Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Institute for National and International Affairs'

History
M.A.
In 1916 the United States National Park Service (NPS) was founded to conserve the nation’s natural and cultural landscapes as well as “to provide for the enjoyment of the same in such manner and by such means as will leave them unimpaired for the enjoyment of future generations.” While much historical analysis has been done by historians and the NPS on the agency’s national history, these scholars have ignored how the NPS was shaped by and contributed to an international history of national parks. Thus, this thesis addresses this historiographical gap and institutional forgetfulness by examining the agency’s Division of International Affairs (DIA). The DIA was established in 1961 by the NPS to foster international cooperation by building national parks overseas, which often advanced foreign policy containment initiatives in the developing world during the Cold War. Following the end of the Cold War, a significant decline in activity and staffing made it more difficult for the DIA to return to the pull of its influence just a decade or two earlier. In 1987 the DIA was renamed the Office of International Affairs (OIA) and has since suffered from many of its parent agency’s larger issues including a decline in staffing, funding, and a host of other issues that have compromised the NPS’s ability to meet its mission. As the NPS celebrates its centennial in 2016, I argue that examining the NPS’s history of international work challenges the agency to consider its past in new ways in the hopes that it reconfigure its mission and future to best meet the needs of its audiences in a globally connected twenty-first century world.
Temple University--Theses

The object of analysis of this dissertation is the historical analysis of the Institute for Studies in International Politics (Ispi), from its founding in Milan in 1933 until it was compulsory mothballed after September 8th 1943. In confronting Ispi, the attempt is to approach Italy’s international involvements during the interwar period from an unusual but meaningful standpoint. As a matter of fact, Ispi turns out to be a challenging as well as controversial subject of study. In fact, even if at first sight the Institute seemed to be nothing more than a propagandistic machine, to gain both domestic and external consensus to the policies of the fascist regime, a thorough analysis of Ispi highlights a more complex story to tell, which is deeply linked with the way in which the international environment was thought and structured in the aftermath of the First World War. The Institute is considered as a meeting point of two separate wider historical phenomena: the interwar European and Transatlantic debate on international relations, animated by a number of national institutions that where born in the 1920s and 1930s, Ispi among them; the intellectual history of Italy in the fascist period, in particular as regards conceptions related to politics, international relations and historiography. In this way, the dissertation tries to handle two different historiographies and methodologies: that of transnational history, necessary to map the debate on International Relations that took place in the interwar period both in its cultural and organizational features, and that of intellectual history. The two layers can’t be divided: the international background that “prepared” the birth of Ispi have to be seen together with the peculiar relationship between the Institute and the Fascist foreign policy. In other words, the main purpose of the research is to achieve a meaningful historical account more able to identify transfers and exchanges of ideas, without overlooking the national context: the attempt to define what is Ispi and why it was founded has to be accompanied with an in-depth understanding of the political environment in which it developed its activities. Ispi was founded in 1933 when fascism’s international position was reaching its peak: after all the fascist regime appeared to be a system of government able not only to stabilize a complex society after the First World War, but it also managed to shrug off the impact of the financial crisis from 1929 and the increase in unemployment of the early 1930s that market economies across the West experienced. For these reasons, Italy’s fascism was perceived as a viable solution and it seemed to promise answers to questions liberal democracies were still facing. Against this backdrop, the Institute was performing a twofold task: while it was supporting a solid and pregnant document-based scientific research on international affairs, it also pursued the precise pedagogical aim of forming a strong national conscience of foreign affairs, in accordance with the fundamental directives of Fascist foreign policy, in short «an Institute which marries science with propaganda». Pierfranco Gaslini, the first director of Ispi, strongly believed that Italy needed a body able to shape a new political culture which was the result of interests and political patterns linked to the liberal period, as well as with new aspirations and watchwords which saw the fascist regime as a reliable answer to satisfy them. The director was able to understand the qualitative changes which characterized the sphere of international relations after the first world war and, to some degree, he recognized the necessity of placing a filter between political decisions and the masses. Against this background, the creation and development of Institutes of International Affairs, nation-based think tanks with the twofold aim of providing national and international elites with qualitative works on international affairs as well as creating an “informed” public opinion, provided Gaslini with the push he needed to found a similar body in Italy. In short, on one hand the consensus created by Ispi in favor of the regime was clear; on the other hand it tried to manage a factual situation in which the realm of foreign policy was linked with a series of aspirations and forces which were more influential than in the past. Indeed, the latter represented a new and lively field of action shared by the various European nations: in this perspective the astonishing growth of the Institute of International Affairs’ movement in the 20s and 30s can be seen as an absolute necessity of various national establishments to guide or impose a top-down mechanism with the aim of controlling the flow of information to the general public, rather than the expression of a new internationalism. The majority of the members of Ispi and its collaborators shared a common political and ideological background with Mussolini’s aspirations, and it was equally clear that fascism was conceived as the driving force of Italian foreign policy. Against this background, it is clear, as I showed with the analysis of some articles drawn by the two journals of the Institute, that if on one hand it is plausible to place the start of an Italian tradition of foreign policy studies during the interwar period, on the other hand it is equally clear the intimate connection between the sphere of research and political aims. The fact that Ispi was thought as a centre of research which was dealing with international problems, in general, allowed to mix different perspectives and attitudes. This constitutes a crucial reason in order to understand why very different intellectual personalities and political figures met together in Ispi. Nevertheless, the fact that the Institute aimed at collecting all the most important specialists with an interest in international relations, it didn’t mean that Gaslini was able to impose a coherent and logical cultural project to his collaborators. As a matter of fact, there was a continuous compromise between the directives of the “centre” and the effective work of the scholars involved in this activity, as if this preliminary freedom guaranteed by the Institute had as a consequence a dispersion of forces and an inability to constitute a solid amalgam. Eventually, this work reveals how Italian specialists conceived public opinion, which was a new and important weapon to use in the field of international politics against other governments: a top-down construction which had the duty to control in every step the exchange of information and meanings from the realm of political decisions and events to an “informed” public. This doesn’t mean that Ispi, and the scholars who were working in it, was a passive instrument with a mere function of control and selection. The Institute, especially with the collaboration of the Roman School directed by Volpe, produced a series of historical works embracing various themes but basically focused on a new reflection of the Italian past functional to the political aspirations of their time. In this perspective, it can be said that there was a connection between this new wave of historical studies and the stimulus derived from the political environment. Members of Ispi as “cultural mediators” were trying to improve the sector of cultural international relations, supporting a specific idea of Italy which contributed to the formation of those cultural assumptions behind Italian foreign policy during the interwar period. In this perspective, Ispi constitutes an institutional framework from which to investigate some of the most important specialists in international relations and their attempts to develop their works and analysis in constant relationship with the Institute and the political context. Given all this astonishing variety of studies, actors and themes that one can find in the history of Ispi during the 30s and early 40s, I argue that the Institute represents a meaningful vantage point from which to comprehend on one hand the weaknesses, the limits and ingenuity of a particular class of intellectuals and experts in international relations and their degree of support for the foreign policy of the fascist regime; on the other hand the effort to help the Italian nation to overcome structural defects and deficiencies which the Italian state had not been able to remove is undeniable. In accomplishing this “mission”, indeed with different accents and motivations, all members of Ispi shared the belief that Italy had to become a great power and, in their Eurocentric view, they considered the world of international relations as a hierarchical environment in which the strongest nations had to come to terms with each other in order to create a harmonic system with different hegemonic spheres of influence. In this perspective what was the relationship between the effective policies of the fascist regime and the reflections made by the members of Ispi? First of all, it is necessary to identify a fault line that sits above the Italian military action against Ethiopia in 1935-36. The Ethiopian war represented a “before and after” for the activities of the Institute: if before the invasion of the North African state Ispi, as I reported through the examination of the journals «Rassegna di Politica Internazionale» and «Relazioni Internazionali», was trying to act as a real transnational think tank, involving a wide range of different non-state actors, once Italy had its own empire the ever-increasing activities of the Institute suffered a loss of dynamicity and maneuvering space. As a matter of fact, in the first phase of the Institute (1933-1935), Ispi tried to pursue a multidirectional cultural diplomacy hosting key personalities from the political and cultural world. It tried to create contacts especially with the British conservative establishment (through the figures of Muriel Currey, Luigi Villari, Charles Petrie) and the Hungarian revisionist front as well as weaving links with analogous foreign institutions. After the Ethiopian war, the activism which characterized Italy in the former period in almost every international fora as well as its willingness to see its “rights” recognized within the international system built in Versailles, gave way to an increasingly imperialistic conception of the international environment, as though the colonial enterprise had rekindled the aspirations and latent desires of the Italian nation. the Ethiopian war had resulted in the political and cultural isolation of Italy, making scorched earth of that prestige internationally reached till then. These factors heavily affected Ispi’s activities and the previous attempts to create transnational diplomatic channels with foreign intellectual and political figures. Consequently, there was a transformation of Ispi which followed the changes of the international situation after the Ethiopian war, from a “transnational think tank” to an institute more concerned with research and divulgation of works related to foreign/international politics, with the desire of developing a political culture on foreign affairs within the national boundaries. On the other hand Gaslini tried to keep alive the Study Office and a peculiar way of doing research which gave priority to a vast use of documents and a taste for inter-disciplinarity. Ispi was trying to produce an innovative cultural project capable of linking historiography and politics, a study of an “imagined” national past with an in-depth analysis of the international context. The aim was to provide Italy with a more solid political culture in order to help the government both meet the requirements of being a Great Power, and fulfilling what was thought to be an Italian imperial mission. The ambiguous position occupied by Ispi during the fascist regime as well as the contradiction that was revealed at the beginning of this research, which was a claim for the unity of scientific research and propaganda made by Gaslini, can be understood in the relationship that the Milanese Institute established with the liberal Italian past. Ispi didn’t want to make a decisive break with the past, in fact it presented itself as an instrument to achieve that national unity which couldn’t be reached in Italy before the First World War: a sort of sacred mission which could have been reached walking arm in arm with the fascist regime. On the other hand there was a break to the extent that parlamentarism was considered as a bad disease, and a new sense of hierarchy and order emerged which couldn’t be challenged by “individualism” and more in general by all those “vicious” principles which were considered as an attack against the State and the Nation. Against this backdrop Ispi developed a sui generis political and historiographical laboratory that saw the collaboration of a large number of scholars, who differed from each other as regards political and cultural interests, but they participated in the initiatives of the Institute specifically because its cultural projects were able to rely upon a broader basis in respect of the most pressing political aims of the fascist regime. This is why, at least until a certain point, the members of Ispi and its collaborators didn’t feel that particular contradiction between a serious and autonomous study of international/foreign politics and a dictatorial environment which, at the beginning, was not so assertive in shaping a coherent and unidirectional foreign policy. Indeed, its history was heavily affected by the fascist regime, and in a broader perspective it assumed a specific physiognomy as well as a peculiar position at the crossroad of political, cultural and propagandistic national concerns. Nevertheless, these specific features didn’t confine Ispi to an isolated environment with no contacts or exchanges with foreign institutes or personalities. Suffice it is to say that the very idea of founding a series of Institutes of International Affairs capable of studying and disseminating a more scientific knowledge regarding foreign matters was born out of the Peace Conference of Versailles by some Anglo-American representatives; that almost all the members of Ispi went abroad to complete their education; that Ispi was one of the Institutes which participated at the annual International Studies Conference, whose original name was International Conference of Institutions for Scientific Study of Politics. This is why I think that this research has made it possible both to find new materials in order to better understand the relationship between culture and politics during the fascist regime, and more specifically to investigate what were the themes, aspirations and interests of Ispi’s members and the political directives of the dictatorship, as well as to start a reflection about the development of the Institutes of International Affairs. Investigating both how they treated and exploited international information and what kind of relationship they had with their governments allows to better understand the nexus between international politics, foreign policy and public opinion and how it was changing during the interwar period.

This thesis examines the history of the Yale Institute of International Studies from 1935 to 1951. The key Yale Institute members were Nicholas J. Spykman, Frederick S. Dunn, Arnold Wolfers, Percy E. Corbett, William T. R. Fox, David N. Rowe, Bernard Brodie, Klaus Knorr and Gabriel Almond. The Institute pioneered the study of international relations in the United States during the interwar period based on a realist-behaviourist approach. The Institute was part of the postwar American foreign policy establishment and it helped to reshape United States foreign policy by coordinating it with military policies and strategies and promoting the linkage of political goals with military means. Also, through their activities in the study of international relations the Yale group helped to fight the isolationist mood endemic to American society and to establish globalism as a central feature of American relations with the rest of the world. In this way, their educational and research programmes overlapped with some of the key elements of the new national security ideology that was to become dominant during the Cold War. The Yale Institute was not solely responsible for the development of this new ideology. They had the collaboration of academics from Princeton (Edward M. Earle, Harold Sprout, and Jacob Viner) and Columbia (Grayson Kirk and Philip Jessup) universities and received considerable financial support from the Rockefeller Foundation, which was in part responsible for the Institute's foundation, the Carnegie Corporation and business At the higher levels of state power the Yale group worked closely, at particular periods of its history, with the State Department on international organization issues, and with the War Department on strategic doctrines and on the foundation of the National War College. Although the Institute did not influence any critical decision, examination of the archival material researched shows that the Institute's work and knowledge helped the state decision-makers to inform their opinions and to take decisions. Hence the national security policy relied not only on a series of incremental decisions made by policymakers in the absence of alternative policy choices, and pressed by historical events, but also on the slow transformation of American elite worldviews, to which the Yale Institute contributed. The Yale Institute gave rise to an intellectual movement that was to dominate postwar American academe. They trained future generations of prominent politicians, military officials and leading academics in international affairs, and they founded the journal World Politics, among other initiatives they took in the development of the academic study of international relations. The thesis tests four theoretical models: pluralism, corporatism, statism and the Gramscian perspective. It concludes that Gramsci's theory of power comes closest to explaining the Yale Institute's role in the construction of the United States national security ideology during the early Cold War.

The interdependence between the economy and the environment necessitates integrated policymaking that recognizes the biological limits of our world and the scarcity of these natural resources. At the 1992 Earth Summit, countries agreed to adopt a National Sustainable Development Strategy (NSDS) which should comprise the integration of economic, social, and environmental policies across sectors, territories, and generations; country ownership and commitment; broad participation and effective partnerships; development of the necessary capacity and enabling environment; and focus on outcomes and implementation. Working from these key factors and based on decades of international research and peer reviews of these policies, this study hypothesizes four relationships to test the influence of these principles on the successful execution of an NSDS. Offering the first formal framework which theorizes and evaluates connections between these dimensions, this qualitative approach is applied to two case studies, South Africa and Germany, by the use of documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews. The present study finds that embedding NSDS programs and institutions within existing policy agendas and organizations is extremely difficult, especially in countries with a solid history of environmental policy. Also, the significant role of subnational governments and entities in all aspects of policymaking must be taken into account for the effective implementation of a National Strategy. The present research examines the necessity of specific policymaking processes and implementation mechanisms for an effective National Sustainable Development Strategy, ascertains common implementation challenges, and offers recommendations for the improved implementation of National Sustainable Development Strategies.

This dissertation examines the intellectual and historical roots of the Anglo-American “Special Relationship,” most notably Anglo-Saxonism and social Darwinism, and their effect on the noted policy organs of the Royal Institute of International Affairs (or Chatham House) and the Council on Foreign Relations (or the Council). It first traces the origins of Anglo-Saxonism and considers its effect on important historical events such as the Spanish-American War and the Second Boer War. This thesis also presents a definition of Anglo-Saxonism which appreciates the complexity of the term and allows a better understanding of its effects. It then shows the memberships of both groups were strongly affected by these Victorian and Edwardian phenomena, a fact which augments our understanding of them. Furthermore, this relationship between Anglo-Saxonism and Chatham House and the Council is not fully appreciated by many modern academics. Ultimately, the language of Anglo-Saxonism developed during the Victorian and Edwardian eras became institutionalised during the formative years of these groups’ memberships, predisposing both to the importance of permanent Anglo-American cooperation.

The Swedish Institute is a public agency promoting Swedish interest, national image and confidence around the world. This work attempts to investigate how communication and a process over time influences and effects public diplomacy. The analytic discussion is based on a single case study research of this Institute representing ideas in the international science field of public diplomacy. The theoretical ideas of public diplomacy are placed in a theoretical perspective of social constructivism. The method is qualitative, with excerpts taken from interviews, literature, newspapers, articles, state public reports and social media. The work adopts a discourse analytic approach, aiming to uncover the structure of public diplomacy by using three analytic tools: soft power, nation branding and cultural diplomacy. The presented analysis and examples suggest a close collaboration between researchers and practitioners can lead to a coherent theory of public diplomacy. The result identifies promising directions as well as weakness and gaps in existing knowledge. The work promotes an analytic tool “korstryck” for theorize and conceptualize the discussion of public diplomacy. A strategy of today requires three fundamental components: power, diplomacy and communication. The challenge in public diplomacy is the balance between public opinion, public foreign policy and global networks of communication. The paper aims to open doors for further scientific works are needed in the searching for a theory of public diplomacy.

Spikes of militancy, intolerance, ethnic division and sectarianism have all risen within Pakistan in recent years, yet Pakistan’s continuous battle to deter violent extremism fails to be successful. Following the December 16, 2014 Army Public School (APS) massacre in Peshawar Pakistan little empirical attention has been paid on how the Pakistani government, in the Northwest region of Pakistan, is countering violent extremism (CVE). As well as, its link to policy-making decisions on CVE. This dissertation study sought to analyze the currently active CVE narrative that Pakistan implemented into its Constitution in 2014. This qualitative explanatory case study project focused on operational links that could be traced over time. A content analysis of secondary sources of Pakistani political briefings and press conferences relating to the Pakistani 21st amendment was carried out to identify important themes that emerged. The qualitative analysis of the data generated five themes: (1) word-based agency, (2) knowledge & governance, (3) accountability, (4) closure, and (5) deontic orientation. To assist in addressing the research question, a critical holistic historical qualitative case study analysis was preferred because of its unique strength in incorporating various sources of evidence. Several suggestions of the findings are discussed. These include suggestions for practice and theory, bench-marking of the 21st amendment, and the inclusion of stakeholders in the CVE process.

While much has been written on the Australian film and television industry, little has been presented by actual producers, filmmakers and technicians of their time and experiences within that same industry. Similarly, with historical documentaries, it has been academics rather than filmmakers who have led the debate. This thesis addresses this shortcoming and bridges the gap between practitioner experience and intellectual discussion, synthesising the debate and providing an important contribution from a filmmaker-academic, in its own way unique and insightful. The thesis is presented in two voices. First, my voice, the voice of memoir and recollected experience of my screen adventures over 38 years within the Australian industry, mainly producing historical documentaries for the ABC and the SBS. This is represented in italics. The second half and the alternate chapters provide the industry framework in which I worked with particular emphasis on documentaries and how this evolved and developed over a 40-year period, from 1970 to 2010. Within these two voices are three layers against which this history is reviewed and presented. Forming the base of the pyramid is the broad Australian film industry made up of feature films, documentary, television drama, animation and other types and styles of production. Above this is the genre documentary within this broad industry, and making up the small top tip of the pyramid, the sub-genre of historical documentary. These form the vertical structure within which industry issues are discussed. Threading through it are the duel determinants of production: ‘the market’ and ‘funding’. Underpinning the industry is the involvement of government, both state and federal, forming the three dimensional matrix for the thesis. For over 100 years the Australian film industry has depended on government support through subsidy, funding mechanisms, development assistance, broadcast policy and legislative provisions. This thesis aims to weave together these industry layers, binding them with the determinants of the market and funding, and immersing them beneath layers of government legislation and policy to present a new view of the Australian film industry.

Imagine a world where someone’s personal information is constantly compromised, where federal government entities AKA Big Brother always knows what anyone is Googling, who an individual is texting, and their emoticons on Twitter. Government entities have been doing this for years; they never cared if they were breaking the law or their moral compass of human dignity. Every day the Federal government blatantly siphons data with programs from the original ECHELON to the new series like PRISM and Xkeyscore so they can keep their tabs on issues that are none of their business; namely, the personal lives of millions. Our allies are taking note; some are learning our bad habits, from Government Communications Headquarters’ (GCHQ) mass shadowing sharing plan to America’s Russian inspiration, SORM. Some countries are following the United States’ poster child pose of a Brave New World like order of global events. Others like Germany are showing their resolve in their disdain for the rise of tyranny. Soon, these new found surveillance troubles will test the resolve of the American Constitution and its nation’s strong love and tradition of liberty. Courts are currently at work to resolve how current concepts of liberty and privacy apply to the current conditions facing the privacy of society. It remains to be determined how liberty will be affected as well; liberty for the United States of America, for the European Union, the Russian Federation and for the people of the World in regards to the extent of privacy in today’s blurred privacy expectations.
B.S.
Bachelors
Health and Public Affairs
Legal Studies

This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.

Il lavoro è stato suddiviso in tre macro-aree. Una prima riguardante un'analisi teorica di come funzionano le intrusioni, di quali software vengono utilizzati per compierle, e di come proteggersi (usando i dispositivi che in termine generico si possono riconoscere come i firewall). Una seconda macro-area che analizza un'intrusione avvenuta dall'esterno verso dei server sensibili di una rete LAN. Questa analisi viene condotta sui file catturati dalle due interfacce di rete configurate in modalità promiscua su una sonda presente nella LAN. Le interfacce sono due per potersi interfacciare a due segmenti di LAN aventi due maschere di sotto-rete differenti. L'attacco viene analizzato mediante vari software. Si può infatti definire una terza parte del lavoro, la parte dove vengono analizzati i file catturati dalle due interfacce con i software che prima si occupano di analizzare i dati di contenuto completo, come Wireshark, poi dei software che si occupano di analizzare i dati di sessione che sono stati trattati con Argus, e infine i dati di tipo statistico che sono stati trattati con Ntop. Il penultimo capitolo, quello prima delle conclusioni, invece tratta l'installazione di Nagios, e la sua configurazione per il monitoraggio attraverso plugin dello spazio di disco rimanente su una macchina agent remota, e sui servizi MySql e DNS. Ovviamente Nagios può essere configurato per monitorare ogni tipo di servizio offerto sulla rete.

碩士
國立中正大學
戰略暨國際事務研究所
100
There are two important issues concerning food: sufficient quantities and safety. Scholars have been instrumental in raising citizens' awareness of the importance of agricultural self-sufficiency. Extreme global weather conditions and international food commodity speculation cause food prices to soar. Wheat and rice are Taiwanese' staple. When more land is devoted to grains plantation, food import will be reduced and Taiwan will be more self-sufficient. Food safety is another important issue. Organic food is considered safe and healthy, but expensive and unaffordable. Alishan is well established in grains farming. Tea-mountain Township of Alishan has famed for being eco-friendly. After its tourism devastated by Morakot Typhoon, the area rise out of the rubles with organic grain farming. This is a valuable model for being self sufficient, while protecting the local resources. This paper uses (3 +1)i decision-making model to advocate agricultural practice that leads to both food self-sufficiency and food safety. Sustainable and organic farming with better land use, wise government support and subsidy, will protect the country from food shortage and provide better quality food for citizens. Chiayi County Prefecture is a model for the rest of the country to follow.

碩士
國立政治大學
圖書資訊與檔案學研究所
107
The library is a place where intellectual freedom must be defended, but because of political factors, religious or public pressure, the censorship is enforced, or the permission to read books is restricted. During the period of martial law(戒嚴時期) in Taiwan, the government restricted or banned books through laws and regulations due to political considerations. Under the context of the Cold War and the period of martial law in Taiwan, the Institute of International Relations (IIR) has a task of think tank(智庫), and its library (IIR Library) collected the materials and the publications of China, and was entrusted to storage the banned books. As time goes on, the mission of IIR has changed, and the value and the meaning of the banned books and the restricted materials have also changed. According to the research motivation, the study aims to discuss (1)the relationship between the banned books during the period of martial law in Taiwan and the IIR Library; (2) the relationship between the change of IIR mission and the meaning and the scope of the banned books and the restricted materials; (3)the formation and development of the banned and restricted collections of IIR Library, including the content and bibliographic statistics; (4)the reading rules and management methods of the banned and restricted collections of IIR Library; (5)the use and the value of the banned and restricted collections of IIR Library. Through the document content analysis method, the study conducts the bibliographic statistics of the banned books and restricted books of IIR Library, and discusses the formation, management situation, academic application and value of the collections by in-depth interviews. The study obtains the following conclusions: (1)most of the banned books of the Martial Law of IIR Library were returned to the original department after the period of martial law ended; (2)the reason why IIR Library restricts reading is similar to the rules of the martial law about banned books; (3)the source of the banned and restricted collections of IIR Library is closely related to the think tank role of IIR; (4)with the transformation of IIR mission，there are some changes in the way that IIR Library collects and manages books; (5)the theme of the banned and restricted collections of IIR Library is based on communism and the Chinese Communist; (6)the number of the banned and restricted collections of IIR Library should be higher than 5,600; (7)the year of publication of the banned and restricted collections of IIR Library are widely distributed from 1912 to 2007; (8)about the year of publication, the number of the banned and restricted collections of IIR Library in the first phase of IIR (1953-1974) and the second phase of IIR(1975-1996) are more than the other phases; (9)about the type of the authors, the most number in the banned and restricted collections of IIR Library is “institutions and publishers”; (10)about location of the publisher, the most number in the banned and restricted collections of IIR Library is “China”; (11)the users state that the banned and restricted collections of IIR Library can meet their research work or academic needs; (12)the banned and restricted collections of IIR Library have the value of research application and historical meaning. According to the results of the research, the following suggestions are proposed: (1)because IIR and IIR Library have their importance, it is recommended that NCCU and NCCU library should help to adjust their direction of future development; (2)the banned and restricted collections of IIR Library should be redefined and included in the special collection; (3)the collections of IIR Library are not easy to save, it should make the preservation environment better; (4)it is recommended that IIR Library should make a choise or adjust the classification number of 007-008; (5)the banned and restricted collections of IIR Library should be digitalized and make them become the institutional repository of NCCU.

碩士
國立臺中技術學院
事業經營研究所
95
Recently, non-profit organizations have been encountering the unprecedented challenges with the drastic changes in society. Due to the ever-decreasing resources, the performance evaluation of non-profit organizations has become very important. Indeed, it’s a crucial issue for non-profit organizations nowadays to learn how to upgrade working efficiency and to be able to make the most effective utilization of the limited resources. There is still much room for improvement of the current performance evaluation system of the General Affairs Division of National Taichung Institute of Technology. The current system is based on all kinds of lawful rules and its main purpose is to follow the rules. However, the rules aren’t appropriate to evaluate the performance of every person. Built upon the Balanced Scorecard (BSC), this research uses Grey Statistics Analysis and Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP) to analyze the data collected from interviews and questionnaires. By incorporating the mission and goal of the organization, this research develops the strategy map and the various evaluation criteria for this organization. Hopefully, the performance evaluation model can be of help to this non-profit organization in establishing its future performance evaluation system. The main conclusions can be summarized as follows: 1.The analysis of AHP shows that the weights associated with the four BSC perspectives of finance, customer, internal business process, and learning and growth are 0.511, 0.245, 0.139, and 0.105, respectively. 2.The most critical performance indicator for the financial perspective is “resource allocation and space planning by the General Affairs Division”, with a weight of 0.621; for the customer perspective, “business management”, with a weight of 0.573; for the internal business process perspective, “internal operation procedures”, with a weight of 0.555; and for the learning and growth perspective, “employee education, training and improvement”, with a weight of 0.603. 3.Overall, the top three performance indicators of the research case are “resource allocation and space planning by the General Affairs Division”, with a weight of 0.315, “business management”, with a weight of 0.141, and “frequency of detecting financial embezzlement and auditing account”, with a weight of 0.119. Keywords: Non-Profit Organization, Balanced Scorecard, Performance Evaluation, Grey Statistics Analysis, Analytic Hierarchy Process

Este relatório descreve o estágio realizado no Instituto da Defesa Nacional, em Lisboa, entre o dia 29 de setembro de 2015 e o dia 09 de abril de 2016. O Instituto é o principal centro de investigação nas áreas da segurança e da defesa em Portugal, tendo como missão o desenvolvimento do pensamento estratégico português. Através da investigação e de publicações, de cursos e seminários, o Instituto da Defesa Nacional tenta sensibilizar a sociedade civil para as questões securitárias e estratégicas, nacionais e internacionais. Ao longo do relatório, é descrita a evolução da entidade de acolhimento e os seus objetivos, seguindo-se a descrição das diversas atividades e funções desenvolvidas pela estagiária durante seis meses. Reflete-se sobre a relação entre cultura e defesa nacional em Portugal e qual o papel do Instituto na implementação e desenvolvimento das estratégia e defesa nacionais. O Instituto da Defesa Nacional tem vindo a mostrar ser um ator essencial na sensibilização da sociedade civil portuguesa para as questões de segurança e defesa, dando um forte contributo à investigação portuguesa nestas áreas, e na sua divulgação pelo mundo, através de variadas parcerias internacionais. Embora já se tenha estabelecido como principal centro de investigação nestes domínios, e tenha vindo a melhorar e a aumentar a sua oferta formativa, o Instituto não pode parar de evoluir e de definir novas metas, sendo a sensibilização e colaboração com os mais jovens ou a utilização mais eficaz das redes sociais, alguns dos aspetos que podem, e estão a ser aperfeiçoados. O estágio nesta entidade permitiu o aprofundamento de conhecimentos nas relações internacionais, principalmente nas áreas da segurança e da estratégia, e o desenvolvimento de novas capacidades na organização e gestão de eventos.
This report describes the internship that took place at the National Defense Institute in Lisbon, between the 29th of September 2015 and the 9th of April 2016. The Institute is the main research center in the areas of security and defense in Portugal, having as mission the development of the Portuguese strategic thinking. Through its research, publications, courses and seminars, the National Defense Institute has been trying to raise awareness in the civil society for national and international security and strategic issues. Throughout the report, the evolution and the goals of the organization are described, followed up by the description of the activities and functions undertaken by the intern during six months, ending with a reflection about the link between culture and national defense in Portugal, and about the Institute’s role in the implementation and development of national defense and strategy. The National Defense Institute has been proving to be a key player in raising awareness of the Portuguese population for security and defense issues, giving a strong contribution to the national research in these areas, and in its dissemination across the world, through its international partnerships. Although the Institute is already considered the main research center in these fields, and has been improving and increasing its educational offer, it cannot stop to evolve and set new goals. Aspects such as the collaboration with the younger generation, or more effective use of social networks, can and are being improved. The internship at the Institute allowed a furthering knowledge in international relations, mainly in security and strategic issues, and the development of new skills in the areas of organization and event management.

In spite of many years of quality agricultural research and overall agricultural and economic growth, there has been slow progress in the reduction of rural poverty in many developing countries. There is agreement that technology alone is unable to solve the problem of poverty. There are many other issues that need to be considered - some are agroecological and some are social-economic-cultural-institutional-infrastructural. There has recently been fruitful discussion on poverty-focused agricultural research within national and international agricultural research systems. But the actual application of these new ideas and discussions in research has been limited. Although all agree that there is a need to discover ways to achieve greater impact on poverty from research that has been conducted, there is as yet no clear evidence of achievement based on practical experiences. There is little or no real discussion in the literature that demonstrates whether the approach to research affects poverty status. This thesis revisits different interventions and identifies gaps in the literature in understanding approaches to agricultural research. It examines whether working directly with poor men and women farmers in partnership with organisations can contribute to poverty reduction. It also explores a range of values, asking whether they can make pro-poor research and development more effective and, more importantly, whether a value-based research management approach can significantly contribute to poverty elimination. The experience of a recently completed IRRI-managed and DFID-funded project, the Poverty Elimination Through Rice Research Assistance (PETRRA) project, which claimed to have used a value-based approach to agricultural research management, was used as a case study to learn about the effectiveness of such an approach. The project was implemented in Bangladesh for 5 years with more than 50 national and international partners and in close collaboration with the Bangladesh Rice Research Institute (BRRI). A qualitative research methodology was used to explore the effectiveness of the value-based research management approach utilised by the project. The values included working with the poor men and women farmers on their demands and priorities, conducting research that ensures participation of men and women farmers, working with partners who work with the poor farmers, and developing networks and linkages to sustain technologies and innovations and communicate results to a large number of poor farmers for impact. Under PETRRA, a competitive research commissioning approach was used in the selection of partners. The research method involved interviewing the research partners that led research and development subprojects 4 years on from the completion of the project. This group represents the intermediary group that made the link between two large groups: i) the national-international agricultural research and development system and ii) the users, the poor men and women farmers or the farmer groups. During the interviews, the partners of PETRRA evaluated their experience with the value-based approach that was adopted by PETRRA and analysed its effectiveness. The research revealed that the experience of engaging with values and the value-based management approach was mostly positive. The scientists from national and international research centres and development professionals from government, non-government, and private organizations were successful in linking agricultural research, values, and the need for a management approach to achieve the objective of poverty reduction. They were able to see the strengths of the values when they were used in combination to complement each other. They observed the superior effectiveness in poverty reduction of research outputs in the form of technologies and other innovations that were developed through a value-based approach. They also identified the need for and effectiveness of the contribution of continuous capacity-building efforts on the part of the project management unit in support of a value-based approach. There was clear evidence of capacity-building impact on individual partners and their respective organizations as many of these individuals and organizations sustained the learning after the project ended. Many technologies and innovations, networks, and tools that were developed in the respective subprojects were successfully used by poor farmers, some were replicated by other organizations, and some were mainstreamed and internalised within the organizations that developed them. Many partner organizations involved were substantially changed. Those who had no previous agricultural programme became champions in agriculture, and those who had never worked with resource-poor men-women farmers became leader organizations in conducting such programmes. Many individuals and organizations became advocates and became known nationally. All such evidence indicates the effectiveness of the value-based agricultural research management approach. The thesis concludes that pro-poor agricultural research and development is possible, even within a traditional setting. The challenge is to create a management approach around research and development activities that is value-based and that can facilitate a learning environment where all actors can contribute, play their due role, and get credit for it.
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2011

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
This dissertation analyzes the efforts to develop a pluralistic political culture and democratic practices of governance through the training of democratic leaders in Germany's first school of public affairs, the German School of Politics. The investigation of the thought-leaders that formed this school illustrates two main points. First, through the prism of the School, I detail the efforts to develop a conception of civil society that, by being grounded in civility, could retie social bonds and counter the brutalization of politics characteristic of the post-World War One years. By providing practical knowledge, courses in public affairs could not only free Germans from the blinders of ideologies, but also instill in them an ethos that would help viewing the political enemy as an opponent with an equal right to participate in the political process. Secondly, I point to the limits of trans-national philanthropy in supporting the development of civil society in young democracies. By analyzing the relationship between U.S. foundations and the School, I focus on the asymmetry that existed between American ideals of democracy and the realities of the German political system. This study thus focuses on the dynamics between the actions of institutions and organizations, and the broader social behaviors that constitute public life.

A NATO é uma organização fundamental para a segurança e defesa, e importante na evolução tática e técnica das Forças Armadas Portuguesas ao incumbirem-se às operações facultadas pela a Aliança. Atendendo que o Instituto da Defesa Nacional tem como uma das missões promover e valorizar as Forças Armadas, através de publicações, cursos e seminários com foco na segurança e defesa, o presente relatório de estágio tem como objetivo compreender o contributo do Instituto da Defesa Nacional para as Missões Internacionais, nomeadamente da NATO, das Forças Armadas Portuguesas e, além disso, descrever o percurso do estágio nas instalações do Instituto da Defesa Nacional.
NATO is a reliable organization for security and defense, and important in the tactical and technical evolution of the Portuguese Armed Force entrusting with the operations provided by the Alliance. Taking into account that the Instituto da Defesa Nacional has as one of its missions to promote and enhance the Armed Forces, through publications, courses and seminars focused on security and defense, this internship report aims to understand the contribution of the Instituto da Defesa Nacional in international missions, namely NATO, the Portuguese Armed Forces and, intrinsically, to describe the course of the internship in the premises of the Instituto da Defesa Nacional. In this sense, the first part of the report will begin with a historical background of the Instituto da Defesa Nacional.

Com o final da Guerra Fria, as ameaças securitárias inter-estatais foram substituídas por novas ameaças, como o terrorismo e o crime organizado transnacional, assumindo uma natureza intraestatal e protagonizadas por atores não estatais. Esta nova configuração levou os Estados a cooperar com outros atores-Estado e não estatal, o que fragmentou o monopólio legítimo da segurança por atores tradicionais. É neste contexto que o conceito de governação internacional no domínio da segurança europeia deverá ser avaliado. Numa primeira parte deste relatório, irá proceder-se à sua interpretação conceptual, com base numa breve revisão da literatura, com a qual a estagiária pretende refletir sobre a articulação do conceito com o trabalho que o Instituto da Defesa Nacional (IDN) promove, visto a segurança ser um dos temas centrais à atividade do Instituto. Para falar das atividades do IDN e compreender a sua área de intervenção ao nível nacional e internacional, torna-se imperativo explanar a missão, valores, objetivos e atividade que o Instituto desenvolve, assim como apresentar uma breve resenha histórica. Sendo um relatório de estágio são também identificadas e apresentadas as atividades e as funções em que a estagiária esteve envolvida no período compreendido entre 12 de setembro de 2016 a 31 de março de 2017 no Instituto da Defesa Nacional. Este relatório de estágio constitui a fase final de avaliação para a conclusão do curso de Mestrado em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais, da Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas da Universidade Nova de Lisboa.
With the end of the Cold War, inter-state security threats were replaced by new threats such as terrorism and transnational organized crime, taking on an intra-state nature and carried out by non-state actors. This new configuration led States to cooperate with other state actors and non-state actors, which fragmented the legitimate monopoly of security by traditional actors. It is in this context that the concept of internacional governance in the field of European security should be assessed. In a first part of this report, the conceptual interpretation of this concept will be made, based on a brief review of the literature, with which the trainee intends to reflect on the articulation of the concept with the work promoted by the National Defense Institute (IDN) security is one of the central themes of the Institute's activity. In order to talk about IDN's activities and to understand its area of intervention at national and international level, it is imperative to explain the mission, values, objectives and activity that the Institute develops, as well as to present a brief historical review. As an internship report, the activities and functions in which the trainee was involved for the period from September 12, 2016 to March 31, 2017 at the National Defense Institute are also identified and presented. This internship report constitutes the final evaluation phase for the conclusion of the Master's degree in Political Science and International Relations of the Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa.

This thesis provides a survey and an analysis of South Africa's relations with the British Commonwealth (Commonwealth of Nations) between the years 1945 and 1961. It outlines and explains the deterioration of this relationship in the context of the crisis in South Africa's foreign relations after World War II. Documentary evidence is produced to throw more light on the relationship with Britain and, to a lesser extent, other Commonwealth countries. This relationship is analysed in the context of political, economic and strategic imperatives which made it necessary for Britain to continue to seek South Africa's co-operation within the Commonwealth. This thesis also describes how the African and Asian influence began to be felt within the Commonwealth on racial issues. This influence was to become particularly important during the crucial period after the Sharpeville incident. The attitudes of Britain and other Commonwealth countries at the two crucial conferences of 1960 and 1961 are re-examined. The attitude of extra-parliamentary organisations in South Africa towards the Commonwealth connection is an important theme of this thesis in addition to the other themes mentioned above. It is demonstrated how Indian and African opinions became increasingly hostile towards what was seen as British and "white" Commonwealth "appeasement" of South Africa. These attitudes are surveyed in the context of an increasing radicalisation of black politics in South Africa. The movement by English and Afrikaans-speaking white South Africans toward a consensus on racial and foreign policy is also examined. Finally, the epilogue to this thesis discusses the return of South Africa to the Commonwealth in 1994. It includes a brief survey of developments in the Commonwealth attitude to South Africa since 1961.
History
D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

Persistent pain after surgery in breast cancer has a significant impact on the patient’s survival. The value of escalating research on breast cancer in Malaysia cannot be underestimated. However, it is not known how many of these women experience persistent pain after surgery. This study surveyed previously unknown figures on prevalence, and explored the predictive factors of persistent pain women with breast cancer in Malaysia. There were three objectives. First, to assess the reliability of the already established investigative tools, namely, the Brief Pain Inventory, Distress Thermometer, and Resilience scale RS-14; second, to survey the prevalence of persistent pain; and thirdly to identify predictors of persistent pain in women after breast surgery, using the above measures. A test and retest design with no intervention and a recall period of 3 to 7 days was employed for assessment of the investigative tools. A cross-sectional study, with a prospective, correlational design, a retrospective review of medical records was used to identify predictors of persistent pain. These investigations were conducted in two phases –Section A and Section B – using separate data sets, with different inclusion and exclusion criteria. Participants were recruited from the University of Malaya Medical Centre, Malaysia. Descriptive statistics, a stepwise regression model for reliability testing, Cronbach alpha, and factor analysis were used. This study divided pain into categories 0 = no pain, 1–4 = mild pain, 5–6 = moderate pain, and 7–10 = severe pain. Section A: The tools were found reliable. Section B: A total of 123 participants were recruited; 119 participants remained because 4 of them did not meet the inclusion criteria. A total of 43% of the participants had persistent pain (n = 51). Pain interfered with their work, mood, and sleep. Based on a “Yes” answer for pain today (n = 51), data were analysed to determine predictors. The results revealed three predictors: distress, B = –.911, resilience, B = –.444, and pain interference, B = .309. The model was statistically significant, F (3, 41, 44) = 13.827, R2 = 0.267, .381, .467), and adjusted R2 = .250, .351, .467, p = 0.001. Significant P value ≤ .005. Pain prevalence was 43% in this Malaysian population. This study provided empirical evidence which is an important new knowledge to health care systems, health care providers, policy makers, and future research. The impact of persistent pain on work, mood, and sleep are justifiable medical concerns. The results obtained and identified predictors are catalysts for providing extra support for breast cancer women after surgery. Ideally, all women with breast cancer should have very good life satisfaction.