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Journal articles on the topic 'Inscriptions, Greek Egypt History'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Vlassopoulos, Kostas. "Greek History." Greece and Rome 62, no. 2 (September 10, 2015): 231–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383515000108.

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Four volumes in this review constitute important contributions to the study of ancient documents and their employment in antiquity, as well as their value for modern historical research. Paola Ceccarelli has written a monumental study of letter-writing and the use of writing for long-distance communication in Ancient Greece; Karen Radner has edited a volume on state correspondence in ancient empires; Christopher Eyre's book concerns documents in Pharaonic Egypt; and Peter Liddel and Polly Low have edited a brilliant collection on the uses of inscriptions in Greek and Latin literature. The first three volumes have major consequences for the study of the workings of ancient state systems, while those by Ceccarelli, Eyre, and Liddel and Low open new avenues into the study of the interrelationship between written documents and literature.

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2

Bowman, Alan K., and Dominic Rathbone. "Cities and Administration in Roman Egypt." Journal of Roman Studies 82 (November 1992): 107–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/301287.

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These two inscriptions come from the precinct of the temple of Hathor at Denderah (Tentyra), capital of the Tentyrite nome, just north of Thebes in Upper Egypt. The impressive remains of the complex are mostly late Ptolemaic and Roman (re)constructions, but they look Pharaonic and suggest social and cultural continuity across the centuries. The inscriptions, however, illustrate the radical changes in communal organization and administration which the Romans introduced. These changes form the subject of this paper. The first inscription dates to 12 B.C., but is almost entirely in the pre-Roman tradition. It is a trilingual dedication with the primary version in demotic (i.e. Egyptian). Augustus is god, implicitly Pharaoh, and lacks his Roman titles. The strategos (governor of the nome) Ptolemaios gives himself obsolete court titles and a string of local priesthoods. Ptolemaios came from a family which had hereditarily held local priesthoods (and probably continued to hold them after him), and his father Panas had preceded him as strategos of the Tentyrite nome, retaining office through the Roman annexation. On this occasion Ptolemaios' dedication was personal, but other dedications show him acting, like his father, as the head of local cult associations. Ptolemaios is last attested as strategos in 5 B.C. Five years later, our second inscription, which dates to 23 September A.D. I, reveals a very different situation. The dedication was made on Augustus' birthday, and was finely inscribed in Greek only. The strategos Tryphon, whose name suggests an Alexandrian sent up to the Tentyrite nome, figures only as an element of the official dating clause standard throughout Roman Egypt; he is just a cog in the Roman administrative machine. The dedication was made corporately by the local community, structured, as we will see, on the new Roman model.

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Schmitz, Philip C. "The Phoenician Contingent in the Campaign of Psammetichus II Against Kush." Journal of Egyptian History 3, no. 2 (2010): 321–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187416610x541745.

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AbstractGraffiti inscribed on seated figures of Rameses II at Abu Simbel concern participation by Greek, Carian, and Phoenician forces in the Nubian campaign of Psammetichus II in 593 B.C.E. This study considers the major Phoenician graffiti as primary sources. The Phoenician texts do not mention Psammetichus, but do place Amasis in a commanding role. The Phoenician claim to victory comports with the Egyptian claim. The Greek inscriptions illuminate the Phoenician narratives. Unsolved historical problems include: (1) the command structure; (2) whether Amasis in these texts is the later Pharaoh; and (3) the relationship between this campaign and a later expedition against Kush by Ahmose II in 529 B.C.E. Herodotus’ account of Phoenician settlement in Memphis gains clarity from Greek papyri, and Phoenician finds at two Egyptian sites are contemporary with the 593 B.C.E. campaign. The Phoenician contingent possibly fulfilled covenant obligations to Egypt, and Phoenician settlement in Memphis perhaps involved a compensatory land grant.

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4

Moyer, Ian S. "Herodotus and an Egyptian mirage: the genealogies of the Theban priests." Journal of Hellenic Studies 122 (November 2002): 70–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3246205.

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AbstractThis article re-evaluates the significance attributed to Hecataeus' encounter with the Theban priests described by Herodotus (2.143) by setting it against the evidence of Late Period Egyptian representations of the past. In the first part a critique is offered of various approaches Classicists have taken to this episode and its impact on Greek historiography. Classicists have generally imagined this as an encounter in which the young, dynamic and creative Greeks construct an image of the static, ossified and incredibly old culture of the Egyptians, a move which reveals deeper assumptions in the scholarly discourse on Greeks and ‘other’ cultures in the Mediterranean world. But the civilization that Herodotus confronted in his long excursus on Egypt was not an abstract, eternal Egypt. Rather, it was the Egypt of his own day, at a specific historical moment – a culture with a particular understanding of its own long history. The second part presents evidence of lengthy Late Period priestly genealogies, and more general archaizing tendencies. Remarkable examples survive of the sort of visual genealogy which would have impressed upon the travelling Greek historians the long continuum of the Egyptian past. These include statues with genealogical inscriptions and relief sculptures representing generations of priests succeeding to their fathers' office. These priestly evocations of a present firmly anchored in the Egyptian past are part of a wider pattern of cultivating links with the historical past in the Late Period of Egyptian history. Thus, it is not simply the marvel of a massive expanse of time which Herodotus encountered in Egypt, but a mediated cultural awareness of that time. The third part of the essay argues that Herodotus used this long human past presented by the Egyptian priests in order to criticize genealogical and mythical representations of the past and develop the notion of an historical past. On the basis of this example, the article concludes by urging a reconsideration of the scholarly paradigm for imagining the encounter between Greeks and ‘others’ in ethnographic discourse in order to recognize the agency of the Egyptian priests, and other non-Greek ‘informants’.

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5

Collins, Andrew. "THE DIVINITY OF THE PHARAOH IN GREEK SOURCES." Classical Quarterly 64, no. 2 (November 20, 2014): 841–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983881400007x.

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It has long been known that the Egyptian pharaoh was regarded as divine in Egyptian culture. He was the son of Re and the mediator between the gods and humankind. During the royal coronation, he was transformed into a manifestation of the god Horus. He could be referred to as antr(‘divine being’, ‘god’), and was regularly described in inscriptions as ‘the good god’ or ‘perfect god’ (ntr nfr). By the New Kingdom period, the king's divinity was believed to be imbued by his possession of a divine manifestation of the god Amun-Re called the ‘living royalka’, which came upon him at his coronation, and which was also renewed during the yearlyopetfestival held in the Luxor temple in Thebes. As late as the period of Persian domination over Egypt in the fifth centuryb.c., Egyptian temple texts continued to describe their foreign king Darius I as a divine being, owing to the ‘living royalka’. This hieroglyphic formula proclaiming the king's divinity continues for Alexander the Great and even in Ptolemaic temple reliefs.

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6

Kotsonas, Antonis. "GREEK AND ROMAN KNOSSOS: THE PIONEERING INVESTIGATIONS OF MINOS KALOKAIRINOS." Annual of the British School at Athens 111 (June 15, 2016): 299–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245416000058.

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Minos Kalokairinos is renowned for his discovery of the Minoan palace of Knossos. However, his pioneering investigations of the topography and monuments of Greek and Roman Knossos, as laid out especially in hisCretan Archaeological Journal, have largely been overlooked. In theJournal, Kalokairinos offers invaluable information on the changing archaeological landscape of Knossos in the second half of the nineteenth century. This enables the identification of several unknown or lost monuments, including major structures, inscriptions and sculptures, and allows the location of the context of discovery to be assigned to specific parts of the ancient city. Additionally, theJournaloffers glimpses into the collection of Knossian antiquities and their export beyond the island. Antiquities from the site ended up in Athens, and as far afield as Egypt and western Europe, and have hitherto been considered as unprovenanced. They are here identified as Knossian and are traced to their specific context of discovery, with considerable implications for our understanding of the topography, the monuments and the epigraphic record of the ancient city.

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Mastrocinque, Attilio. "The Cilician God Sandas and the Greek Chimaera: Features of Near Eastern and Greek Mythology Concerning the Plague." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 7, no. 2 (2007): 197–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921207783876413.

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AbstractA gem in the Museum of Castelvecchio (Verona) depicts the god Sandas of Tarsos with his terrible animal: the lion-goat. On the reverse side there is the inscription YOYO. The epigraphical and archaeological evidence from Anatolia, from Hittite to Hellenistic times, proves that Sandas was a underworld god protecting tombs and sending pestilences when angry. He was appeased by offerings to his terrible ministers, who were usually seven. Similarly Nergal or Erra (similar to Sandas) in Mesopotamia, and Sekhmet in Egypt had seven animal-headed terrible ministers, who were able to bring pestilences and death. A Hittite inscription mentions Yaya as Sandas' female partner. Her name is very similar to the Yoyo on the Verona gem. Sandas was identified with Heracles because of his relations with the underworld realms and his warlike features. The lion-goat of Tarsus was the model of Greek Chimaera. In fact the myth of Bellerophon took its place in Lycia and Cilicia. In Hellenistic age the original form of this monster was better known and therefore we find its typical features in Hellenistic and Roman sculptures and reliefs.

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Blumell, Lincoln H. "A New Jewish Epitaph Commemorating Care for Orphans." Journal for the Study of Judaism 47, no. 3 (September 28, 2016): 310–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340459.

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This article presents an edition of a previously unpublished Greek epitaph in the J. Willard Marriot Library at the University of Utah. The inscription commemorates a woman by the name of Helene who is identified as a Ἰουδαία and who was remembered for showing love to orphans. While Helene is identified as a Ἰουδαία she is also styled as an Ἄµα, a title that otherwise only occurs for certain Christian women in late antique Egypt. Thus, this inscription appears to resist a straightforward classification as it employs terminology that straddles religious categories.1

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Scholl, Reinhold. "Alan K. Bowman / Charles V. Crowther / Simon Hornblower et al. (Eds.), Corpus of Ptolemaic Inscriptions. Part I: Greek, Bilingual, and Trilingual Inscriptions from Egypt. Vol. 1: Alexandria and the Delta (Nos. 1–206). (Oxford Studies in Ancient Documents.) Oxford, Oxford University Press 2021." Historische Zeitschrift 315, no. 1 (August 1, 2022): 163–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2022-1286.

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Чореф, М. М. "Revisiting the purpose of the embassy of Naaman and Mahes to Rome, or to the prosopography of the Pontic kingdom." Proceedings in Archaeology and History of Ancient and Medieval Black Sea Region, no. 14 (September 23, 2022): 407–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.53737/2713-2021.2022.78.29.021.

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Объектом изучения стал травертиновый блок с билингвой на латинском и греческом языках, высеченной от имени понтийского царя Митридата IV Филопатора Филадельфа. Артефакт мог быть фрагментом монумента II—I вв. до н. э., располагавшегося близ храма Юпитера Капитолийского в Риме. Примечательно то, что в надписи упомянуты царские послы: Найман, сын Наймана и Махес, сын Махеса. На основании изучения священных текстов и мифологии, можно полагать, что первый происходил из Иудеи, а второй был выходцем из Египта. Понтийский царь отправил их в посольство для информирования о своих контактах с Хасмонеями и с автохтонной элитой государства Птолемеев, и это должно было поднять его авторитет в глазах Сената и римского народа. The interest of the research was focused on a travertine block with a bilingual inscription in Latin and Greek carved on behalf of Mithridates IV Philopator Philadelphus, a ruler of the Kingdom of Pontus. The artifact could be a fragment of a monument of the 2nd — 1st cc. BCE located near the Temple of Capitoline Jupiter in Rome. It is noteworthy that the royal ambassadors are mentioned in the inscription: Naiman, son of Naaman and Mahes, son of Mahes. Judging by the results of the study of sacred texts and mythology, the first of them came from Judea, and the second was a native of Egypt. The reason why the Pontic king has sent the embassy was that he intended to inform the Senate and the people of Rome about his contacts with the Hasmoneans as well as with the autochthonous elite in the Ptolemaic state and thereby increase his authority.

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11

Ast, Rodney. "INSCRIPTIONS FROM PTOLEMAIC EGYPT - (A.) Bowman, (C.) Crowther (edd.) The Epigraphy of Ptolemaic Egypt. Pp. xxviii + 353, figs, ills, map. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020. Cased, £90, US$115. ISBN: 978-0-19-885822-5. - (A.) Bowman, (C.) Crowther, (S.) Hornblower, (R.) Mairs, (K.) Savvopoulos (edd.) Corpus of Ptolemaic Inscriptions. Part I: Greek, Bilingual, and Trilingual Inscriptions from Egypt. Volume 1: Alexandria and the Delta (Nos. 1–206). Pp. xxviii + 539, figs, ills, map. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2021. Cased, £120, US$155. ISBN: 978-0-19-886049-5." Classical Review 72, no. 1 (December 21, 2021): 89–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x21003498.

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12

Rosenmeyer, Patricia. "Greek Verse Inscriptions in Roman Egypt: Julia Balbilla's Sapphic Voice." Classical Antiquity 27, no. 2 (October 1, 2008): 334–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2008.27.2.334.

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In 130 ce, Hadrian and Sabina traveled to Egyptian Thebes. Inscriptions on the Memnon colossus document the royal visit, including fifty-four lines of Greek verse by Julia Balbilla, an elite Roman woman of Syrian heritage. The poet's style and dialect (Aeolic) have been compared to those of Sappho, although the poems' meter (elegiac couplets) and content are quite different from those of her archaic predecessor. This paper explores Balbilla's Memnon inscriptions and their social context. Balbilla's archaic forms and obscure mythological variants showcase her erudition and allegiance to a Greek past, but while many of the Memnon inscriptions allude to Homer, Balbilla aligns herself closely with Sappho as a literary model. The main question raised here is what it means for Julia Balbilla to imitate Sappho while simultaneously honoring her royal patrons in the public context of dedicatory inscriptions.

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13

Worthington, Ian. "Fourth-Century Greek Inscriptions." Classical Review 55, no. 1 (March 2005): 315–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni174.

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14

Vlassopoulos, Kostas. "Greek History." Greece and Rome 63, no. 1 (March 29, 2016): 129–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383515000303.

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Epigraphic studies are usually addressed to specialists and are often timid in terms of asking big questions about their evidence. This review includes four brilliant recent studies, which use primarily Hellenistic inscriptions in order to discuss some major issues of Greek history from new perspectives. The first two books focus on politics and political institutions, while the other two raise similar issues from the point of view of Greek religion. All of them are fruitful applications of novel approaches to Greek communities which move beyond traditional approaches to the polis as a static and self-enclosed entity in favour of new approaches that stress the variability of Greek politics and the historical processes that involved regions and networks of which they formed part.

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Walbank, Michael B. "Greek Inscriptions from the Athenian Agora." Hesperia 54, no. 3 (July 1985): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/147891.

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16

Pucci Ben Zeev, Mariam. "Josephus, Bronze Tablets and Greek Inscriptions." L'antiquité classique 64, no. 1 (1995): 211–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antiq.1995.1231.

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Walbank, Michael B. "Greek Inscriptions from the Athenian Agora." Hesperia 66, no. 2 (April 1997): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/148484.

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Lalonde, Gerald V. "Greek Inscriptions from the Athenian Agora." Hesperia 61, no. 3 (July 1992): 375. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/148312.

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Walbank, Michael B. "Greek Inscriptions from the Athenian Agora." Hesperia 58, no. 1 (January 1989): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/148321.

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Rougemont, Georges. "Hellenism in Central Asia and the North-West of the Indo-Pakistan Sub-Continent: The Epigraphic Evidence." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 18, no. 1 (2012): 175–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005712x638681.

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Abstract The Greek inscriptions from Central Asia give information mainly on the three centuries before our era, particularly on the 3rd and 2nd century BC. In the Greek inscriptions from Central Asia, we notice the absence of any sign of a civic life; the inscriptions, however, clearly show firstly on which cultural frontier the Greeks of Central Asia lived and secondly how proudly they asserted their cultural identity. The presence in Central Asia of a living Greek culture is unquestionable, and the most striking fact is that the authors of the inscriptions were proud of the Greek culture. Their Greek names however do not necessarily reveal the ethnic origin, and we do not know whether among them there were “assimilated” Bactrians or Indians. The Greeks, at any rate, constituted a limited community of people living very far from their country of origin, at the borders of two foreign worlds (Iranian and Indian) which were far bigger and older than theirs.

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21

Gill, David W. J. "A Greek Price Inscription from Euesperides, Cyrenaica." Libyan Studies 29 (1998): 83–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900006026.

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AbstractThe price inscription on an Attic black-glossed lekanis is discussed. The lekanis was found during the excavations of one of the houses in the Greek colony of Euesperides. Its significance is considered alongside the small number of price inscriptions known from Cyrenaica. Price inscriptions draw attention to the low value of Attic pottery in antiquity, and the Euesperides graffito is considered against some of the literary and epigraphic evidence used in recent discussions.

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Gera, Dov. "Some Dated Greek Inscriptions from Maresha." Palestine Exploration Quarterly 149, no. 3 (July 3, 2017): 201–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00310328.2017.1310575.

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23

Zaslavsky, Claudia. "The Influence of Ancient Egypt on Greek and Other Numeration Systems." Mathematics Teaching in the Middle School 9, no. 3 (November 2003): 174–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5951/mtms.9.3.0174.

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You may have learned how the ancient Egyptians wrote numbers. For example, for the number 600, you would write a symbol for a scroll six times. Actually, ancient Egypt had two main systems of writing: hieroglyphic and hieratic. Hieroglyphics, dating back over 5,000 years, were used mainly for inscriptions on stone walls and monuments. Hieratic writing was a cursive script suitable for writing on papyrus, the Egyptian form of paper. Much of our knowledge of ancient Egyptian mathematics comes from a papyrus written by the scribe Ahmose around 1650 B.C.E. Although he wrote in hieratic script, recent historians transcribed this document and others into hieroglyphics, giving readers the impression that all Egyptian writing was in hieroglyphics, the system that you may have learned.

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Harper, Kyle. "The Greek Census Inscriptions of Late Antiquity." Journal of Roman Studies 98 (November 2008): 83–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/007543508786239661.

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This article reconsiders a set of Late Roman inscriptions which record the tax liabilities of dozens of landowners in terms of post-Diocletianic fiscality. The stones, from eleven cities in the Aegean and western Asia Minor, are evaluated as evidence for the social and economic history of the Late Empire, challenging Jones' fundamental study in which the inscriptions are read as a sign of structural crisis. With their non-Egyptian provenance, the inscriptions offer unique, quantitative insights into land-ownership and labour. The inscriptions reveal surprising levels of slave labour in the eastern provinces, particularly in a new inscription from Thera. This last document allows, for the first time, an empirical analysis of the demographics of an estate-based population of slaves in antiquity.

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Vinogradov, Yu G. "New Inscriptions On Lead From Olbia." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 1, no. 1 (1995): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005794x00363.

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AbstractInscriptions on lead plates form a distinct group in Greek Black Sea epigraphy. They include private messages containing information about the lives and condition of Greek settlers as well as more standard texts, such as incantations, which also widen our knowledge of the social and economic structure and legal practice of the Ionian apoikiai of the region. The two inscriptions published for the first time here are both spells, probably judicial and of the early Hellenistic period, and testify to the flourishing legal activity and business life of Olbia.

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Lenoble, Patrice, and Nigm ed Din Mohammed Sharif. "Barbarians at the gates? the royal mounds of El Hobagi and the end of Meroë." Antiquity 66, no. 252 (September 1992): 626–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x0003934x.

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Meroë, capital of Ethiopian kings up to the first centuries AD, is an extraordinary culture. Its inscriptions are in its own Meroitic script or in Egyptian or sometimes in Greek – a reminder of its links through Egypt to the larger Mediterranean world nearly 2000 kilometres to the north. And what about the end of Meroeë Did it collapse to barbarians? Or did it take its own course?

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Iversen and Laing. "Greek and Latin Inscriptions from Temple Hill, Corinth." Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 90, no. 1 (2021): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.2972/hesperia.90.1.0115.

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Walbank, Michael B. "Greek Inscriptions from the Athenian Agora: Building Records." Hesperia 64, no. 3 (July 1995): 315. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/148428.

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Walbank, Michael B. "Greek Inscriptions from the Athenian Agora: Financial Documents." Hesperia 65, no. 4 (October 1996): 433. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/148437.

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Lytle, Ephraim. "Fishing with Fire: Technology, Economy and Two Greek Inscriptions." Historia 67, no. 1 (2018): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2018-0003.

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Skalec, Aneta. "Riverbank Marketplaces in Ptolemaic Egypt." Journal of Egyptian History 15, no. 2 (December 6, 2022): 243–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18741665-bja10014.

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Abstract This article examines Ptolemaic papyrological sources (Demotic and Greek) indicating the existence of marketplaces located next to the river during this period, which have so far been completely overlooked in the discussion on Egyptian markets. It focuses particularly on the location of marketplaces and their relation to settlements and the markets’ setting – whether they were surrounded by farmland or by buildings, and of what type. This analysis points to the highest parts of the riverbanks as the most likely location of marketplaces. Additionally, the article contains terminological remarks regarding the terms for the marketplace and the Nile in both Demotic and Greek.

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Honzl, Jiří. "‘Deo Magno Mercurio Adoravit…’ – The Latin Language and Its Use in Sacred Spaces and Contexts in Roman Egypt." Annals of the Náprstek Museum 42, no. 2 (2021): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37520/anpm.2021.006.

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The use of Latin in the multilingual society of Roman Egypt was never more than marginal. Yet, as a language of the ruling power, the Roman Empire, Latin enjoyed to some extent a privileged status. It was generally more widely applied in the army, as well as on some official occasions, and in the field of law. Less expectably, various Latin inscriptions on stone had religious contents or were found in sacred spaces and contexts. Such texts included honorary and votive inscriptions, visitors’ graffiti, and funerary inscriptions. All three groups are surveyed and evaluated focusing especially on their actual relation to the religious sphere and social background, noting both continuity and changes of existing practices and traditions. Such analysis of the inscriptions allows to draw conclusions not only regarding the use of Latin in religious matters in Egypt but also reveal some aspects of the use of Latin in Egypt in general and the role of Roman culture in the Egyptian society.

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Walbank, Michael B. "Greek Inscriptions from the Athenian Agora: Lists of Names." Hesperia 63, no. 2 (April 1994): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/148111.

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Spencer, P. A., and A. J. Spencer. "Notes on Late Libyan Egypt." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 72, no. 1 (August 1986): 198–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338607200124.

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This article first publishes a small bronze shrine with inscriptions of the obscure king Thotemhat, British Museum EA 11015. The reading of the Horus-name of this ruler is corrected to Ḫ'-m-Wn(t). The article then considers the evidence for a Delta centre for the Twenty-Third Dynasty, and suggests that there is, as yet, no good reason to assume that this Dynasty ruled from Leontopolis as has been suggested. It is also proposed that the linking of Iuput II, mentioned on the stela of Piankhy, to this Dynasty may be erroneous.

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Shubin, Vladimir Il'ich. "Greek mercenaries in Sais Egypt." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 4 (April 2020): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.4.32577.

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This article is dedicated to examination of the history of emergence of Greek mercenaries during the riling time of XXVI Sais Dynasty. The author reviews the status and role of Greek mercenaries in the armed forced of Sais rulers, organization of their service and living conditions. Considering the fact that the use of Greek mercenaries in Egypt army was a part of the traditional policy of Sais rulers and carried mass character, the author refers to the problem  of social origin of the phenomenon of mercenarism in the Greek society of Archaic era. The research applies comparative-historical method that allows viewing the phenomenon of mercenarism in the historical context – based on the comparative data analysis of ancient written tradition. By the time of Sais Dynasty, control over regions that traditionally provided mercenaries to the Egypt army was lost. Under the circumstances, in order to compensate such losses, Egypt conscripted into military service the hailed from the Greek world. Mercenaries became the first Greeks settled on the Egyptian land. The conclusion is made that the Greek colonization, in absence of other ways to enter the formerly closed to the Greeks Egypt, at its initial stage manifested in such distinct form.

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Vinogradov, Yu G. "Greek Epigraphy of the North Black Sea Coast, the Caucasus and Central Asia (1985-1990)." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 1, no. 1 (1995): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005794x00336.

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AbstractThis article prints and critically reviews the most important monumental and minor inscriptions discovered in a five-year period in the former USSR. It includes published materials from Olbia, Chersonesos, Kerkinitis, Bosporus, Colchis and Bactriana, and previously unpublished inscriptions from Tyras, Olbia(?) and Bosporus.

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Liddel, Peter. "Greek Inscriptions: insights and resources in the classroom and beyond." Journal of Classics Teaching 18, no. 35 (2017): 43–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s205863101700006x.

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The learning of ancient history at every level – school, FE and HE – offers its students the opportunity of close engagement with ancient evidence first hand. We want our students to develop the ability to approach texts and artefacts with confidence, to place them in context, and to cultivate their own perspectives on ancient history through engaging with them. We need to teach them that this process – the antithesis (or even the antidote?) to the quick-fix of Wikipedia or the Google search – is crucial to the methodology of the historian and is at the same time an exciting way of thinking about the past. Close engagement with inscriptions is a way of getting to the core matters of ancient history. In this article I set out the insights and opportunities that the study of inscriptions offers to those getting familiar with Greek antiquity at the pre-university stage; I consider the obstacles that teachers and students face when trying to access them and also the opportunities that modern publications (digital and traditional) offer to overcoming them.

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Hsu, Shih-Wei. "Figurative Expressions Referring to Animals in Royal Inscriptions of the 18th Dynasty." Journal of Egyptian History 6, no. 1 (2013): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18741665-12340002.

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Abstract The figurative expression is an important element of rhetoric and style. It appears in almost all languages and at all times. It can be defined as a group of words that includes a comparison, a simile, or a figurative sense. These expressions refer to similarities of shape, colour, feature or function. Two important elements of figurative expressions are the “simile” and the “metaphor.” Figurative language is found in all the royal inscriptions of the kings of ancient Egypt. This paper will look at the type, purpose and function of animal figurative expressions in the royal inscriptions of the 18th Dynasty.

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Wypustek, Andrzej. "Laughing in the Face of Death: a Survey of Unconventional Hellenistic and Greek-Roman Funerary Verse-Inscriptions." Klio 103, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 160–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2020-0305.

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Summary Starting from late Classical-early Hellenistic age a series of witty, lighthearted and irreverent funerary verse-inscriptions aiming to produce some effect of amusement or laughter appeared on a number of monuments, reaching their apogee during Greek-Roman era. Most of them originated in Asia Minor and Rome. Some earliest examples were related to widespread hedonistic exhortations on tombs. Their later ramifications, consisting of ironical or playful expressions, amusing puns and instances of black humour, were written in a more satirical vein, except with inscriptions dedicated for animals that were rife with sentimental motifs. Remarkably diverse as they were, such verse-inscriptions cannot be defined in terms of a distinctly separate, continuous tradition, but they shared some common features. Lacking – for the most part – conventional and formulaic elements, they struck us as heavily individualised, which sets them apart from the mainstream tradition of funerary poetry. This in turn might shed some light on social standing or/and mentality of individuals who opted for such expressive ways of remembering the dead.

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Mitchell, Stephen. "Inscriptions from Melli (Kocaaliler) in Pisidia." Anatolian Studies 53 (December 2003): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3643092.

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AbstractThis article presents several new inscriptions discovered during the survey of the Pisidian city at Melli directed by Dr Lutgarde Vandeput, and revisions to already published texts. These include several imperial statue bases from the city agora, four texts honouring city patrons, who include a provincial governor and a senior Roman equestrian official from the nearby Pisidian city of Selge, dedications and epitaphs. The most significant discovery is the first identified Greek copy of a votive text to ‘the gods and goddesses’, set up according to the interpretation of a Clarian oracle, which was already known from nine Latin versions. The inscription is associated with a cult room in a domestic building, and may be connected with the worship of theos hypsistos.

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Abdelhamed, Muna H. Haroun, and Charlotte Roueché. "Digitising Libyan heritage: inscriptions and toponomy." Libyan Studies 50 (October 22, 2019): 87–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lis.2019.4.

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AbstractThe new digital technologies have become an effective tool for researchers in different fields. Historians and archaeologists who are studying Greek and Roman Libya have benefited from technical developments in presenting different kinds of data, particularly relating to the epigraphy and toponymy of Libya. They have recently published several resources, and are working on more. This study presents the story of how scholars have collected a variety of Libyan heritage materials and published them online; the account makes it clear that these digital projects are the result of extensive and ongoing collaboration between researchers from different countries, including Libya. They have worked together, and are still working to produce valuable online corpora of inscriptions alongside the Heritage Gazetteer of Libya which records names used at different times, and in a variety of languages, of heritage sites. We also discuss plans for further improving the accessibility of these materials, and encouraging their wider use.

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Umholtz, Gretchen. "Architraval Arrogance?: Dedicatory Inscriptions in Greek Architecture of the Classical Period." Hesperia 71, no. 3 (July 2002): 261–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2972/hesp.2002.71.3.261.

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Michael B. Walbank. "Greek Inscriptions from the Athenian Agora: Fragments of a Financial Nature." Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 82, no. 2 (2013): 301. http://dx.doi.org/10.2972/hesperia.82.2.0301.

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Umholtz, Gretchen. "Architraval Arrogance? Dedicatory Inscriptions in Greek Architecture of the Classical Period." Hesperia 71, no. 3 (July 2002): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3182028.

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Walbank, Michael B. "Greek Inscriptions from the Athenian Agora: Financial and Other Public Documents." Hesperia 67, no. 1 (January 1998): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/148420.

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Honzl, Jiří. "African Motifs in Greek Vase Painting." Annals of the Náprstek Museum 38, no. 1 (2017): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/anpm-2017-0017.

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In the beginning the paper concisely summarises contacts of Greeks with Egypt, focusing on their interests on the North African coast, up until the Classical Period. The brief description of Greek literary reception of Egypt during the same timeframe is following. The main part of the paper is dedicated to various African (and supposedly African) motifs depicted in Greek vase painting. These are commented upon and put in the relevant context. In the end the individual findings are summarised and confronted with the literary image described above.

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Láda, Csaba. "A new Greek petition from Hellenistic Egypt?" Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 49, no. 4 (December 2009): 375–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.49.2009.4.1.

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Caneva, Stefano G., and Aurian Delli Pizzi. "GIVEN TO A DEITY? RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL REAPPRAISAL OF HUMAN CONSECRATIONS IN THE HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN EAST." Classical Quarterly 65, no. 1 (April 2, 2015): 167–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838814000676.

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The adjective ἱερός is a central term in Greek religion and is used in various contexts. Generally translated ‘sacred’, it indicates that an object has been conceded to the gods and is now in relation with them (relation of belonging, protection, etc.). It appears frequently in Greek inscriptions in the expression τὰ ἱερά, to designate sacred objects or, in a more abstract meaning, sacred matters.

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Said, Salah. "Two New Greek Inscriptions with the nameϒTWRfrom Umm al-Jimāl." Palestine Exploration Quarterly 138, no. 2 (October 2006): 125–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/003103206x124783.

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Foss, Clive. "Egypt under Muʿāwiya Part I: Flavius Papas and Upper Egypt." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 72, no. 1 (February 2009): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x09000019.

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AbstractPapyri from Egypt constitute the largest body of contemporary documentary evidence for the reign of Muʿāwiya. Most notable among them are the 107 texts in the archive of Flavius Papas, a local official of Upper Egypt in the 670s. Most are in Greek and provide insight into the administration, society and economy of a provincial centre. Since many deal with taxes and requisitions, they illustrate the incessant demands of the Islamic regime in Fusṭāṭ and the way local officials dealt with them. In particular, the archive shows the importance of Egypt for providing the men, materials and supplies essential for the war fleet of the caliphate. A few other documents from Upper Egypt hint at the economic role of the Church. This is the first of two parts, the second dealing with Middle Egypt, Fusṭāṭ and Alexandria.

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