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Journal articles on the topic 'Inquisition – History'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Kieckhefer, Richard. "The Office of Inquisition and Medieval Heresy: The Transaction from Personal to Institutional Jurisdiction." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 46, no. 1 (January 1995): 36–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900012537.

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In 1979, in a study of the ‘inquisitors of heretical depravity” and their work against heresy in medieval Germany, I urged rethinking of the term ‘the Inquisition” and the concept behind it. There is no clear evidence, I argued, that people in medieval Europe used either inquisitio or officium inquisitionis with reference to an agency or institution. The former term was used for specific trials following inquisitorial procedure, while the latter was essentially parallel to officium predicationis, and referred to the office or function of an individual inquisitor, not to an institutional structure. Furthermore, I argued that there is no reason to suppose there actually was an institution in medieval Europe to which the term ‘the Inquisition” might meaningfully be assigned. Heresy inquisitors during the Middle Ages were not held together by a structure of inquisitorial authority, which could ensure vigorous action, procedural regularity, or interaction of members. ‘In these circumstances”, I tentatively concluded, ‘it would perhaps be advisable to avoid speaking of even papal inquisitors as if they formed a suprapersonal agency, or an Inquisition.”

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2

Greenleaf, Richard E. "The Great Visitas of the Mexican Holy Office 1645-1669." Americas 44, no. 4 (April 1988): 399–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006967.

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Mexico's Tribunal of the Holy Office of the Inquisition founded by Philip II in January 1569 had developed its bureacratic structure by the first decade of the seventeenth century. Spectacular autos de fé between 1574 and 1601 allowed the Tribunal to establish its reputation in the colony and to augment its financial base beyond the yearly 10,000 peso subvention provided by the Spanish monarchy. Trials of crypto-Jews in the 1590s netted considerable income and caused the king to cease his payment of inquisitional salaries for a time. During the first decade of the seventeenth century the Tribunal petitioned the crown to assign the income from a series of cathedral canonries for support of the Inquisition bureaucracy. Between 1629 and 1636 “reserved” canonries were established for Holy Office income and by 1650 nine of these were generating the Inquisition's salary budget. It was always understood that royal subsidies were to decrease as canonry income paid salaries. All other expenses had to come from judicial fines.

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3

Baudry, Hervé. "Medicine and the Inquisition in Portugal (Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries): People and Books." Early Science and Medicine 23, no. 1-2 (July 19, 2018): 92–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-02312p06.

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Abstract The Tribunal of the Inquisition was established in Portugal in 1536. This paper deals with three aspects concerning medicine in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Portugal: the institution and its members, the medical practitioners, and the books. On the one hand, doctors were necessary to carry out specific duties in the life of the Inquisition. On the other hand, a significant percentage of the victims of the Inquisition were medical professionals, the overwhelming majority being New Christians accused of Judaism. Finally, as did the Roman and Spanish Inquisitions, the Portuguese Holy Office looked after the censorship of books, many of which dealt with medical matters.

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4

Juif, Dácil, Joerg Baten, and Mari Carmen Pérez-Artés. "NUMERACY OF RELIGIOUS MINORITIES IN SPAIN AND PORTUGAL DURING THE INQUISITION ERA." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 38, no. 1 (November 20, 2019): 147–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s021261091900034x.

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ABSTRACTWe assess the numeracy (age heaping) of religious minorities, particularly Jews, and other defendants of the Spanish and Portuguese Inquisitions, and compare it with the general Iberian population. Our database includes 13,000 individuals who took part in Inquisition trials, and 17,000 individuals recorded in censuses and parish registers who serve as a control group. We thoroughly discuss the representativeness of our samples for the populations we aim to capture. Our results point at a substantial numeracy advantage of the Judaism-accused over the Catholic majority. Furthermore, Catholic priests and other groups of the religious elite who were occasional targets of the Inquisition had a similarly high level of numeracy.

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5

Edwards, John. "Trial of an Inquisitor: the dismissal of Diego Rodríguez Lucero, inquisitor of Córdoba, in 1508." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 37, no. 2 (April 1986): 240–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204690003298x.

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Between 1 June and 1 August 1508, the newly refounded tribunal, known to history as the Spanish Inquisition, was subjected tojudicial investigation by a ‘General Congregation’ at Burgos, in Old Castile. The process resulted from the activities of Diego Rodriguez Lucero. As inquisitor of Córdoba, he was accused of making false charges of ‘judaising’ against conversos, or converts from Judaism and/or their descendants, and ‘Old Christians’ alike. During the Congregation's examination of his work, many of the tensions and difficulties which had arisen in Spanish society as a result of the Inquisition's work were exposed. To date, the only detailed consideration in English of Lucero's rise and fall - published in 1897-has been that of the great liberal Protestant historian of the Inquisition, H. C. Lea. As ever, his work was solidly based on the best early printed sources, but also on documents from the Castilian national archives at Simancas and the cathedral archives in Cordoba itself, as well as other places. In recent years, however, many more documents have come to light, which make possible a more profound and thorough investigation of the Lucero affair. Progress towards increased knowledge has not, however, been uninterrupted. Many of the manuscript sources in the Cordoba Cathedral archives to which Lea refers are no longer traceable, having, in some cases, been torn from their bindings; others have simply vanished. Such, it appears, is the degree of passion which the name of Lucero still inspires.

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6

SLUHOVSKY, MOSHE. "AUTHORITY AND POWER IN EARLY MODERN ITALY: RECENT ITALIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY Fonti ecclesiastiche per la storia sociale e religiosa d'Europa: XV–XVIII secolo. Edited by Cecilia Nubola and Angelo Turchini. Bologna: Società editrice il Mulino, Annali dell'Istituto storico italo-germanico in Trento, 50, 1999. Pp. 563. ISBN 88-15-07070-2. Benandanti e inquisitori nel Friuli del Seicento. By Franco Nardon. Foreword by Andrea Del Col. Trieste: Editioni Università di Trieste, 1999. Pp. 254. ISBN 88-8303-022-2. Tempi e spazi di vita femminile tra medioevo ed età moderna. Edited by Silvana Seidel Menchi, Anne Jacobson Schutte, and Thomans Kuehn. Bologna: Società editrice il Mulino, Annali dell'Istituto storico italo-germanico in Trento, 51, 1999. Pp. 577. ISBN 88-15-07234-9. Partial translation: Time, space, and women's lives in early modern Europe. Kirksville, MS: Truman State University Press, Sixteenth Century Essays and Studies, no. 57, 2001. Pp. 336. ISBN 0-943549-82-5 (hb). ISBN 0-943549-90-6 (pb). Church, censorship and culture in early modern Italy. Edited by Gigliola Fragnito. Translated by Adrian Belton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Pp. 264. ISBN 0-521-66172-2. Court and politics in papal Rome, 1492–1700. Edited by Gianvittorio Signorotto and Maria Antonietta Visceglia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Pp. 257. ISBN 0-521-64146-2." Historical Journal 47, no. 2 (May 24, 2004): 501–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04233817.

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The five books under review represent some of the recent achievements of Italian historiography of the early modern period. The gradual opening of Inquisitional archives in the 1990s and the growing sophistication of historical analysis of Inquisitorial documents have expanded dramatically our knowledge of and familiarity with the institutional and legal histories of the Inquisition and of the operation of justice in the Italian peninsula. One result of this is that the earlier and innovative work of Carlo Ginzburg in Inquisitorial archives has come under scrutiny. The books under review present a new view of the functioning of the Italian Inquisition, and by so doing shed new light on issues of authority and power in early modern Italy. Implicitly, the books under review also posit themselves against microstoria and address the larger working of power over long periods of time.

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7

Modestin, Georg, and John Edwards. "Inquisition." Sixteenth Century Journal 36, no. 3 (October 1, 2005): 935. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477567.

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8

Russell, Jeffrey Burton, and Edward Peters. "Inquisition." American Historical Review 94, no. 5 (December 1989): 1334. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1906357.

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9

Harris, A. Katie, Joseph Pérez, and Janet Lloyd. "The Spanish Inquisition: A History." Sixteenth Century Journal 38, no. 2 (July 1, 2007): 610. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20478471.

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10

Zbíral, David, and Robert L. J. Shaw. "Hearing Voices: Reapproaching Medieval Inquisition Records." Religions 13, no. 12 (December 1, 2022): 1175. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13121175.

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The records of medieval heresy inquisitions have been a subject of controversy ever since their rediscovery by historians. The detail they convey of specific social interactions has continued to inspire generations of scholars, while the coercive conditions of their production have placed strong caveats over their interpretation. This article offers a comprehensive review of the debate on the uses of inquisition records, encompassing scholarship across multiple languages and schools of thought. It also highlights some shortcomings in that debate, e.g., the overrepresentation of inquisitors’ choices; the claim that the use of torture led automatically to reproducing outlandish inquisitorial fears; and the idea that exceptional detail correlates with reliability. The article concludes with the proposal of the Dissident Networks Project (DISSINET) to use structured data within a new variety of quantitative history. This method, founded on the Computer-Assisted Semantic Text Modelling approach that DISSINET has pioneered, is well-suited to addressing the biases of inquisition documents and opening them to scrutiny, thus providing a significant complement to close reading.

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11

Kamen, H. "The Spanish Inquisition." English Historical Review CXXI, no. 492 (June 1, 2006): 927–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cel169.

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12

Ames, Christine Caldwell. "Does Inquisition Belong to Religious History?" American Historical Review 110, no. 1 (February 2005): 11–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/531119.

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13

Homza, Lu Ann. "The Spanish Inquisition: A History (review)." Catholic Historical Review 93, no. 4 (2007): 947–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2007.0355.

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14

M.K. "The Portuguese Inquisition." Americas 44, no. 1 (July 1987): 95–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500073442.

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15

ЦАП, АНДРЕЙ РОМАНОВИЧ, and СЕРГЕЙ ИВАНОВИЧ НАГИХ. "СИСТЕМА СУДОПРОИЗВОДСТА ИНКВИЗИЦИИ В СРЕДНЕВЕКОВЬЕ." Archivarius 7, no. 5(59) (June 20, 2021): 38–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.52013/2524-0935-59-5-10.

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The history of the Roman Catholic Church among the modern generation is associated primarily with two historical events - the Crusades and the Holy Inquisition. The last phenomenon is discussing in this article. Here, the inquisitorial tribunals are considered not from a historical point of view, but from a legal one. Shows and analyzes the main procedural aspects of the inquisitorial proceedings, typical for all medieval Catholic countries. The article provides an assessment of both contemporaries of those events and later historians regarding the activities of the Inquisitional Tribunals.

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16

Davidson, N. S. "Rome and the Venetian Inquisition in the Sixteenth Century." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 39, no. 1 (January 1988): 16–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900039051.

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In Rome the Inquisition was not above that of other places, but applied it self only to that City, as others did in their Cities. The Pope indeed was superintendent and overseer of them all, maintaining nevertheless the agreements, immunities, and lawful Customs of every one, and so it continued until Paul the third, who did institute a Congregation of Cardinals in Rome, giving them the Title of Inquisitors General, who nevertheless do not command the Inquisition of Spain, which by agreement was first instituted: So likewise they ought not to take away the authority of this States Inquisition, also instituted by agreement some hundred years since. Which thing I have considered for to conclude, that it is not reasonable that Inquisition should take that which belongeth unto this.

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17

Greenleaf, Richard E. "Persistence of Native Values: The Inquisition and the Indians of Colonial Mexico." Americas 50, no. 3 (January 1994): 351–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007165.

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The Holy Office of the Inquisition in colonial Mexico had as its purpose the defense of Spanish religion and Spanish-Catholic culture against individuals who held heretical views and people who showed lack of respect for religious principles. Inquisition trials of Indians suggest that a prime concern of the Mexican Church in the sixteenth century was recurrent idolatry and religious syncretism. During the remainder of the colonial period and until 1818, the Holy Office of the Inquisition continued to investigate Indian transgressions against orthodoxy as well as provide the modern researcher with unique documentation for the study of mixture of religious beliefs. The “procesos de indios” and other subsidiary documentation from Inquisition archives present crucial data for the ethnologist and ethnohistorian, preserving a view of native religion at the time of Spanish contact, eyewitness accounts of post-conquest idolatry and sacrifice, burial rites, native dances and ceremonies as well as data on genealogy, social organization, political intrigues, and cultural dislocation as the Iberian and Mesoamerican civilizations collided. As “culture shock” continued to reverberate across the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Inquisition manuscripts reveal the extent of Indian resistance or accommodation to Spanish Catholic culture.

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18

Wadsworth, James E. "The Inquisition: A Global History, 1478 – 1834." Hispanic American Historical Review 91, no. 2 (May 1, 2011): 346–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-1165298.

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19

Thompson, Colin. "The Spanish Inquisition John Edwards." English Historical Review 115, no. 463 (September 2000): 960–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/115.463.960-a.

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20

Lovett, A. W. "The Inquisition under close scrutiny." Historical Journal 32, no. 3 (September 1989): 709–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00012504.

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21

Thompson, C. "The Spanish Inquisition John Edwards." English Historical Review 115, no. 463 (September 1, 2000): 960–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/115.463.960-a.

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22

Tortosa, Paul-Arthur. "The Roman inquisition: trying Galileo." European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 24, no. 5 (April 13, 2017): 828–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2017.1306320.

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23

Ginio, Alisa Meyuhas. "The Inquisition and the New Christians: The Case of the Portuguese Inquisition of Goa." Medieval History Journal 2, no. 1 (April 1999): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097194589900200101.

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24

Bouley, Bradford. "The Heart of Heresy: Inquisition, Medicine, and False Sanctity." Early Science and Medicine 23, no. 1-2 (July 19, 2018): 34–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-02312p03.

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Abstract This paper examines the engagement of various officials and tribunals of the Roman Inquisition with the new anatomical studies of the early modern period. It argues that although inquisition officers were frequently very aware of the latest medical theories, they actively chose not to employ anatomical or medical evidence when evaluating the unusual physical symptoms that might be associated with false or affected sanctity. This attitude stands in contrast to the employment of anatomical knowledge by other ecclesiastical institutions – e.g. the Congregation of Rites – and suggests that the Inquisition held a different, and perhaps more modern, view about the relationship between natural knowledge and religion.

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25

Stern, Laura Ikins. "Inquisition Procedure and Crime in Early Fifteenth-Century Florence." Law and History Review 8, no. 2 (1990): 297–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/743995.

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The central institutions of the Florentine criminal law system in the early fifteenth century were still the medieval courts of the three foreign rectors, the Podestà, the Captain of the People, and the Executor of the Ordinances of Justice, just as they had been throughout the fourteenth century. Similarly, criminal trials were conducted using inquisition procedure just as they had been from the late thirteenth century. Important changes, however, had taken place and were continuing to take place in the offices of the rectors and in inquisition procedure that greatly enhanced the effectiveness of this system. The fortuitous confluence of a strong state with improvements in inquisition procedure and the court system led to a strongly self-reliant court system that could, for the first time in the early fifteenth century, fully implement inquisition procedure by arresting criminals in flagranti, initiating cases through public initiation, gathering evidence independently, compelling witnesses, and successfully convicting. Because the political and social atmosphere influenced the effectiveness and the philosophies of prosecution of the criminal law system, a study of this system must include some consideration of political and social influences. Conversely, a study of the judicial system supplies a great deal of evidence about the government and society. When this interrelated sphere is regarded as a whole, the early fifteenth century is seen to be dominated by three closely related developments: the full implementation of inquisition procedure; the continued development of the territorial state, which made this possible; and the struggle between republican institutions and the nascent oligarchy.

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26

Finocchiaro, Maurice. "Galileo's Inquisition Trial Revisited." Early Science and Medicine 14, no. 4 (2009): 576–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338209x433598.

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27

Courtenay, William J. "Inquiry and Inquisition: Academic Freedom in Medieval Universities." Church History 58, no. 2 (June 1989): 168–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168722.

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The year 1988 marks not only the centennial of the American Society of Church History, it is also the anniversary of two important works dealing with the theme of religious toleration and freedom of ideas. One is the fiftieth anniversary of G. G. Coulton's Inquisition and Liberty. The other is Henry Charles Lea's History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, published in three volumes early in 1888. Coulton's work became a model for many that followed: a highly readable, consciously engaging narrative outlining the main features of one of the darker chapters of medieval church history. It covered the development of religious nonconformity, the church's response, especially through the creation and operation of the Inquistion, and the principal victims of the Inquisition: the Albigensians, Waldensians, Spiritual Franciscans, and those accused of witchcraft. Lea's earlier treatment covered those themes in a far more extensive way, and he also included, unlike Coulton, a final chapter on the problem of religious orthodoxy in the schools as viewed from the standpoint of the Inquisition. Lea, in fact, is one of the few authors writing on heresy and inquisition who attempted to place the cases of questioned orthodoxy and freedom of thought in medieval schools and universities in this larger context. Although he did not pursue the topic in any depth, Lea was aware that the character of theological study and the proper training of an educated priesthood were linked to the issue of religious orthodoxy in the schools and the threat of heresy among those charged with the preservation and dissemination of truth.

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28

Kelly, Henry Ansgar. "Inquisition and the Prosecution of Heresy: Misconceptions and Abuses." Church History 58, no. 4 (December 1989): 439–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168207.

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The year 1988 marked the 100th anniversary of the publication of H. C. Lea's A History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages. I would like to get the next century off to a good start by renaming his enterprise “A History of the Criminal Prosecution of Heretics in the Middle Ages.” The term inquisition has been widely misunderstood and misused by historians. There are two distinct abuses, one upper-case and the other lower-case.

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29

Cañeque, Alejandro. "Theater of Power: Writing and Representing the Auto de Fe in Colonial Mexico." Americas 52, no. 3 (January 1996): 321–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008004.

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On the morning of November 19, 1659, the Inquisitors of the Tribunal of the Holy Office in the City of Mexico celebrated Mass. Then, the prisoners were fed and lined up for the procession of the auto de fe that was to be celebrated that day. The procession of the familiares (officers of the Inquisition) and those to be reconciled or relaxed went by some streets, and the Tribunal of the Inquisition by others. The parade of gentlemen, including more than 500 individuals on horseback, was comprised of the nobility, the knights of the military orders, the Consulate, the University, the Cathedral Chapter, the municipal authorities, the Audiencia, and, finally, the Tribunal of the Holy Inquisition with the viceroy riding in their midst.

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30

Vose, Robin. "“Beyond Spain: Inquisition History in a Global Context”." History Compass 11, no. 4 (March 19, 2013): 316–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hic3.12045.

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31

Pick, Lucy K. "Toward the Inquisition. B. Netanyahu." History of Religions 40, no. 2 (November 2000): 203–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/463632.

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Hampe-Martínez, Teodoro. "Recent Works on the Inquisition and Peruvian Colonial Society, 1570–1820." Latin American Research Review 31, no. 2 (1996): 43–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100017945.

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This essay seeks to categorize and assess works published since the 1950s on the activities of the tribunal of the Santo Oficio de la Inquisición of Lima and their repercussions on the social history of the viceroyalty of Peru. The studies made of the Inquisition in recent decades, in going beyond a merely descriptive focus or one biased by the old prejudices of the “Black Legend,” have highlighted the exceptional value of the records of the Lima Inquisition for acquainting researchers with interesting dimensions on the level of mentalities, ideas, attitudes, and behaviors—that is to say, in the expressions of the deepest impulses of the human soul. This trend has allowed historians to modify their image of the Inquisition in the Spanish metropolis and in its former colonies in America.

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33

Levinson, Brett. "ON NETANYAHU'STHE ORIGINS OF THE INQUISITION IN FIFTEENTH CENTURY SPAIN: DOES THE INQUISITION JUSTIFY ZIONISM?" Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies 6, no. 3 (October 2005): 245–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14636200500312169.

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Cook, Karoline P. "Navigating Identities: The Case of a Morisco Slave in Seventeenth-Century New Spain." Americas 65, no. 1 (July 2008): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.0.0030.

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In 1660 Cristóbal de la Cruz presented himself before the commissioner of the Holy Office of the Inquisition in Veracruz, Mexico, claiming to be afflicted by doubts about the Catholic faith. Born in Algiers and captured at the age of nine or ten by a Spanish galley force, he was taken to Spain, where he was quickly sold into slavery and baptized. Thirty years later, De la Cruz denounced himself to the Mexican inquisitorial tribunal and proceeded to recount to the inquisitors a detailed and fascinating story of his life as he crossed Iberian and Mediterranean landscapes: escaping from his masters and being re-enslaved, encountering Muslims and renouncing Christianity, denouncing his guilt remorsefully before the Inquisitions of Barcelona and Seville, and moving between belief in Catholicism and Islam. His case provides important insights into the relationship between religious identity and the regulatory efforts of powerful institutions in the early modern Spanish world.

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35

Leglu, C. "Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in Medieval Quercy." French History 28, no. 1 (November 9, 2013): 114–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crt071.

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36

Hamilton, Bernard. "The Inquisition, Michael Baigent and Richard Leigh." English Historical Review 116, no. 466 (April 2001): 474–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/116.466.474.

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Hamilton, B. "The Inquisition, Michael Baigent and Richard Leigh." English Historical Review 116, no. 466 (April 1, 2001): 474–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/116.466.474.

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38

Edwards, John, B. Netanyahu, and Norman Roth. "Was the Spanish Inquisition Truthful?" Jewish Quarterly Review 87, no. 3/4 (January 1997): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1455191.

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Lanuza-Navarro, Tayra M. C. "Astrology in court: The Spanish Inquisition, authority, and expertise." History of Science 55, no. 2 (June 2017): 187–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0073275317710537.

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Astrology, its legitimacy, and the limits of its acceptable practice were debated in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Europe. Many of the related arguments were mediated by the work of Giovanni Pico della Mirandola and the responses to it. Acknowledging the complexities of the relationship between astrological ideas and Christian teachings, this paper focuses on the Catholic debates by specifically considering the decisions about astrology taken by the Spanish Inquisition. The trials of astrologers are examined with the aim of understanding the role of experts in astrology in early modern Spain. This study brings into view the specific nature of the debate on astrology in Spain, the consequences of the actions of the Inquisition and the social control it exerted. The historical events discussed comprise a particular case and also mirror the general debates about astrology taking place in early modern Europe. The experts’ opinions expressed in trials and in reports about the discipline received by the Inquisition reveal two key traits of the debate: the dispute about who had the authority to decide on the legitimacy of astrology and the disagreement about what constituted natural and judicial astrological practices. These led to different opinions about what was to be done with each defendant and about what content in their books ought to be forbidden.

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40

Edwards, John. "Why the Spanish Inquisition?" Studies in Church History 29 (1992): 221–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400011311.

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It seems quite extraordinary that an important European country should apparently have wished to go down in history as the originator of calculated cruelty and violence against members of its civil population. Yet the writers of the famous sketches inMonty Python’s Flying Circuswere far from being the first to introduce ‘the Spanish Inquisition’ as a cliché to represent arbitrary and yet calculated tyranny. By the late sixteenth century, Christian Europe, both Catholic and Protestant, had already formed the image of Spain which has become known as the ‘Black Legend’. Just as many Spaniards distrusted Italy, because Jews lived freely there, and France because Protestants were in a similar condition in that country, so Italian opposition to the forces of Ferdinand the Catholic and his successors, together with the ultimately successful Dutch rebels, created, with the help of growing knowledge of Spain’s atrocities against the inhabitants of the New World, a counter-myth, in which the Spaniards themselves appeared as heardess oppressors, but also, ironically, as crypto-Jews (marranos). Erasmus wrote that France was ‘the most spotless and most flourishing part of Christendom’, since it was ‘not infected with heretics, with Bohemian schismatics, with Jews, with half-Jewishmarranos’, the last term clearly referring to Spain. Not surprisingly, there is also a Jewish story of what happened in Spain before, during, and after 1492, which may best be summed up, in general outline, in the words, written in 1877, of Frederic David Mocatta’s study of Iberian Jews and the Inquisition.

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41

Black, Christopher F. "Bethencourt (Francisco), The Inquisition. A Global History, 1478-1834." Crime, Histoire & Sociétés 14, no. 2 (December 1, 2010): 156–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/chs.1227.

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42

Wickersham, Jane K. "Francisco Bethencourt, The Inquisition: A Global History 1478–1834." European History Quarterly 42, no. 1 (January 2012): 123–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691411428783e.

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43

Rawlings, Helen. "New Perspectives on the History of the Spanish Inquisition." Historically Speaking 7, no. 1 (2005): 35–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hsp.2005.0092.

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Shuger, Dale. "The Language of Mysticism and the Language of Law in Early Modern Spain*." Renaissance Quarterly 68, no. 3 (2015): 932–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/683856.

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AbstractAfter the Reformation, Catholics developed new ways to express interior religious experiences, including mystic visions. This article considers the epistemological impasse that arose when the Spanish Inquisition, created to prosecute covert Judaizers, was charged with discernment of mystical experiences. Close linguistic study of interrogations shows how a nondialogue between mystical and legal discourse pointed to a broader conflict between a newly interiorized religion and the public space of the law. Practically, these cases weakened the Inquisition; conceptually, they undermined the idea of an Inquisition. If Enlightenment reformers were able to argue for a secularization of the law, it was because a group of mystics and Inquisitors had made such thought possible.

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Tedeschi, John, and Henry Kamen. "The Spanish Inquisition: A Historical Revision." Sixteenth Century Journal 30, no. 3 (1999): 919. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544893.

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Harris, A. Katie, and James M. Anderson. "Daily Life during the Spanish Inquisition." Sixteenth Century Journal 34, no. 3 (October 1, 2003): 863. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20061585.

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Glick, Thomas F., and Henry Kamen. "The Spanish Inquisition: A Historical Revision." American Historical Review 104, no. 5 (December 1999): 1773. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2649517.

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Bonora, Elena. "Christopher F Black, The Italian Inquisition." European History Quarterly 43, no. 3 (July 2013): 525–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691413493729d.

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Crotty, Robert. "The Spanish Inquisition - By Helen Rawlings." Journal of Religious History 34, no. 1 (March 2010): 72–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9809.2009.00804.x.

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Wadsworth, James E. "In the Name of the Inquisition: The Portuguese Inquisition and Delegated Authority in Colonial Pernambuco, Brazil." Americas 61, no. 1 (July 2004): 19–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2004.0118.

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When the Portuguese Inquisition officially began in the year 1536, Brazil inhabited only the extreme margins of the Portuguese Empire and elicited little concern from the Inquisitors in Lisbon. Royal authority only became permanently established in 1549 in the person of Tomé de Sousa as governor-general of Brazil. The establishment of ecclesiastical authority over Brazil occurred about the same time through the padroado real, or royal patronage. The Order of Christ (whose grand master was the king himself) and the Mesa da Consciência e Ordens administered the royal patronage in the colony. The Church in Brazil remained directly subordinate to the archbishopric of Funchal on Madeira until the first diocese was established in Bahia in 1551. Pernambuco did not become a diocese until 1676 when Bahia became an archbishopric. Throughout the entire colonial period Bahia remained the only archbishopric in Brazil, although six bishoprics were eventually established. For Pernambuco, this meant that until 1676 the highest local ecclesiastical officials were the vicars general, the rectors of the Jesuit College, and the priors of the Benedictine, Franciscan, and Carmelite convents.

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