the intellectual brings herself to the service of the topic, but that the topic serves up to the rejuvenation of the intellectual's prominence and controversial value in the public sphere. The emphasis is not on the quality, characteristics, or commitments of the works in question, but on the fact of the intellectual being a “first,” and thus, implicitly, a mythical figure above critical inquiry.
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Al Shalabi, Jamal, and Asem Burqan. "Intellectuals and the Corona Crisis: From Self-Reflection to Criticism of the Political and Strategies of Globalization." Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences 49, no. 2 (August 2, 2022): 488–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.35516/hum.v49i2.1808.
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The present study aims to highlight the most important axes of discussion and intellectual debate generated by the Corona virus at the end of the year 2019, in the intellectual and political arena in the world between thinkers and intellectuals, remotely from political argumentation between China and the United States regarding the responsibility of each side for the spread of the virus on the one hand, and irrespective of their differing ideological orientations on the other hand, as manifested and exemplified in the arguments of: Carolin Emcke, the Moroccan poet Muhammad Bnais, the two French philosophers Michel Onfray, Edgar Morin, and the American intellectual Naom Chomsky, and others. The study reached two conclusions: First: As a consequence of the feeling of "collective danger" which assaulted the world and humanity, there arose an orientation among intellectuals and thinkers advocating a return to "common roots" which unify humanity, and which impel it to solidarity to confront the overarching common challenges besetting the world and the universe. Second: There is almost total unanimity among the intellectuals and thinkers that notwithstanding the fact that globalization constitutes a "cornerstone" in the progress of humanity and its movement towards the future, it nevertheless represents a "wild capitalism" which rendered the Corona pandemic for the thinkers and intellectuals a "historic opportunity" to restore importance to the individual and humanity in "building the future
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Pudar-Drasko, Gazela. "Do intellectuals matter?: Proposal for a study of influence." Filozofija i drustvo 27, no. 2 (2016): 343–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1602343p.
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The paper strives to explore the (non)existence of influence of intellectuals in society. Intellectuals are seen as a loose elite network of specific social actors who possess advance knowledge or creativity recognized in the cultural field of academia and/or art, hold a certain authority or power to be heard in the public, and who are publicly engaged. The aim of the paper is to fill the gap in the sociology of intellectuals and offer a possible framework for empirical research of intellectuals? influence. This framework is operationalized using three levels: self-evaluation of their own influence, estimation of their social status and intellectual authority over (primarily) elites, and finally external ?objectified? measures. The author hereby calls on the testing of the proposed model and any proposals for its improvement.
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TEMKIN, MOSHIK. "CULTURE VS.KULTUR, OR A CLASH OF CIVILIZATIONS: PUBLIC INTELLECTUALS IN THE UNITED STATES AND THE GREAT WAR, 1917–1918." Historical Journal 58, no. 1 (February 9, 2015): 157–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000594.
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AbstractThis article analyses the historical conditions for, and implications of, the attitudes and conduct of a number of prominent or influential public intellectuals in the United States during the Great War. It argues that many intellectuals, particularly those who supported American entry to the war, shared a general lack of concern with the realities of full-scale warfare. Their response to the war had little to do with the war itself – its political and economic causes, brutal and industrial character, and human and material costs. Rather, their positions were often based on their views of culture and philosophy, or on their visions of the post-war world. As a result, relatively few of these intellectuals fully considered the political, social, and economic context in which the catastrophe occurred. The war, to many of them, was primarily a clash of civilizations, a battle of good versus evil, civilized democracy versus barbaric savagery, progress versus backwardness, culture versus kultur. The article describes several manifestations of American intellectual approaches to the war, discusses the correlation between intellectual and general public attitudes, and concludes with some implications for thinking about the relationship between intellectuals and war in more recent American history.
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Le Thi Hong Nhien. "Building Intellectual Staff of Science – Technology Industrialization and Modernization Promotion in Vietnam: The Case of Vinh Long Province." International Journal of Sustainable Applied Sciences 2, no. 5 (May 31, 2024): 445–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.59890/ijsas.v2i5.1790.
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In every era, intellectuals have always been the foundation of social progress, the core force of knowledge creation and dissemination. Today, along with the rapid development of science and technology, intellectuals have become a particularly important resource, creating the strength of each country in the development strategy. Accordingly, building and developing strong intellectual staff to meet the country's development requirements in the new context is a matter of both urgency and strategic importance. In Vietnam, our Party determines that building a team of intellectuals is a common responsibility of the whole political system and of the whole society, in which the Party and State play a decisive role. Thoroughly grasping the above viewpoint of the Party, in recent years, Vinh Long province has actively implemented the contents of the Party's guidelines, the State's policies and laws on building a contingent of intellectuals into practice to build a team of intellectuals in Vinh Long. In general, the work of building a team of intellectuals in general, and science-technology intellectuals in particular in Vinh Long has achieved very important results; However, besides the achieved results, there are still certain shortcomings and limitations that require further improvement of the system of regulations and policies to improve the quality of this team to meet the requirements of economic development socio-economic of the province in the coming time.