Academic literature on the topic 'Institutions, natural resources, fiscal capacity, policy evaluation'

Today, globalization is a civilizational process of forming a new world order that is carried out through institutional forms on aglobal scale such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the Organization for Education, Science and Culture (UNESCO), the NorthAtlantic Alliance (NATO). Ukraine-NATO relations include political, military, law enforcement and economic components. Theinevitable aspect of the evolution of these relations is the transformation of the international security system, the analysis of which is aguarantee of effective cooperation and counteraction to external aggression.The purpose of the article is to analyze the current approach to the military conflict and to consider the conceptual security frameworkfor the formation of Ukraine’s development strategy for reliable protection and successful military development of our state.The history of military associations dives deep into time. The tradition of just war has changed over time, and there has been adesire to impose practical restrictions on war. First of all, strategic leaders, who define large-scale military policy, must control the trainingand preparation of operational plans for national armed forces, deeply rooted in the principles of just war. The worldview of thestrategist is as follows:1. Determination of the stimulus;2. Formulation of interests;3. Evaluation of information;4. Identification of strategic factors;5. Selection of key factors;6. Formulation of strategy.The strategy requires a dynamic approach and the use of the following tools:– change of methods and / or means;– compress the goal;– adjust the strategy;– supplement resources;– reduce the goal and increase funds to achieve it; – misinformation, bluff;– modification of the purpose.NATO’s Strategic Concept 2010 “Active Participation, Modern Defense” presents NATO’s three most important tasks – collectivedefense, crisis management and security through cooperation.NATO pays special attention to assistance:– in carrying out democratic reforms;– modernizing defense institutions to make them transparent and accountable;– developing the capacity of Partner countries’ armed forces to work with NATO forces;– cope with natural disasters;– in the development of scientific and technical cooperation.Modern means of implementing strategic approaches and the strategic concept of the NATO bloc, as well as the benefits of joi -ning NATO for Ukraine, emphasize the need for a transition to cosmopolitan thinking and legal application in the context of modernpolitical and economical changes and the COVID-19 pandemic.

e4099065This research aimed to verify the association between I-Educ, an indicator that makes up one of the dimensions of IEGM, with indicators that accompany students' learning and full-time enrollment. The period of analysis adopted was 2015 and 2017 in the municipalities of the Brazilian states, totaling 7,852 observations. Methodologically, it was proposed a theoretical model in which I-Educ acts as a dependent variable, and the Prova Brasil, TRM, ETI and IRD as independent variables, we used statistical tests to verify empirically the studied relation, probit regression and marginal effect was even used. The results show a positive and significant relationship between I-Educ and the independent variables Prova Brasil, TRM and ETI, not reaching significance with IRD. This study has advanced in the literature towards the validation of a model of monitoring of municipal educational public policy focusing on the impact generated by government actions, assisting in the monitoring of educational public policy. The practical contribution of this research is to provide the courts os Accounts, public managers and civil Society with a statistical basis for the capacity of I-Educ to evaluate the effectiveness of educational management acts, demonstrating that the requirements appied, resulting from the monitoring of infraestructure and practices administrative, make it possible to monitor the learning of students in the municipal public school system.ResumoO estudo se propôs verificar a associação entre I-Educ, indicador que compõe uma das dimensões do IEGM, com indicadores que acompanham o aprendizado dos alunos e as matrículas em tempo integral. Adotou-se como período de análise os anos de 2015 e 2017 nos municípios dos Estados brasileiros, totalizando 7.852 observações. Metodologicamente, foi proposto um modelo no qual o I-Educ atua como variável dependente, e a Prova Brasil, TRM, ETI e IRD como variáveis independentes, foram utilizados testes estatísticos para estimar a relação estudada, inclusive foi utilizada a análise de regressão probit e efeito marginal. Os resultados mostram uma relação positiva e significativa entre o I-Educ e as variáveis independentes Prova Brasil, TRM e ETI, não alcançando significância com o IRD. Este estudo avançou na literatura em direção à validação de um modelo de acompanhamento da política pública educacional municipal com foco no impacto gerado das ações de governo, auxiliando no monitoramento da política pública educacional. A contribuição prática desta pesquisa está em conferir aos Tribunais de Contas, gestores públicos e sociedade civil, embasamento estatístico da capacidade do I-Educ em avaliar a efetividade dos atos de gestão educacional, demonstrando que os quesitos aplicados, decorrente do monitoramento de infraestrutura e práticas administrativas, possibilitam o acompanhamento do aprendizado do aluno da rede pública municipal.ResumenEl estudio tuvo como objetivo verificar la asociación entre I-Educ, un indicador que constituye una de las dimensiones de IEGM, con indicadores que acompañan el aprendizaje de los estudiantes y la inscripción a tiempo completo. El período de análisis adoptado fue 2015 y 2017 en los municipios de los estados brasileños, totalizando 7.852 observaciones. Metodológicamente, se propuso un modelo teórico en el que I-Educ actúa como una variable dependiente, y la Prova Brasil, TRM, ETI e IRD como variables independientes Utilizamos pruebas estadísticas para verificar empíricamente la relación estudiada, incluso se utilizó la regresión probit y el efecto marginal. Los resultados muestran una positiva y significativa correlación entre la I-Educ con variables independientes Prova Brasil y TMR las ETI, de no alcanzar significación al IRD. Este estudio ha avanzado en la literatura hacia la validación de un modelo de monitoreo de la política pública educativa municipal que se centra en el impacto generado por las acciones del gobierno, ayudando en el monitoreo de la política pública educativa. La contribución práctica de esta investigación es proporcionar a los tribunales de cuentas, gerentes públicos y la sociedad civil una base estadística para la capacidad de I-Educ de evaluar la efectividad de los actos de gestión educativa, demostrando que los requisitos se aplicaron, como resultado del monitoreo de La infraestructura administrativa y las prácticas administrativas, permiten monitorear el aprendizaje de los estudiantes en el sistema escolar público municipal.Palavras-chave: Índice de efetividade de gestão municipal, Índice de efetividade de educação, Escola em tempo integral, Políticas públicas.Keywords: Municipal management effectiveness index, Education effectiveness index, Full time school, Public policy.Palabras clave: Índice de efectividad de la gestión municipal, Índice de efectividad educativa, Escuela a tiempo completo, Políticas públicas.ReferencesALBERNAZ, Ângela; FERREIRA, Francisco HG; FRANCO, Creso. Qualidade e eqüidade na educação fundamental brasileiro. Pesquisa e Planejamento Econômico, v. 33, n. 3, p. 453-476, 2002. Disponível em: https://www.econstor.eu/bitstream/10419/175942/1/td455.pdf. Acesso em: 03 abr. 2019.ALMEIDA, J. P. L. DE, FARIAS, J. S., CARVALHO, H. S. Drivers of the Technology Adoption In Healthcare. Brazilian Business Review, v. 14, n.3, p. 336-351, 2017.AMARAL, Luiz Felipe Leite Estanislau; MENEZES FILHO, Naércio Aquino. A relação entre gastos educacionais e desempenho escolar. Insper Working Paper, Insper Instituto de Ensino e Pesquisa. 2009.AMÉRICO, Bruno Luiz; LACRUZ, Adonai José. Contexto e desempenho escolar: análise das notas na Prova Brasil das escolas capixabas por meio de regressão linear múltipla. Revista de Administração Pública-RAP, v. 51, n. 5, p. 854-878. 2017. Disponível em: http://bibliotecadigital.fgv.br/ojs/index.php/rap/article/viewFile/72429/pdf_146 . Acesso em: 30 out. 2018.ANDRADE, Alenis Cleusa. 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Acesso em: 08 set. 2017.BARROS, Ricardo Paes; MENDONÇA, Rosane; SANTOS, Daniel Domingues; QUINTAES, Giovani. Determinantes do desempenho educacional no Brasil. IPEA, 33 p. 2001. [Texto para Discussão, 834]. Disponível em: http://repositorio.ipea.gov.br/handle/11058/2160. Acesso em: 03 abr. 2019.BELLEI, Cristián. Does lengthening the school day increase students’ academic achievement? Results from a natural experiment in Chile. Economics of Education Review, v. 28, n. 5, p. 629-640. 2009. Disponível em: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0272775709000405. Acesso em: 04 abr. 2019.BIONDI, Roberta Loboda; FELICIO, Fabiana; GREMAUD, Amaury Patrick. Indicador de efeito escola: uma metodologia para a identificação dos sucessos escolares a partir dos dados da Prova Brasil. 2007. Disponível em: https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Amaury_Gremaud/publication/282852680_Indicador_de_Efeito_Escola_Uma_Metodologia_para_a_identificacao_dos_sucessos_escolares_a_partir_dos_dados_da_Prova_Brasil/links/561ea8f508aecade1accefee.pdf. Recuperado em 23 nov. 2018.BRASIL. Plano Nacional de Educação, Lei nº 13.005 de 25 de junho de 2014. Diário Oficial da República Federativa do Brasil, Planalto Federal, Poder Executivo, Brasília, DF, 26 jun. p. 1 (edição extra). 2014. Disponível em: http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_Ato2011-2014/2014/Lei/L13005.htm. Acesso em: 04 abr. 2019.CAÇÃO, Maria Izaura. Educação integral em tempo integral no Estado de São Paulo: tendências. Educação em Revista, Marília, v. 18, p 95-120. 2017. Disponível em: https://scholar.google.com.br/scholar?hl=pt-BRas_sdt=0%2C5q=Educa%C3%A7%C3%A3o+Integral+em+Tempo+Integral+no+Estado+de+S%C3%A3o+Paulo%3A+Tend%C3%AAnciasbtnG=. Acesso em: 03 abr. 2019.CAETANO, Cleyde Cristina Rodrigues; ÁVILA, Lucimar Antônio Cabral; TAVARES, Marcelo. A relação entre as transferências governamentais, a arrecadação tributária própria e o índice de educação dos municípios do estado de Minas Gerais. Revista de Administração Pública-RAP, v. 51, n. 5, 897-916. 2017. Disponível em: http://bibliotecadigital.fgv.br/ojs/index.php/rap/article/view/72431. Acesso em: 30 nov. 2018.CAVALIERE, Ana Maria. Tempo de escola e qualidade na educação pública. Educação e Sociedade, Campinas, v. 28, n. 100, p.1015-1035. 2007. Disponível em: http://www.scielo.br/pdf/es/v28n100/a1828100. Acesso em: 03 abr. 2019.CERDAN-INFANTES, Pedro; VERMEERSCH, Christel. More Time is Better: an evaluation of the full-time school program in Uruguay. Washington: World Bank. 25 p. 2007. Disponível em: https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/7240/wps4167.pdf?sequence=1. Acesso em: 04 abr. 2019.EIDE, Eric; SHOWALTER, Mark H. The effect of school quality on student performance: A quantile regression approach. Economics Letters, v. 58, n. 3, p. 345-350. 1998. Disponível em: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0165176597002863. Acesso em: 04 abr. 2019.ESPÍRITO SANTO EM AÇÃO. Manual de Excelência Municipal. 2016. Disponível em: http://excelenciamunicipal.com.br/municipios/Manual_Excelencia_Municipal.pdf. Acesso em: 31 out. 2018.FELÍCIO, Fabiana; FERNANDES, Reynaldo. O efeito da qualidade da escola sobre o desempenho escolar: uma avaliação do ensino fundamental no estado de São Paulo. In: ENCONTRO NACIONAL DE ECONOMIA, 33., 2005, Natal. Anais... Disponível em: http://www.anpec.org.br/encontro2005/artigos/A05A157.pdf. Acesso em: 03 abr. 2019.FERNANDES, Reynaldo; NATENZON, Paulo Esteban. A evolução recente do rendimento escolar das crianças brasileiras: uma reavaliação dos dados do SAEB. Estudos em Avaliação Educacional, v. 28, p. 3-21. 2003. Disponível em: http://publicacoes.fcc.org.br/ojs/index.php/eae/article/view/2167. Acesso em: 23 nov. 2018.FIRJAN. Federação das Indústrias do Estado do Rio de Janeiro. IFDM: Índice FIRJAN de Desenvolvimento Municipal. 2019. Disponível em: https://www.firjan.com.br/ifdm/downloads/. Acesso em: 03 abr. 2019.GHELMAN, Silvio; COSTA, Stella Regina Reis. Adaptando o BSC para o setor público utilizando os conceitos de efetividade, eficácia e eficiência. In: SIMPÓSIO DE ENGENHARIA DA PRODUÇÃO, 12., 2006, Bauru. Anais. Disponível em: http://igepp.com.br/uploads/arquivos/igepp_-_projeto_gestor_-_estratu00c9gia_-_estratu00eagia_com_balanced__scorecard_no_setor_publico.pdf/ . Acesso em: 30 out. 2018.GOLDSMITH, Stephen; EGGERS, William D. Governar em rede o novo formato do setor público. In: GOLDSMITH, Stephen; EGGERS, William D. Governar em rede: o novo formato do setor público. Brasília: ENAP, 2006. 259 p.GOMES, Candido Alberto. A escola de qualidade para todos: abrindo as camadas da cebola. Ensaio: Avaliação e Políticas Públicas em Educação, v. 13, n. 48. 2005. Disponível em: http://www.scielo.br/pdf/%0D/ensaio/v13n48/27551.pdf. Acesso em: 04 abr. 2019.GREENWALD, Rob; HEDGES, Larry V.; LAINE, Richard D. The effect of school resources on student achievement. Review of Educational Research, v. 66, n. 3, p. 361-396. 1996. Disponível em: https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.3102/00346543066003361. Acesso em: 30 out. 2018.HAYS, Steven W.; PLAGENS, Gregory K. Human resource management best practices and globalization: the universality of common sense. Public Organization Review, v. 2, n. 4, p. 327-348. 2002.INEP. Instituto Nacional de Estudos e Pesquisas Educacionais Anísio Teixeira. Taxa de rendimento escolar. 2016. Disponível em: http://download.inep.gov.br/educacao_basica/educacenso/situacao_aluno/documentos/2016/taxas_de_rendimento_escolar_e_ideb.pdf. Acesso em: 14 mai. 2018.INEP. Instituto Nacional de Estudos e Pesquisas Educacionais Anísio Teixeira. Prova Brasil. 2017. Disponível em: http://portal.inep.gov.br/consulta-ideb/. Acesso em: 08 set. 2017.INEP. Instituto Nacional de Estudos e Pesquisas Educacionais Anísio Teixeira. Resultados e Resumos. 2018a. Disponível em: http://portal.inep.gov.br/web/guest/resultados-e-resumos. Acesso em: 04 mai. 2019.INEP. Instituto Nacional de Estudos e Pesquisas Educacionais Anísio Teixeira. SAEB/Prova Brasil Metodologia, Estratégias e Resultados. 2018b. Disponível em: http://portal.mec.gov.br/index.php?option=com_docmanview=downloadalias=9276-prova-brasil-metodologia-estrategia-resultado-pdfItemid=30192/. Acesso em: 01 nov. 2018.INEP. Instituto Nacional de Estudos e Pesquisas Educacionais Anísio Teixeira. SAEB/Prova Brasil. 2018c. Disponível em: http://portal.inep.gov.br/educacao-basica/saeb/resultados. Acesso em: 01 nov. 2018.INEP. Instituto Nacional de Estudos e Pesquisas Educacionais Anísio Teixeira. Indicadores Educacionais. 2019. 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With its unique geographical location, the coastal zone has concentrated great advantages in resources, population and economy. However, with the deepening of marine resources development activities, a series of problems have emerged in the coastal zone, such as the gradual shortage of resources, the decline of environmental quality and the increase of ecological risks. The coastal zone ecosystem has shown a certain degradation trend. Maintaining the health of the coastal zone ecosystem has become the primary task of the sustainable development of the marine economy. Monitoring the coastal ecosystem carrying capacity, diagnosing the health status of the coastal ecosystem, effectively planning and managing the development and utilization of natural resources in the coastal zone, and controlling human activities related to the sea within the ecological carrying capacity and health limits of the coastal zone are of great significance to the sustainable development of society and economy in the coastal zone. In this study, the ecosystem health model, state space model and ecological health early warning principle were comprehensively applied to construct the coastal ecosystem health diagnosis framework of “Carrying type →Early warning degree →Health level;” The evaluation index system of coastal ecosystem carrying capacity was established; Taking Shandong Province as the empirical research object, the health status of the coastal ecosystem in Shandong Province was diagnosed by using the relevant data from 2007 to 2019. The empirical results show that: (1) From 2007 to 2013, the carrying capacity of the coastal ecosystem in Shandong Province was relatively good, in the state of “loadable” or “critical overload,” while from 2014 to 2019, the carrying capacity was poor, in the state of “overload;” (2) From 2007 to 2013, the early warning degree of coastal ecosystem health in Shandong Province was in the state of “no alarm,” “light alarm,” and “medium alarm,” and the health level was in the state of “very healthy,” “healthy,” and “sub-health;” from 2014 to 2019, the health warning level of the coastal ecosystem in Shandong Province was in the state of “serious alarm” and “extremely serious alarm,” and the health level was in the state of “unhealthy” and “Morbid,” and the health status was worrying; (3) The key influencing factors affecting the carrying capacity of the coastal ecosystem mainly included the output of marine mining, marine GDP, per capita marine production, total amount of main pollutants directly discharged into the sea, domestic tourist arrivals in coastal cities, area of marine nature reserves, proportion of class IV and inferior class IV seawater, average density of beach garbage in the monitoring area, number of medical and health institutions; Finally, some policy suggestions were put forward to improve the health of coastal ecosystem in Shandong Province. In the “discussion” part of this study, the consistency between the research results of this paper and the actual situation of the marine ecosystem in Shandong Province and the existing research results of the same kind is compared, and the applicability and limitations of the research methods in this paper are put forward, indicating that the research methods in this paper are more applicable to the comparative analysis under the same ideal value determination criteria.

Introduction Most developed countries, including Australia, have a strong focus on national, state and local strategies for emergency management and response in the face of disasters and crises. This framework can include coping with catastrophic dislocation, service disruption, injury or loss of life in the face of natural disasters such as major fires, floods, earthquakes or other large-impact natural events, as well as dealing with similar catastrophes resulting from human actions such as bombs, biological agents, cyber-attacks targeting essential services such as communications networks, or other crises affecting large populations. Emergency management frameworks for crisis and disaster response are distinguished by their focus on the domestic context for such events; that is, how to manage and assist the ways in which civilian populations, who are for the most part inexperienced and untrained in dealing with crises and disasters, are able to respond and behave in such situations so as to minimise the impacts of a catastrophic event. Even in countries like Australia that demonstrate a strong public commitment to cultural pluralism and social cohesion, ethno-cultural diversity can be seen as a risk or threat to national security and values at times of political, natural, economic and/or social tensions and crises. Australian government policymakers have recently focused, with increasing intensity, on “community resilience” as a key element in countering extremism and enhancing emergency preparedness and response. In some sense, this is the result of a tacit acknowledgement by government agencies that there are limits to what they can do for domestic communities should such a catastrophic event occur, and accordingly, the focus in recent times has shifted to how governments can best help people to help themselves in such situations, a key element of the contemporary “resilience” approach. Yet despite the robustly multicultural nature of Australian society, explicit engagement with Australia’s cultural diversity flickers only fleetingly on this agenda, which continues to pursue approaches to community resilience in the absence of understandings about how these terms and formations may themselves need to be diversified to maximise engagement by all citizens in a multicultural polity. There have been some recent efforts in Australia to move in this direction, for example the Australian Emergency Management Institute (AEMI)’s recent suite of projects with culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) communities (2006-2010) and the current Australia-New Zealand Counter-Terrorism Committee-supported project on “Harnessing Resilience Capital in Culturally Diverse Communities to Counter Violent Extremism” (Grossman and Tahiri), which I discuss in a longer forthcoming version of this essay (Grossman). Yet the understanding of ethno-cultural identity and difference that underlies much policy thinking on resilience remains problematic for the way in which it invests in a view of the cultural dimensions of community resilience as relic rather than resource – valorising the preservation of and respect for cultural norms and traditions, but silent on what different ethno-cultural communities might contribute toward expanded definitions of both “community” and “resilience” by virtue of the transformative potential and existing cultural capital they bring with them into new national and also translocal settings. For example, a primary conclusion of the joint program between AEMI and the Australian Multicultural Commission is that CALD communities are largely “vulnerable” in the context of disasters and emergency management and need to be better integrated into majority-culture models of theorising and embedding community resilience. This focus on stronger national integration and the “vulnerability” of culturally diverse ethno-cultural communities in the Australian context echoes the work of scholars beyond Australia such as McGhee, Mouritsen (Reflections, Citizenship) and Joppke. They argue that the “civic turn” in debates around resurgent contemporary nationalism and multicultural immigration policies privileges civic integration over genuine two-way multiculturalism. This approach sidesteps the transculturational (Ortiz; Welsch; Mignolo; Bennesaieh; Robins; Stein) aspects of contemporary social identities and exchange by paying lip-service to cultural diversity while affirming a neo-liberal construct of civic values and principles as a universalising goal of Western democratic states within a global market economy. It also suggests a superficial tribute to cultural diversity that does not embed diversity comprehensively at the levels of either conceptualising or resourcing different elements of Australian transcultural communities within the generalised framework of “community resilience.” And by emphasising cultural difference as vulnerability rather than as resource or asset, it fails to acknowledge the varieties of resilience capital that many culturally diverse individuals and communities may bring with them when they resettle in new environments, by ignoring the question of what “resilience” actually means to those from culturally diverse communities. In so doing, it also avoids the critical task of incorporating intercultural definitional diversity around the concepts of both “community” and “resilience” used to promote social cohesion and the capacity to recover from disasters and crises. How we might do differently in thinking about the broader challenges for multiculturalism itself as a resilient transnational concept and practice? The Concept of Resilience The meanings of resilience vary by disciplinary perspective. While there is no universally accepted definition of the concept, it is widely acknowledged that resilience refers to the capacity of an individual to do well in spite of exposure to acute trauma or sustained adversity (Liebenberg 219). Originating in the Latin word resilio, meaning ‘to jump back’, there is general consensus that resilience pertains to an individual’s, community’s or system’s ability to adapt to and ‘bounce back’ from a disruptive event (Mohaupt 63, Longstaff et al. 3). Over the past decade there has been a dramatic rise in interest in the clinical, community and family sciences concerning resilience to a broad range of adversities (Weine 62). While debate continues over which discipline can be credited with first employing resilience as a concept, Mohaupt argues that most of the literature on resilience cites social psychology and psychiatry as the origin for the concept beginning in the mid-20th century. The pioneer researchers of what became known as resilience research studied the impact on children living in dysfunctional families. For example, the findings of work by Garmezy, Werner and Smith and Rutter showed that about one third of children in these studies were coping very well despite considerable adversities and traumas. In asking what it was that prevented the children in their research from being negatively influenced by their home environments, such research provided the basis for future research on resilience. Such work was also ground-breaking for identifying the so-called ‘protective factors’ or resources that individuals can operationalise when dealing with adversity. In essence, protective factors are those conditions in the individual that protect them from the risk of dysfunction and enable recovery from trauma. They mitigate the effects of stressors or risk factors, that is, those conditions that predispose one to harm (Hajek 15). Protective factors include the inborn traits or qualities within an individual, those defining an individual’s environment, and also the interaction between the two. Together, these factors give people the strength, skills and motivation to cope in difficult situations and re-establish (a version of) ‘normal’ life (Gunnestad). Identifying protective factors is important in terms of understanding the particular resources a given sociocultural group has at its disposal, but it is also vital to consider the interconnections between various protective mechanisms, how they might influence each other, and to what degree. An individual, for instance, might display resilience or adaptive functioning in a particular domain (e.g. emotional functioning) but experience significant deficits in another (e.g. academic achievement) (Hunter 2). It is also essential to scrutinise how the interaction between protective factors and risk factors creates patterns of resilience. Finally, a comprehensive understanding of the interrelated nature of protective mechanisms and risk factors is imperative for designing effective interventions and tailored preventive strategies (Weine 65). In short, contemporary thinking about resilience suggests it is neither entirely personal nor strictly social, but an interactive and iterative combination of the two. It is a quality of the environment as much as the individual. For Ungar, resilience is the complex entanglements between “individuals and their social ecologies [that] will determine the degree of positive outcomes experienced” (3). Thinking about resilience as context-dependent is important because research that is too trait-based or actor-centred risks ignoring any structural or institutional forces. A more ecological interpretation of resilience, one that takes into a person’s context and environment into account, is vital in order to avoid blaming the victim for any hardships they face, or relieving state and institutional structures from their responsibilities in addressing social adversity, which can “emphasise self-help in line with a neo-conservative agenda instead of stimulating state responsibility” (Mohaupt 67). Nevertheless, Ungar posits that a coherent definition of resilience has yet to be developed that adequately ‘captures the dual focus of the individual and the individual’s social ecology and how the two must both be accounted for when determining the criteria for judging outcomes and discerning processes associated with resilience’ (7). Recent resilience research has consequently prompted a shift away from vulnerability towards protective processes — a shift that highlights the sustained capabilities of individuals and communities under threat or at risk. Locating ‘Culture’ in the Literature on Resilience However, an understanding of the role of culture has remained elusive or marginalised within this trend; there has been comparatively little sustained investigation into the applicability of resilience constructs to non-western cultures, or how the resources available for survival might differ from those accessible to western populations (Ungar 4). As such, a growing body of researchers is calling for more rigorous inquiry into culturally determined outcomes that might be associated with resilience in non-western or multicultural cultures and contexts, for example where Indigenous and minority immigrant communities live side by side with their ‘mainstream’ neighbours in western settings (Ungar 2). ‘Cultural resilience’ considers the role that cultural background plays in determining the ability of individuals and communities to be resilient in the face of adversity. For Clauss-Ehlers, the term describes the degree to which the strengths of one’s culture promote the development of coping (198). Culturally-focused resilience suggests that people can manage and overcome stress and trauma based not on individual characteristics alone, but also from the support of broader sociocultural factors (culture, cultural values, language, customs, norms) (Clauss-Ehlers 324). The innate cultural strengths of a culture may or may not differ from the strengths of other cultures; the emphasis here is not so much comparatively inter-cultural as intensively intra-cultural (VanBreda 215). A culturally focused resilience model thus involves “a dynamic, interactive process in which the individual negotiates stress through a combination of character traits, cultural background, cultural values, and facilitating factors in the sociocultural environment” (Clauss-Ehlers 199). In understanding ways of ‘coping and hoping, surviving and thriving’, it is thus crucial to consider how culturally and linguistically diverse minorities navigate the cultural understandings and assumptions of both their countries of origin and those of their current domicile (Ungar 12). Gunnestad claims that people who master the rules and norms of their new culture without abandoning their own language, values and social support are more resilient than those who tenaciously maintain their own culture at the expense of adjusting to their new environment. They are also more resilient than those who forego their own culture and assimilate with the host society (14). Accordingly, if the combination of both valuing one’s culture as well as learning about the culture of the new system produces greater resilience and adaptive capacities, serious problems can arise when a majority tries to acculturate a minority to the mainstream by taking away or not recognising important parts of the minority culture. In terms of resilience, if cultural factors are denied or diminished in accounting for and strengthening resilience – in other words, if people are stripped of what they possess by way of resilience built through cultural knowledge, disposition and networks – they do in fact become vulnerable, because ‘they do not automatically gain those cultural strengths that the majority has acquired over generations’ (Gunnestad 14). Mobilising ‘Culture’ in Australian Approaches to Community Resilience The realpolitik of how concepts of resilience and culture are mobilised is highly relevant here. As noted above, when ethnocultural difference is positioned as a risk or a threat to national identity, security and values, this is precisely the moment when vigorously, even aggressively, nationalised definitions of ‘community’ and ‘identity’ that minoritise or disavow cultural diversities come to the fore in public discourse. The Australian evocation of nationalism and national identity, particularly in the way it has framed policy discussion on managing national responses to disasters and threats, has arguably been more muted than some of the European hysteria witnessed recently around cultural diversity and national life. Yet we still struggle with the idea that newcomers to Australia might fall on the surplus rather than the deficit side of the ledger when it comes to identifying and harnessing resilience capital. A brief example of this trend is explored here. From 2006 to 2010, the Australian Emergency Management Institute embarked on an ambitious government-funded four-year program devoted to strengthening community resilience in relation to disasters with specific reference to engaging CALD communities across Australia. The program, Inclusive Emergency Management with CALD Communities, was part of a wider Australian National Action Plan to Build Social Cohesion, Harmony and Security in the wake of the London terrorist bombings in July 2005. Involving CALD community organisations as well as various emergency and disaster management agencies, the program ran various workshops and agency-community partnership pilots, developed national school education resources, and commissioned an evaluation of the program’s effectiveness (Farrow et al.). While my critique here is certainly not aimed at emergency management or disaster response agencies and personnel themselves – dedicated professionals who often achieve remarkable results in emergency and disaster response under extraordinarily difficult circumstances – it is nevertheless important to highlight how the assumptions underlying elements of AEMI’s experience and outcomes reflect the persistent ways in which ethnocultural diversity is rendered as a problem to be surmounted or a liability to be redressed, rather than as an asset to be built upon or a resource to be valued and mobilised. AEMI’s explicit effort to engage with CALD communities in building overall community resilience was important in its tacit acknowledgement that emergency and disaster services were (and often remain) under-resourced and under-prepared in dealing with the complexities of cultural diversity in emergency situations. Despite these good intentions, however, while the program produced some positive outcomes and contributed to crucial relationship building between CALD communities and emergency services within various jurisdictions, it also continued to frame the challenge of working with cultural diversity as a problem of increased vulnerability during disasters for recently arrived and refugee background CALD individuals and communities. This highlights a common feature in community resilience-building initiatives, which is to focus on those who are already ‘robust’ versus those who are ‘vulnerable’ in relation to resilience indicators, and whose needs may require different or additional resources in order to be met. At one level, this is a pragmatic resourcing issue: national agencies understandably want to put their people, energy and dollars where they are most needed in pursuit of a steady-state unified national response at times of crisis. Nor should it be argued that at least some CALD groups, particularly those from new arrival and refugee communities, are not vulnerable in at least some of the ways and for some of the reasons suggested in the program evaluation. However, the consistent focus on CALD communities as ‘vulnerable’ and ‘in need’ is problematic, as well as partial. It casts members of these communities as structurally and inherently less able and less resilient in the context of disasters and emergencies: in some sense, as those who, already ‘victims’ of chronic social deficits such as low English proficiency, social isolation and a mysterious unidentified set of ‘cultural factors’, can become doubly victimised in acute crisis and disaster scenarios. In what is by now a familiar trope, the description of CALD communities as ‘vulnerable’ precludes asking questions about what they do have, what they do know, and what they do or can contribute to how we respond to disaster and emergency events in our communities. A more profound problem in this sphere revolves around working out how best to engage CALD communities and individuals within existing approaches to disaster and emergency preparedness and response. This reflects a fundamental but unavoidable limitation of disaster preparedness models: they are innately spatially and geographically bounded, and consequently understand ‘communities’ in these terms, rather than expanding definitions of ‘community’ to include the dimensions of community-as-social-relations. While some good engagement outcomes were achieved locally around cross-cultural knowledge for emergency services workers, the AEMI program fell short of asking some of the harder questions about how emergency and disaster service scaffolding and resilience-building approaches might themselves need to change or transform, using a cross-cutting model of ‘communities’ as both geographic places and multicultural spaces (Bartowiak-Théron and Crehan) in order to be more effective in national scenarios in which cultural diversity should be taken for granted. Toward Acknowledgement of Resilience Capital Most significantly, the AEMI program did not produce any recognition of the ways in which CALD communities already possess resilience capital, or consider how this might be drawn on in formulating stronger community initiatives around disaster and threats preparedness for the future. Of course, not all individuals within such communities, nor all communities across varying circumstances, will demonstrate resilience, and we need to be careful of either overgeneralising or romanticising the kinds and degrees of ‘resilience capital’ that may exist within them. Nevertheless, at least some have developed ways of withstanding crises and adapting to new conditions of living. This is particularly so in connection with individual and group behaviours around resource sharing, care-giving and social responsibility under adverse circumstances (Grossman and Tahiri) – all of which are directly relevant to emergency and disaster response. While some of these resilient behaviours may have been nurtured or enhanced by particular experiences and environments, they can, as the discussion of recent literature above suggests, also be rooted more deeply in cultural norms, habits and beliefs. Whatever their origins, for culturally diverse societies to achieve genuine resilience in the face of both natural and human-made disasters, it is critical to call on the ‘social memory’ (Folke et al.) of communities faced with responding to emergencies and crises. Such wellsprings of social memory ‘come from the diversity of individuals and institutions that draw on reservoirs of practices, knowledge, values, and worldviews and is crucial for preparing the system for change, building resilience, and for coping with surprise’ (Adger et al.). Consequently, if we accept the challenge of mapping an approach to cultural diversity as resource rather than relic into our thinking around strengthening community resilience, there are significant gains to be made. For a whole range of reasons, no diversity-sensitive model or measure of resilience should invest in static understandings of ethnicities and cultures; all around the world, ethnocultural identities and communities are in a constant and sometimes accelerated state of dynamism, reconfiguration and flux. But to ignore the resilience capital and potential protective factors that ethnocultural diversity can offer to the strengthening of community resilience more broadly is to miss important opportunities that can help suture the existing disconnects between proactive approaches to intercultural connectedness and social inclusion on the one hand, and reactive approaches to threats, national security and disaster response on the other, undermining the effort to advance effectively on either front. This means that dominant social institutions and structures must be willing to contemplate their own transformation as the result of transcultural engagement, rather than merely insisting, as is often the case, that ‘other’ cultures and communities conform to existing hegemonic paradigms of being and of living. In many ways, this is the most critical step of all. A resilience model and strategy that questions its own culturally informed yet taken-for-granted assumptions and premises, goes out into communities to test and refine these, and returns to redesign its approach based on the new knowledge it acquires, would reflect genuine progress toward an effective transculturational approach to community resilience in culturally diverse contexts.References Adger, W. Neil, Terry P. Hughes, Carl Folke, Stephen R. Carpenter and Johan Rockström. “Social-Ecological Resilience to Coastal Disasters.” Science 309.5737 (2005): 1036-1039. ‹http://www.sciencemag.org/content/309/5737/1036.full> Bartowiak-Théron, Isabelle, and Anna Corbo Crehan. “The Changing Nature of Communities: Implications for Police and Community Policing.” Community Policing in Australia: Australian Institute of Criminology (AIC) Reports, Research and Policy Series 111 (2010): 8-15. Benessaieh, Afef. “Multiculturalism, Interculturality, Transculturality.” Ed. A. Benessaieh. Transcultural Americas/Ameriques Transculturelles. Ottawa: U of Ottawa Press/Les Presses de l’Unversite d’Ottawa, 2010. 11-38. Clauss-Ehlers, Caroline S. “Sociocultural Factors, Resilience and Coping: Support for a Culturally Sensitive Measure of Resilience.” Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 29 (2008): 197-212. Clauss-Ehlers, Caroline S. “Cultural Resilience.” Encyclopedia of Cross-Cultural School Psychology. Ed. C. S. Clauss-Ehlers. New York: Springer, 2010. 324-326. Farrow, David, Anthea Rutter and Rosalind Hurworth. Evaluation of the Inclusive Emergency Management with Culturally and Linguistically Diverse (CALD) Communities Program. Parkville, Vic.: Centre for Program Evaluation, U of Melbourne, July 2009. ‹http://www.ag.gov.au/www/emaweb/rwpattach.nsf/VAP/(9A5D88DBA63D32A661E6369859739356)~Final+Evaluation+Report+-+July+2009.pdf/$file/Final+Evaluation+Report+-+July+2009.pdf>.Folke, Carl, Thomas Hahn, Per Olsson, and Jon Norberg. “Adaptive Governance of Social-Ecological Systems.” Annual Review of Environment and Resources 30 (2005): 441-73. ‹http://arjournals.annualreviews.org/doi/pdf/10.1146/annurev.energy.30.050504.144511>. Garmezy, Norman. “The Study of Competence in Children at Risk for Severe Psychopathology.” The Child in His Family: Children at Psychiatric Risk. Vol. 3. Eds. E. J. Anthony and C. Koupernick. New York: Wiley, 1974. 77-97. Grossman, Michele. “Resilient Multiculturalism? Diversifying Australian Approaches to Community Resilience and Cultural Difference”. Global Perspectives on Multiculturalism in the 21st Century. Eds. B. E. de B’beri and F. Mansouri. London: Routledge, 2014. Grossman, Michele, and Hussein Tahiri. Harnessing Resilience Capital in Culturally Diverse Communities to Counter Violent Extremism. Canberra: Australia-New Zealand Counter-Terrorism Committee, forthcoming 2014. Grossman, Michele. “Cultural Resilience and Strengthening Communities”. Safeguarding Australia Summit, Canberra. 23 Sep. 2010. ‹http://www.safeguardingaustraliasummit.org.au/uploader/resources/Michele_Grossman.pdf>. Gunnestad, Arve. “Resilience in a Cross-Cultural Perspective: How Resilience Is Generated in Different Cultures.” Journal of Intercultural Communication 11 (2006). ‹http://www.immi.se/intercultural/nr11/gunnestad.htm>. Hajek, Lisa J. “Belonging and Resilience: A Phenomenological Study.” Unpublished Master of Science thesis, U of Wisconsin-Stout. Menomonie, Wisconsin, 2003. Hunter, Cathryn. “Is Resilience Still a Useful Concept When Working with Children and Young People?” Child Family Community Australia (CFA) Paper 2. Melbourne: Australian Institute of Family Studies, 2012.Joppke, Christian. "Beyond National Models: Civic Integration Policies for Immigrants in Western Europe". West European Politics 30.1 (2007): 1-22. Liebenberg, Linda, Michael Ungar, and Fons van de Vijver. “Validation of the Child and Youth Resilience Measure-28 (CYRM-28) among Canadian Youth.” Research on Social Work Practice 22.2 (2012): 219-226. Longstaff, Patricia H., Nicholas J. Armstrong, Keli Perrin, Whitney May Parker, and Matthew A. Hidek. “Building Resilient Communities: A Preliminary Framework for Assessment.” Homeland Security Affairs 6.3 (2010): 1-23. ‹http://www.hsaj.org/?fullarticle=6.3.6>. McGhee, Derek. The End of Multiculturalism? Terrorism, Integration and Human Rights. Maidenhead: Open U P, 2008.Mignolo, Walter. Local Histories/Global Designs: Coloniality, Subaltern Knowledges, and Border Thinking. Princeton: Princeton U P, 2000. Mohaupt, Sarah. “Review Article: Resilience and Social Exclusion.” Social Policy and Society 8 (2009): 63-71.Mouritsen, Per. "The Culture of Citizenship: A Reflection on Civic Integration in Europe." Ed. R. Zapata-Barrero. Citizenship Policies in the Age of Diversity: Europe at the Crossroad." Barcelona: CIDOB Foundation, 2009: 23-35. Mouritsen, Per. “Political Responses to Cultural Conflict: Reflections on the Ambiguities of the Civic Turn.” Ed. P. Mouritsen and K.E. Jørgensen. Constituting Communities. Political Solutions to Cultural Conflict, London: Palgrave, 2008. 1-30. Ortiz, Fernando. Cuban Counterpoint: Tobacco and Sugar. Trans. Harriet de Onís. Intr. Fernando Coronil and Bronislaw Malinowski. Durham, NC: Duke U P, 1995 [1940]. Robins, Kevin. The Challenge of Transcultural Diversities: Final Report on the Transversal Study on Cultural Policy and Cultural Diversity. Culture and Cultural Heritage Department. Strasbourg: Council of European Publishing, 2006. Rutter, Michael. “Protective Factors in Children’s Responses to Stress and Disadvantage.” Annals of the Academy of Medicine, Singapore 8 (1979): 324-38. Stein, Mark. “The Location of Transculture.” Transcultural English Studies: Fictions, Theories, Realities. Eds. F. Schulze-Engler and S. Helff. Cross/Cultures 102/ANSEL Papers 12. Amsterdam and New York: Rodopi, 2009. 251-266. Ungar, Michael. “Resilience across Cultures.” British Journal of Social Work 38.2 (2008): 218-235. First published online 2006: 1-18. In-text references refer to the online Advance Access edition ‹http://bjsw.oxfordjournals.org/content/early/2006/10/18/bjsw.bcl343.full.pdf>. VanBreda, Adrian DuPlessis. Resilience Theory: A Literature Review. Erasmuskloof: South African Military Health Service, Military Psychological Institute, Social Work Research & Development, 2001. Weine, Stevan. “Building Resilience to Violent Extremism in Muslim Diaspora Communities in the United States.” Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict 5.1 (2012): 60-73. Welsch, Wolfgang. “Transculturality: The Puzzling Form of Cultures Today.” Spaces of Culture: City, Nation World. Eds. M. Featherstone and S. Lash. London: Sage, 1999. 194-213. Werner, Emmy E., and Ruth S. Smith. Vulnerable But Invincible: A Longitudinal Study of\ Resilience and Youth. New York: McGraw Hill, 1982. NotesThe concept of ‘resilience capital’ I offer here is in line with one strand of contemporary theorising around resilience – that of resilience as social or socio-ecological capital – but moves beyond the idea of enhancing general social connectedness and community cohesion by emphasising the ways in which culturally diverse communities may already be robustly networked and resourceful within micro-communal settings, with new resources and knowledge both to draw on and to offer other communities or the ‘national community’ at large. In effect, ‘resilience capital’ speaks to the importance of finding ‘the communities within the community’ (Bartowiak-Théron and Crehan 11) and recognising their capacity to contribute to broad-scale resilience and recovery.I am indebted for the discussion of the literature on resilience here to Dr Peta Stephenson, Centre for Cultural Diversity and Wellbeing, Victoria University, who is working on a related project (M. Grossman and H. Tahiri, Harnessing Resilience Capital in Culturally Diverse Communities to Counter Violent Extremism, forthcoming 2014).

Introduction The scientific validity of climate change claims, how to intervene (if at all) in environmental, economic, political and social consequences of climate change, and the adaptation and mitigation needed with any given climate change scenario, are contested areas of public, policy and academic discourses. For marginalised populations, the climate discourses around adaptation, mitigation, vulnerability and resilience are of particular importance. This paper considers the silence around disabled people in these discourses. Marci Roth of the Spinal Cord Injury Association testified before Congress in regards to the Katrina disaster: [On August 29] Susan Daniels called me to enlist my help because her sister in-law, a quadriplegic woman in New Orleans, had been unsuccessfully trying to evacuate to the Superdome for two days. […] It was clear that this woman, Benilda Caixetta, was not being evacuated. I stayed on the phone with Benilda, for the most part of the day. […] She kept telling me she’d been calling for a ride to the Superdome since Saturday; but, despite promises, no one came. The very same paratransit system that people can’t rely on in good weather is what was being relied on in the evacuation. […] I was on the phone with Benilda when she told me, with panic in her voice “the water is rushing in.” And then her phone went dead. We learned five days later that she had been found in her apartment dead, floating next to her wheelchair. […] Benilda did not have to drown. (National Council on Disability, emphasis added) According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), adaptation is the “Adjustment in natural or human systems in response to actual or expected climatic stimuli or their effects, which moderates harm or exploits beneficial opportunities” (IPCC, Climate Change 2007). Adaptations can be anticipatory or reactive, and depending on their degree of spontaneity they can be autonomous or planned (IPCC, Fourth Assessment Report). Adaptations can be private or public (IPCC, Fourth Assessment Report), technological, behavioural, managerial and structural (National Research Council of Canada). Adaptation, in the context of human dimensions of global change, usually refers to a process, action or outcome in a system (household, community, group, sector, region, country) in order for that system to better cope with, manage or adjust to some changing condition, stress, hazard, risk or opportunity (Smit and Wandel). Adaptation can encompass national or regional strategies as well as practical steps taken at the community level or by individuals. According to Smit et al, a framework for systematically defining adaptations is based on three questions: (i) adaptation to what; (ii) who or what adapts; and (iii) how does adaptation occur? These are essential questions that have to be looked at from many angles including cultural and anthropological lenses as well as lenses of marginalised and highly vulnerable populations. Mitigation (to reduce or prevent changes in the climate system), vulnerability (the degree to which a system is susceptible to, and unable to cope with, the adverse effects of climate change), and resilience (the amount of change a system can undergo without changing state), are other important concepts within the climate change discourse. Non-climate stresses can increase vulnerability to climate change by reducing resilience and can also reduce adaptive capacity because of resource deployment to competing needs. Extending this to the context of disabled people, ableism (sentiment to expect certain abilities within humans) (Wolbring, “Is there an end to out-able?”) and disablism (the unwillingness to accommodate different needs) (Miller, Parker and Gillinson) are two concepts that will thus play themselves out in climate discourses. The “Summary for Policymakers” of the IPCC 2007 report, Climate Change 2007: Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability, states: “Poor communities can be especially vulnerable, in particular those concentrated in high-risk areas. They tend to have more limited adaptive capacities, and are more dependent on climate-sensitive resources such as local water and food supplies.” From this quote one can conclude that disabled people are particularly impacted, as the majority of disabled people live in poverty (Elwan). For instance, CARE International, a humanitarian organisation fighting global poverty, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, and Maplecroft, a company that specialises in the calculation, analysis and visualisation of global risks, conclude: “The degree of vulnerability is determined by underlying natural, human, social, physical and financial factors and is a major reason why poor people—especially those in marginalised social groups like women, children, the elderly and people with disabilities—are most affected by disasters” (CARE International). The purpose of this paper is to expose the reader to (a) how disabled people are situated in the culture of the climate, adaptation, mitigation and resilience discourse; (b) how one would answer the three questions, (i) adaptation to what, (ii) who or what adapts, and (iii) how does adaptation occur (Smit et al), using a disabled people lens; and (c) what that reality of the involvement of disabled people within the climate change discourse might herald for other groups in the future. The paper contends that there is a pressing need for the climate discourse to be more inclusive and to develop a new social contract to modify existing dynamics of ableism and disablism so as to avoid the uneven distribution of evident burdens already linked to climate change. A Culture of Neglect: The Situation of Disabled People As climates changes, environmental events that are classified as natural disasters are expected to be more frequent. In the face of recent disaster responses, how effective have these efforts been as they relate to the needs and challenges faced by disabled people? Almost immediately after Hurricane Katrina devastated the Gulf Coast, the National Council on Disability (NCD) in the United States estimated that 155,000 people with disabilities lived in the three cities hardest hit by the hurricane (about 25 per cent of the cities’ populations). The NCD urged emergency managers and government officials to recognise that the need for basic necessities by hurricane survivors with disabilities was “compounded by chronic health conditions and functional impairments … [which include] people who are blind, people who are deaf, people who use wheelchairs, canes, walkers, crutches, people with service animals, and people with mental health needs.” The NCD estimated that a disproportionate number of fatalities were people with disabilities. They cited one statistic from the American Association of Retired Persons (AARP): “73 per cent of Hurricane Katrina-related deaths in New Orleans area were among persons age 60 and over, although they comprised only 15 per cent of the population in New Orleans.” As the NCD stated, “most of those individuals had medical conditions and functional or sensory disabilities that made them more vulnerable. Many more people with disabilities under the age of 60 died or were otherwise impacted by the hurricanes.” As these numbers are very likely linked to the impaired status of the elderly, it seems reasonable to assume similar numbers for non-elderly disabled people. Hurricane Katrina is but one example of how disabled people are neglected in a disaster (Hemingway and Priestley; Fjord and Manderson). Disabled people were also disproportionately impacted in other disasters, such as the 1995 Great Hanshin Earthquake in Japan (Nakamura) or the 2003 heatwave in France, where 63 per cent of heat-related deaths occurred in institutions, with a quarter of these in nursing homes (Holstein et al.). A review of 18 US heatwave response plans revealed that although people with mental or chronic illnesses and the homeless constitute a significant proportion of the victims in recent heatwaves, only one plan emphasised outreach to disabled persons, and only two addressed the shelter and water needs of the homeless (Ebi and Meehl; Bernhard and McGeehin). Presence of Disabled People in Climate Discourse Although climate change will disproportionately impact disabled people, despite the less than stellar record of disaster adaptation and mitigation efforts towards disabled people, and despite the fact that other social groups (such as women, children, ‘the poor’, indigenous people, farmers and displaced people) are mentioned in climate-related reports such as the IPCC reports and the Human Development Report 2007/2008, the same reports do not mention disabled people. Even worse, the majority of the material generated by, and physically set up for, discourses on climate, is inaccessible for many disabled people (Australian Human Rights Commission). For instance, the IPCC report, Climate Change 2007: Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability, contains Box 8.2: Gender and natural disasters, makes the following points: (a) “men and women are affected differently in all phases of a disaster, from exposure to risk and risk perception; to preparedness behaviour, warning communication and response; physical, psychological, social and economic impacts; emergency response; and ultimately to recovery and reconstruction”; (b) “natural disasters have been shown to result in increased domestic violence against, and post-traumatic stress disorders in, women”; and (c) “women make an important contribution to disaster reduction, often informally through participating in disaster management and acting as agents of social change. Their resilience and their networks are critical in household and community recovery.” The content of Box 8.2 acknowledges the existence of different perspectives and contributions to the climate discourse, and that it is beneficial to explore these differences. It seems reasonable to assume that differences in perspectives, contributions and impact may well also exist between people with and without disabilities, and that it may be likewise beneficial to explore these differences. Disabled people are differently affected in all phases of a disaster, from exposure to risk and risk perception; to preparedness behaviour, warning communication and response; physical, psychological, social and economic impacts; emergency response; and ultimately to recovery and reconstruction. Disabled people could also make an important contribution to disaster reduction, often informally through participating in disaster management and acting as agents of social change. Their resilience and their networks are critical in household and community recovery, important as distributors of relief efforts and in reconstruction design. The Bonn Declaration from the 2007 international conference, Disasters are always Inclusive: Persons with Disabilities in Humanitarian Emergency Situations, highlighted many problems disabled people are facing and gives recommendations for inclusive disaster preparedness planning, for inclusive response in acute emergency situations and immediate rehabilitation measures, and for inclusive post-disaster reconstruction and development measures. Many workshops were initiated by disabled people groups, such as Rehabilitation International. However, the disabled people disaster adaptation and mitigation discourse is not mainstreamed. Advocacy by people with disability for accessible transport and universal or “life-cycle” housing (among other things) shows how they can contribute significantly to more effective social systems and public facilities. These benefit everyone and help to shift public expectations towards accessible and flexible amenities and services—for example, emergency response and evacuation procedures are much easier for all if such facilities are universally accessible. Most suggestions by disabled people for a more integrative, accessible physical environment and societal attitude benefit everyone, and gain special importance with the ever-increasing proportion of elderly people in society. The IPCC Fourth Assessment Report is intended to be a balanced assessment of current knowledge on climate change mitigation. However, none of the 2007 IPCC reports mention disabled people. Does that mean that disabled people are not impacted by, or impact, climate change? Does no knowledge of adaptation, mitigation and adaptation capacity from a disabled people lens exist, or does the knowledge not reach the IPCC, or does the IPCC judge this knowledge as irrelevant? This culture of neglect and unbalanced assessment of knowledge evident in the IPCC reports was recognised before for rise of a ‘global’ climate discourse. For instance, a 2001 Canadian government document asked that research agendas be developed with the involvement of, among others, disabled people (Health Canada). The 2009 Nairobi Declaration on Africa’s response to climate change (paragraph 36) also asks for the involvement of disabled people (African Ministerial Conference on the Environment). However, so far nothing has trickled up to the international bodies, like the IPCC, or leading conferences such as the United Nations Climate Change Conference Copenhagen 2009. Where Will It End? In his essay, “We do not need climate change apartheid in adaptation”, in the Human Development Report 2007/2008, Archbishop Desmond Tutu suggests that we are drifting into a situation of global adaptation apartheid—that adaptation becomes a euphemism for social injustice on a global scale (United Nations Development Programme). He uses the term “adaptation apartheid” to highlight the inequality of support for adaptation capacity between high and low income countries: “Inequality in capacity to adapt to climate change is emerging as a potential driver of wider disparities in wealth, security and opportunities for human development”. I submit that “adaptation apartheid” also exists in regard to disabled people, with the invisibility of disabled people in the climate discourse being just one facet. The unwillingness to accommodate, to help the “other,” is nothing new for disabled people. The ableism that favours species-typical bodily functioning (Wolbring, “Is there an end to out-able?”; Wolbring, “Why NBIC?”) and disablism (Miller, Parker, and Gillinson)—the lack of accommodation enthusiasm for the needs of people with ‘below’ species-typical body abilities and the unwillingness to adapt to the needs of “others”—is a form of “adaptation apartheid,” of accommodation apartheid, of adaptation disablism that has been battled by disabled people for a long time. In a 2009 online survey of 2000 British people, 38 per cent believed that most people in British society see disabled people as a “drain on resources” (Scope). A majority of human geneticist concluded in a survey in 1999 that disabled people will never be given the support they need (Nippert and Wolff). Adaptation disablism is visible in the literature and studies around other disasters. The 1988 British Medical Association discussion document, Selection of casualties for treatment after nuclear attack, stated “casualties whose injuries were likely to lead to a permanent disability would receive lower priority than those expected to fully recover” (Sunday Morning Herald). Famine is seen to lead to increased infanticide, increased competitiveness and decreased collaboration (Participants of the Nuclear Winter: The Anthropology of Human Survival Session). Ableism and disablism notions experienced by disabled people can now be extended to include those challenges expected to arise from the need to adapt to climate change. It is reasonable to expect that ableism will prevail, expecting people to cope with certain forms of climate change, and that disablism will be extended, with the ones less affected being unwilling to accommodate the ones more affected beyond a certain point. This ableism/disablism will not only play itself out between high and low income countries, as Desmond Tutu described, but also within high income countries, as not every need will be accommodated. The disaster experience of disabled people is just one example. And there might be climate change consequences that one can only mitigate through high tech bodily adaptations that will not be available to many of the ones who are so far accommodated in high income countries. Desmond Tutu submits that adaptation apartheid might work for the fortunate ones in the short term, but will be destructive for them in the long term (United Nations Development Programme). Disability studies scholar Erik Leipoldt proposed that the disability perspective of interdependence is a practical guide from the margins for making new choices that may lead to a just and sustainable world—a concept that reduces the distance between each other and our environment (Leipoldt). This perspective rejects ableism and disablism as it plays itself out today, including adaptation apartheid. Planned adaptation involves four basic steps: information development and awareness-raising; planning and design; implementation; and monitoring and evaluation (Smit et al). Disabled people have important knowledge to contribute to these four basic steps that goes far beyond their community. Their understanding and acceptance of, for example, the concept of interdependence, is just one major contribution. Including the concept of interdependence within the set of tools that inform the four basic steps of adaptation and other facets of climate discourse has the potential to lead to a decrease of adaptation apartheid, and to increase the utility of the climate discourse for the global community as a whole. References African Ministerial Conference on the Environment. Nairobi Declaration on the African Process for Combating Climate Change. 2009. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.unep.org/roa/Amcen/Amcen_Events/3rd_ss/Docs/nairobi-Decration-2009.pdf ›. American Association of Retired Persons. We Can Do Better: Lessons Learned for Protecting Older Persons in Disasters. 2009. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://assets.aarp.org/rgcenter/il/better.pdf ›. Australian Human Rights Commission. “Climate Change Secretariat Excludes People with Disabilities.” 2008. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.hreoc.gov.au/about/media/media_releases/2008/95_08.html ›. Bernhard, S., and M. McGeehin. “Municipal Heatwave Response Plans.” American Journal of Public Health 94 (2004): 1520-21. CARE International, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, and Maplecroft. Humanitarian Implications of Climate Change: Mapping Emerging Trends and Risk Hotspots for Humanitarian Actors. CARE International, 2008. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.careclimatechange.org/files/reports/Human_Implications_PolicyBrief.pdf ›, ‹ http://www.careclimatechange.org/files/reports/CARE_Human_Implications.pdf ›. "Disasters Are Always Inclusive: Persons with Disabilities in Humanitarian Emergency Situations." Bonn Declaration from the International Conference: Disasters Are Always Inclusive: Persons with Disabilities in Humanitarian Emergency Situations. 2007. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.disabilityfunders.org/webfm_send/6, http://www.disabilityfunders.org/emergency_preparedness ›, ‹ http://bezev.de/bezev/aktuelles/index.htm ›. Ebi, K., and G. Meehl. Heatwaves and Global Climate Change: The Heat Is On: Climate Change and Heatwaves in the Midwest. 2007. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ www.pewclimate.org/docUploads/Regional-Impacts-Midwest.pdf ›. Elwan, A. Poverty and Disability: A Survey of the Literature. Worldbank, Social Protection Discussion Paper Series (1999): 9932. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://siteresources.worldbank.org/DISABILITY/Resources/Poverty/Poverty_and_Disability_A_Survey_of_the_Literature.pdf ›. Fjord, L., and L. Manderson. “Anthropological Perspectives on Disasters and Disability: An Introduction.” Human Organisation 68.1 (2009): 64-72. Health Canada. First Annual National Health and Climate Change Science and Policy Research Consensus Conference: How Will Climate Change Affect Priorities for Your Health Science and Policy Research? Health Canada, 2001. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.hc-sc.gc.ca/ewh-semt/pubs/climat/research-agenda-recherche/population-eng.php ›. Hemingway, L., and M. Priestley. “Natural Hazards, Human Vulnerability and Disabling Societies: A Disaster for Disabled People?” The Review of Disability Studies (2006). 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.rds.hawaii.edu/counter/count.php?id=13 ›. Holstein, J., et al. “Were Less Disabled Patients the Most Affected by the 2003 Heatwave in Nursing Homes in Paris, France?” Journal of Public Health Advance 27.4 (2005): 359-65. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Climate Change 2007: Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability. 2007. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.ipcc.ch/publications_and_data/publications_ipcc_fourth_assessment_report_wg2_report_impacts_adaptation_and_vulnerability.htm ›. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. “Summary for Policymakers.” Eds. O. F. Canziani, J. P. Palutikof, P. J. van der Linden, C. E. Hanson, and M.L.Parry. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2007. 7-22. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.ipcc.ch/pdf/assessment-report/ar4/wg2/ar4-wg2-spm.pdf ›. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. IPCC Fourth Assessment Report Working Group III Report: Mitigation of Climate Change Glossary. 2007. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.ipcc.ch/ipccreports/ar4-wg3.htm, http://www.ipcc.ch/pdf/assessment-report/ar4/wg3/ar4-wg3-annex1.pdf ›. Leipoldt, E. “Disability Experience: A Contribution from the Margins. Towards a Sustainable Future.” Journal of Futures Studies 10 (2006): 3-15. Miller, P., S. Parker and S. Gillinson. “Disablism: How to Tackle the Last Prejudice.” Demos, 2004. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.demos.co.uk/files/disablism.pdf ›. Nakamura, K. “Disability, Destitution, and Disaster: Surviving the 1995 Great Hanshin Earthquake in Japan.” Human Organisation 68.1 (2009): 82-88. National Council on Disability, National Council on Independent Living, National Organization on Disability, and National Spinal Cord Injury Association and the Paralyzed Veterans of America. Emergency Management and People with Disabilities: before, during and after Congressional Briefing, 10 November 2005. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.ncd.gov/newsroom/publications/2005/transcript_emergencymgt.htm ›. National Council on Disability. National Council on Disability on Hurricane Katrina Affected Areas. 2005. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.ncd.gov/newsroom/publications/2005/katrina2.htm ›. National Research Council of Canada. From Impacts to Adaptation: Canada in a Changing Climate 2007. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://adaptation.nrcan.gc.ca/assess/2007/pdf/full-complet_e.pdf ›. Nippert, I. and G. Wolff. “Ethik und Genetik: Ergebnisse der Umfrage zu Problemaspekten angewandter Humangenetik 1994-1996, 37 Länder.” Medgen 11 (1999): 53-61. Participants of the Nuclear Winter: The Anthropology of Human Survival Session. Proceedings of the 84th American Anthropological Association's Annual Meeting. Washington, D.C., 6 Dec. 1985. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.fas.org/sgp/othergov/doe/lanl/lib-www/la-pubs/00173165.pdf ›. Scope. “Most Britons Think Others View Disabled People ‘As Inferior’.” 2009. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://www.scope.org.uk/cgi-bin/np/viewnews.cgi?id=1244379033, http://www.comres.co.uk/resources/7/Social%20Polls/Scope%20PublicPoll%20Results%20May09.pdf ›. Smit, B., et al. “The Science of Adaptation: A Framework for Assessment.” Mitigation and Adaptation Strategies for Global Change 4 (1999): 199-213. Smit, B., and J. Wandel. “Adaptation, Adaptive Capacity and Vulnerability.” Global Environmental Change 16 (2006): 282-92. Sunday Morning Herald. “Who Lives and Dies in Britain after the Bomb.” Sunday Morning Herald 1988. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1301&dat=19880511&id=wFYVAAAAIBAJ&sjid=kOQDAAAAIBAJ&pg=3909,113100 ›. United Nations Development Programme. Human Development Report 2007/2008: Fighting Climate Change – Human Solidarity in a Divided World. 2008. 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://hdr.undp.org/en/media/HDR_20072008_EN_Complete.pdf ›. Wolbring, Gregor. “Is There an End to Out-Able? Is There an End to the Rat Race for Abilities?” M/C Journal 11.3 (2008). 26 Aug. 2009 ‹ http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/viewArticle/57 ›. Wolbring, Gregor. “Why NBIC? Why Human Performance Enhancement?” Innovation: The European Journal of Social Science Research 21.1 (2008): 25-40.

This thesis presents three essays that aim at analysing the impact of internal and external factors on institutions, which, in turn, may affect development outcomes. The first essay relates to the literature on civil society, aid and democratization. It investigates whether projects implemented by civil society organisations (CSOs) improve the democracy level of the recipient countries. In particular, it evaluates the effectiveness of projects funded by the United Nations Democracy Fund (UNDEF), a trust fund established in 2005 by the United Nations. An empirical analysis based on the propensity score matching method is implemented on a sample of developing countries. The treated group encompasses countries that benefited from projects implemented by CSOs and funded by UNDEF between 2006 and 2011. The findings indicate that the average treatment effect on the treated (ATT) is positive and significant only when countries receive UNDEF-funded projects for three rounds or more. This suggests that UNDEF should continue to fund civil society and non-governmental organisations, but it should also implement a long-term planning and solicit their projects over time. The second and the third essays contribute to the literature on the resource curse, the counter-intuitive finding that countries highly endowed in exploitable natural resources perform worse than those who lack this asset. Both studies confirm that natural resources may be a curse or a blessing for a country, depending on the quality of its institutions. In the second essay, the synthetic control method is used to compare the evolution of the democracy level of countries that experienced giant oil discoveries with the weighted democracy level of countries that do not incur the same event and have similar pre-event characteristics. Focusing on 12 countries that have reached the time after which the rate of oil discoveries starts to decline (peak of oil discoveries), it shows that the variation in oil endowment has a negative effect in the long run in most of cases, but countries with a high level of democracy in the pre-event period are not affected. The third essay analyses the effect of resource abundance on fiscal capacity, defined as the amount of taxes that a government could potentially raise given the structure of the tax system and its available powers of enforcement. Using panel methods, it tests two hypotheses: a) resource rents reduce the incentives to invest in fiscal capacity, thereby resource-rich countries have less developed tax systems; b) political institutions placing limits on the executive powers promote common interests and, thus, raise the incentives for investing in fiscal capacity. The negative effect of natural resources on fiscal infrastructures is therefore mitigated or neutralised in countries with a higher level of executive constraints. The empirical analysis demonstrates that resource rents are negatively associated with fiscal capacity, measured as the share of non-resource taxes on income, profits, and capital gains in non-resource total taxes. However, countries with a high level of executive constraints are able to neutralise or even reverse this effect, depending on the type of resource endowments. The paper gives also an insight into the specific channels through which natural resources work on tax systems, suggesting that they affect fiscal institutions that make the state accountable and transparent to its citizens.