Journal articles on the topic 'Influenza Epidemic, 1918-1919 – Fiction'

Résumé Les effets de l'épidémie d'influenza au Canada en 1918 et 1919 comportent de multiples facettes. Malgré les méthodes diverses mises de l'avant pour combattre la maladie, on n'avait pu découvrir une cure adéquate. Parce que la crise fut soudaine, on dût s'organiser en hâte, ce qui entraîna de la confusion et une certaine dose de manque d'information sur les responsabilités dévolues à chaque organisation. Certaines entreprises furent durement touchées; les compagnies d'assurance-vie, par exemple, durent non seulement travailler avec un personnel décimé par la maladie, mais encore vit le nombre de réclamations monter en flèche. Il est possible, par contre, que l'épidémie ait eu quelqu'effet positif sur le règlement de la guerre. Chose certaine, elle a forcé à une réorganisation complète des services de santé au Canada et dans d'autres pays.

Spanish flu in Sweden 1918–1919 – course and consequences Sweden, like many other countries, experienced the effects of the Spanish flu epidemic, which lasted from June 1918 to mid-1919. During this time, 37,000 inhabitants of Sweden died from this strain of influenza. The analysis undertaken relates to how the epidemic and its consequences were dealt with and what the development of the epidemic entailed for Swedish society. The main sources are statistical data showing both the scale of the incidence of this influenza variety and the demographic consequences. Daily press and memoirs were also used. The epidemic occurred in Sweden with varying intensity. It mainly affected people between 20 and 40 years of age. A significant number of victims were seen in the army, which posed a serious threat to state security. The Swedish authorities were not prepared to deal with an influenza epidemic. But they quickly managed to organise temporary care for flu patients. While fighting the epidemic, a number of reforms were introduced (reorganisation of the health service, a new tax system, changes to the welfare system), which led to the creation of the Swedish welfare state model in the following decade. The epidemic also had a trickle-down effect on the democratisation of public life.

Abstract The year 2018 marked the 100th anniversary of the deadliest event in human history. In 1918–1919, pandemic influenza spread globally and caused an estimated 50–100 million deaths associated with unexpected clinical and epidemiological features. The descendants of the 1918 virus continue to circulate as annual epidemic viruses causing significant mortality each year. The 1918 influenza pandemic serves as a benchmark for the development of universal influenza vaccines. Challenges to producing a truly universal influenza vaccine include eliciting broad protection against antigenically different influenza viruses that can prevent or significantly downregulate viral replication and reduce morbidity by preventing development of viral and secondary bacterial pneumonia. Perhaps the most important goal of such vaccines is not to prevent influenza, but to prevent influenza deaths.

This paper examines how the British managed the 1918–1919 influenza epidemic in Lagos, the reactions of the local population to new sanitary and medical policies enforced during the period, and its social and political implications for future epidemic management in the colony. Unlike several studies which approach the history of the pandemic from global and national perspectives, a focus on Lagos, the colonial capital of Nigeria, one of Britain’s most important colonies provides this paper with a rare opportunity to engage with how local peculiarities informed decisions about the resolution of a global problem. Lagos is chosen as the terrain for discussion because of the ample data generated about it in the course of the 19th and 20th centuries (not just between European missionaries and the indigenous Lagosians, but also for other influential cultural and ethnic groups such as the Saro and Amaro (migrants from Brazil), and the Indian influence on medical policies in Lagos).

Local epidemic curves during the 1918–1919 influenza pandemic were often characterized by multiple epidemic waves. Identifying the underlying cause(s) of such waves may help manage future pandemics. We investigate the hypothesis that these waves were caused by people avoiding potentially infectious contacts—a behaviour termed ‘social distancing’. We estimate the effective disease reproduction number and from it infer the maximum degree of social distancing that occurred during the course of the multiple-wave epidemic in Sydney, Australia. We estimate that, on average across the city, people reduced their infectious contact rate by as much as 38%, and that this was sufficient to explain the multiple waves of this epidemic. The basic reproduction number, R 0 , was estimated to be in the range of 1.6–2.0 with a preferred estimate of 1.8, in line with other recent estimates for the 1918–1919 influenza pandemic. The data are also consistent with a high proportion (more than 90%) of the population being initially susceptible to clinical infection, and the proportion of infections that were asymptomatic (if this occurs) being no higher than approximately 9%. The observed clinical attack rate of 36.6% was substantially lower than the 59% expected based on the estimated value of R 0 , implying that approximately 22% of the population were spared from clinical infection. This reduction in the clinical attack rate translates to an estimated 260 per 100 000 lives having been saved, and suggests that social distancing interventions could play a major role in mitigating the public health impact of future influenza pandemics.

I analyze daily data on deaths and on mobility (ridership of electric railways) in the city of San Francisco in 1918-1919, using a model that combines a standard epidemiological component, agents who choose economic activity taking infection risk into account, and exogenous restrictions on activity (lockdowns). Masks were imposed twice but restrictions on activity were imposed only once. I use this to estimate the impact of masks on transmission. The behavioral feedback is important in capturing the dynamics of the epidemic, and masks appear to have been effective.

This article is one of the research attempts by which we study the french lives in the various aspects, from 1918 to 1919, when the Spain influenza exploded. We grasp that at the first time of introduction of Spain Influenza, many french thought that Flu was light, for the reason of the First World War, and rejoiced in the news that this Flu severely exploded in Germany. The citizen made the various mere conjectures and even used the expression, ‘the Chinese epidemic’, or ‘German epidemic’. This epidemic’ spreading speed was fast, but not greatly severe than expected. Nevertheless, Spain Influenza caused many deceased, in the link of the First World War. Meanwhile french medical and pharmaceutical world payed the minute attention to this epidemic and prepared the variety of countermeasures on the pharmaceutical and therapeutic ways. This article includes the studies on the daily life of the french citizen monitoring on these aspects of changes.

SUMMARYEncephalitis lethargica (EL) was first reported in 1917 in central Europe. It became epidemic in the winter of 1918/1919 concurrently with the pandemic of influenza, and by then had reached Russia and North America. It spread throughout the world in epidemic form, mainly in the succeeding winters, up to 1927. By then about 65 000 cases had been reported, although the true number worldwide can only be guessed at. EL mortality was about 30% in the acute stage, and similar during recurrences. Half of the survivors had persistent or recurrent neuro-psychiatric illness, with Parkinsonism a frequent end stage. Most contemporary observers attributed EL to a virus and some believed it was specifically a post-influenzal complication. The epidemiology of EL mostly points to an infective cause, e.g. a seasonal respiratory or gastrointestinal virus with infrequent encephalitic expression but the ability to persist, flare and progressively damage the brain. However, any link with the influenza virus strain of 1918/1919 remains hypothetical. The aetiological theories that have been applied to EL are reviewed and the question is raised whether broader laboratory investigation might now reveal a continuing low endemicity of EL and identify its cause.

Prenatal exposure to the 1918 influenza pandemic (Influenza A, H1N1 subtype) is associated with ⩾20% excess cardiovascular disease at 60 to 82 years of age, relative to cohorts born without exposure to the influenza epidemic, either prenatally or postnatally (defined by the quarter of birth), in the 1982–1996 National Health Interview Surveys of the USA. Males showed stronger effects of influenza on increased later heart disease than females. Adult height at World War II enlistment was lower for the 1919 birth cohort than for those born in adjacent years, suggesting growth retardation. Calculations on the prevalence of maternal infections indicate that prenatal exposure to even uncomplicated maternal influenza may have lasting consequences later in life. These findings suggest novel roles for maternal infections in the fetal programming of cardiovascular risk factors that are independent of maternal malnutrition.

Abstract During the influenza epidemic of 1918-1919 in Winnipeg, several hundred predominantly Anglo-Canadian middle- and upper-class women volunteered to nurse and feed victims of the disease, particularly the poor of the city's north end. The contact between victim and volunteer, north and south, promoted a sense of social order, but was simultaneously unsettling for the women involved and for the broader community. The paper utilizes Mary Louise Pratt's notion of “contact zone” to suggest that the extraordinary qualities of social interaction during the epidemic, when lives normally lived apart intersected, were a source of social tension. This tension was partially resolved through limitations upon who fit the role of volunteer, principles of scientific management and professionalism, and the construction of an ideal feminine heroine. Individual women's volunteerism nevertheless reflected a more ambiguous experience.

The reproduction number, , defined as the average number of secondary cases generated by a primary case, is a crucial quantity for identifying the intensity of interventions required to control an epidemic. Current estimates of the reproduction number for seasonal influenza show wide variation and, in particular, uncertainty bounds for for the pandemic strain from 1918 to 1919 have been obtained only in a few recent studies and are yet to be fully clarified. Here, we estimate using daily case notifications during the autumn wave of the influenza pandemic (Spanish flu) in the city of San Francisco, California, from 1918 to 1919. In order to elucidate the effects from adopting different estimation approaches, four different methods are used: estimation of using the early exponential-growth rate (Method 1), a simple susceptible–exposed–infectious–recovered (SEIR) model (Method 2), a more complex SEIR-type model that accounts for asymptomatic and hospitalized cases (Method 3), and a stochastic susceptible–infectious–removed (SIR) with Bayesian estimation (Method 4) that determines the effective reproduction number at a given time t . The first three methods fit the initial exponential-growth phase of the epidemic, which was explicitly determined by the goodness-of-fit test. Moreover, Method 3 was also fitted to the whole epidemic curve. Whereas the values of obtained using the first three methods based on the initial growth phase were estimated to be 2.98 (95% confidence interval (CI): 2.73, 3.25), 2.38 (2.16, 2.60) and 2.20 (1.55, 2.84), the third method with the entire epidemic curve yielded a value of 3.53 (3.45, 3.62). This larger value could be an overestimate since the goodness-of-fit to the initial exponential phase worsened when we fitted the model to the entire epidemic curve, and because the model is established as an autonomous system without time-varying assumptions. These estimates were shown to be robust to parameter uncertainties, but the theoretical exponential-growth approximation (Method 1) shows wide uncertainty. Method 4 provided a maximum-likelihood effective reproduction number 2.10 (1.21, 2.95) using the first 17 epidemic days, which is consistent with estimates obtained from the other methods and an estimate of 2.36 (2.07, 2.65) for the entire autumn wave. We conclude that the reproduction number for pandemic influenza (Spanish flu) at the city level can be robustly assessed to lie in the range of 2.0–3.0, in broad agreement with previous estimates using distinct data.

Introduction. Acute respiratory infections are the most common infections in the human population. Among them, virus infections, especially those caused by influenza viruses, have an important place. Type A influenza. Type A influenza virus caused three epidemics during the last century. A high percetage of deceased in pandemics of 1918, and 1919 were young, healthy persons, with many of the deaths due to an unusually severe, hemorrhagic pneumonia. At the end of 2003, and the beginning of 2004, an epidemic emerged in South East Asia of poultry influenza caused by animal (avian) virus. Later it spread to the human population, with a high death rate of 73% and with a possibility of interhuman transmission. This review article provides an overview of the clinical manifestations, laboratory findings and chest radiographs. Apart from the symptomatic and supportive therapy, there are antiviral drugs and corticosteriods. Conclusion. The use of vaccine containing subtypes of virus hemagglutinins and neuraminidase from an influenza virus currently infecting the population has a great importance. .

Whites rather than colored people were attacked by the pandemic of influenza and the young rather than the old, a reversal of usual conditions. These conclusions are based on the accurate figures obtainable from nearly 18,000,000 policies in force and 105,552 claims. The following is a brief statement of some of the basic findings of an investigation which has been made into the epidemic of influenza. It is limited to the policyholders of the Industrial Department of the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company and covers the period from October 1, 1918 to June 30, 1919. It should be noted in this connection that in this department there are represented over 12,000,000 policyholders, as of December 31, 1918; that these policyholders include both races, white and colored, males as well as females, and all age periods, excepting early infancy and extreme old age. This group of insured wage earners is well distributed over the entire United States and Canada. Effort was made, furthermore, to make the record of influenza deaths as complete as possible. In all, 105,552 policy claims were paid during the period under investigation, representing a total of 70,729 deaths from influenza-pneumonia.

Moon Over Manifest is a Newbery Award winning novel that focuses on the adventures of Abilene Tucker in Manifest, Kansas in 1936. The book travels back and forth between 1918-1919 and 1936. The book is part detective story and part coming of age. It is rich in social studies themes. Among its themes are WWI, prohibition, the Great Depression, segregation, the influenza epidemic, immigration, and the working conditions in coalmines. This lesson plan provides examples of activities for students to learn about the historical themes in the book and to conduct an oral history project.

AbstractThis article provides a synopsis of the spread of epidemic influenza throughout Queensland in 1919–20.1 Statewide the story was, to a greater or lesser extent, the same – regardless of occupation or whether one was from the city or the bush, on the coast or in the far west, no one was immune; even being 300 kilometres from the nearest epicentre of the outbreak was no guarantee of safety. An examination of the state’s newspapers, particularly the Brisbane Courier, makes it evident that outbreaks of influenza erupted almost simultaneously throughout the state. Aided and abetted by Queensland’s network of railways and coastal shipping, together with the crowding of people at country shows, race meetings and celebrations of the formal conclusion of World War I, the disease was swiftly diffused throughout the state. This article hopes to give the reader a sense of how the sheer scale and urgency of the crisis at times overwhelmed authorities and communities.

The classic risk factors for developing coronary heart disease (CHD) explain less than 50% of the decrease in mortality observed since 1950. The transition currently under way, from the degenerative to the infectious-inflammatory paradigm, requires a new causal interpretation of temporal trends. The following is an ecological study based on data from the United States showing that in men and women an association between the age distribution of mortality due to influenza and pneumonia (I&P) associated with the influenza pandemic in 1918-1919 in the 10-49-year age bracket and the distribution of CHD mortality from 1920 to 1985 in survivors from the corresponding birth cohorts. It further shows a significant negative correlation (r = -0.68, p = 0.042) between excess mortality from I&P accumulated in epidemics from 1931 to 1940 (used as indicator for persistent circulation of H1N1 virus combined with vulnerability to infection) and the order of the beginning in the decline in CHD mortality in nine geographic divisions in the United States. In light of current biological knowledge, the data suggest that the 1918 influenza pandemic and the subsequent epidemics up to 1957 might have played a determinant role in the epidemic of CHD mortality registered in the 20th century.

The influenza epidemic of 1918 in the Cape Peninsula caused Richard Stuttaford, a city councillor of Cape Town and a leading figure in the Associated Chambers of Commerce of South Africa, to feel that better housing might have saved many lives. In his opinion the answer to the problem lay in the establishment of a 'garden city', and to that end he donated £10 000 in 1919 to institute a 'garden city; at Uitvlugt (Pinelands). The development of Pinelands is not only unique in the field of urban planning in South Africa; its historical significance also lies in its being an experiment in local government within the metropolitan framework of Cape Town. The creation of Pinelands had a considerable effect on the housing conditions prevailing in South Africa after World War I. This article emphasises the institutional aspects of the township because of their influence on the community.

Trends in excess winter mortality (EWM) were investigated from the winter of 1900/01 to 2019/20. During the 1918–1919 Spanish flu epidemic a maximum EWM of 100% was observed in both Denmark and the USA, and 131% in Sweden. During the Spanish flu epidemic in the USA 70% of excess winter deaths were coded to influenza. EWM steadily declined from the Spanish flu peak to a minimum around the 1960s to 1980s. This decline was accompanied by a shift in deaths away from the winter and spring, and the EWM calculation shifted from a maximum around April to June in the early 1900s to around March since the late 1960s. EWM has a good correlation with the number of estimated influenza deaths, but in this context influenza pandemics after the Spanish flu only had an EWM equivalent to that for seasonal influenza. This was confirmed for a large sample of world countries for the three pandemics occurring after 1960. Using data from 1980 onward the effect of influenza vaccination on EWM were examined using a large international dataset. No effect of increasing influenza vaccination could be discerned; however, there are multiple competing forces influencing EWM which will obscure any underlying trend, e.g., increasing age at death, multimorbidity, dementia, polypharmacy, diabetes, and obesity—all of which either interfere with vaccine effectiveness or are risk factors for influenza death. After adjusting the trend in EWM in the USA influenza vaccination can be seen to be masking higher winter deaths among a high morbidity US population. Adjusting for the effect of increasing obesity counteracted some of the observed increase in EWM seen in the USA. Winter deaths are clearly the outcome of a complex system of competing long-term trends.

Epidemics and pandemics are kind of the regular disasters that not only threaten human health, but also affect economy, social and politic life of many societies and civilizations. In the timeline of human history, there have long been a lot of catastrophic epidemics, rapidly spreading all over the world, leading to massive deaths and becoming horrible challenges to human existence. They included the plague of Antonine in Ancient Rome; the Justinian pandemic and ``the Black Death'' in the Medieval period; the pandemic of cholera and the Asian plague in the modern age; the 1918- 1919 flu pandemic, the HIV/AIDS pandemic, the influenza pandemic in 2009 and the COVID-19 pandemic in 2019-2020. The main infectious diseases that cause pandemics in human history are plagued, smallpox, cholera and flu. By approaching the macrohistory and environmental history, the article made some overviews of epidemics and pandemics in human history from ancient ages to modern ages. Firstly, the article researches the terms ``epidemic, pandemic" and their levels. Next, the article analyzes the origins of epidemics and pandemics, the causes of their appearance, including biological factors, natural conditions and social conditions. Then, the article presents the outbreaks, spreads and impacts of some significant epidemics and pandemics in human history. Hence, the article also initially evaluates some response measures to epidemics and pandemics in history.

Abstract Context The Spanish flu pandemic of 1918 was approached with a variety of management techniques available at that time, including osteopathic care in addition to standard medical care. Objective To analyze the osteopathic manipulative treatment (OMT) techniques used for the management of patients affected by the Spanish flu according to four themes: the principles and procedures used, frequency and length of OMT, reported side effects, and advice for patients. Methods A structured review of the literature was performed by hand-searching texts at the Museum of Osteopathic Medicine International Center for Osteopathic History in Kirksville, Missouri, and online via PubMed (National Library of Medicine), ScienceDirect (Elsevier), and Google Scholar (Google, Inc). The literature search was carried out between February and March 2020. Three keywords were selected from the medical subject headings database of the National Library of Medicine: manipulation, osteopathic; influenza pandemic, 1918–1919; epidemics. Articles were then reviewed for relevance by screening for articles published between 1900 and 1940 that contained at least 1 of the following keywords in their title: Spanish influenza, flu, epidemic, grippe, pneumonia, or osteopathic management/treatment. All articles that provided information about OMT and advice met the inclusion criteria. Articles that did not report descriptions of manipulative intervention were excluded. Results Our search yielded 63 articles: 23 from the hand-search and 40 from the electronic search. No electronic source was selected for the review because none met inclusion criteria. A total of 16 articles from the hand-searched set met inclusion criteria and were analyzed according to the four main themes stated in the objective. The range of OMT approaches reported to be administered to patients with Spanish flu suggests that early osteopathic physicians treated patients with this disease using OMT in addition to offering advice on healthy lifestyle behaviors. Conclusion Conclusions from this study are limited by the historical and descriptive nature of the data gathered, which lacked the rigor of modern-day scientific studies. However, this review could lead to future research inquiries on the effectiveness of these approaches. Osteopathic physicians and osteopaths should embrace their historical osteopathic heritage by continuing the work of our predecessors and combining their hands-on experience and osteopathic principles with modern medical treatment and rigorous scientific standards.

Corpus of literature is replete with works that feature pandemics as central themes. As a response to diseases outbreaks, fiction writers portray the human condition and the shifts in human behaviour at these crucial junctures of human history. Plot structure and characterization accounts for the void –both within and without—: prevailing chaos, crumbling social structures, undermining of religious values, and Government’s apathy. Based on such themes, this paper examines, from Deterministic and Existentialistic perspectives, three representative fictions written in the 21st century: Reina James’s This Time of Dying (2006) on the deadly influenza of 1918, Amir Taj Elsir’s Ebola ’76 (2012) on the outbreak of Ebola in 1976, and Karen Maitland’s The Plague Charmer (2016) on the plague of 1361. The findings include: (a) the novels predict the contemporary society with their resonance of apocalyptic images and preventive measures, (b) they manifest ontological shifts as the orthodox worldviews are jolted, and (c) fictional and personal narratives are not less important than historical records on health in quest for existence.

● At first haemophilus influenza was considered as the causative agent for influenza but after the research it has been found that it caused various other types of infections but not influenza. Influenza was caused by some flu virus which was first isolated from pigs in 1931 and from humans in 1933.(4) ● The 1918 influenza pandemic was the most severe pandemic in recent history it was caused by an H1N1 virus with the genes of avian origin although there is not universal consensus regarding where the virus originated it spread worldwide during 1918 and 1919. (3) ● It was first identified in military personnel in spring 1980 it is estimated that about 500 million people or one third of the world's population became infected with this virus.(3) ● The number of deaths was estimated to be at least 50 million worldwide with about 6,75,000 deaths occurring in the United States. (3) ● Mortality was high in people younger than five years old ,20 to 40 years old and in 65 years and older. The high mortality in healthy people including those in the 20 to 40 year age group was a unique feature of this pandemic. (3) ● There was no vaccine to protect against influenza infection and no antibiotics to treat secondary bacterial infections that can be associated with influenza infection control efforts worldwide were limited to non-pharmaceutical intervention such as isolation quarantine good personal hygiene use of disinfectants and limitations of public gathering which were applied unevenly.(3) ● In the northern and southern parts of the world outbreaks occur mainly in the winter while around the equator outbreaks may occur at any time of the year .In the northern and southern parts of the world outbreaks occur mainly in the winter while around the equator outbreaks may occur at any time of the year.(7) ● In the 20th century three influenza pandemics occurred Spanish influenza in 1918 where the death toll ranged from 17- 200 million deaths, Asian influenza in 1957- 2 million deaths and Hong Kong influenza in 1968 -1 million deaths. ● The world health organisation declared an outbreak of a new type of influenza A or H1N1 to be a pandemic in June 2009. ● influenza may also affect other animals including pig horses and birds.(9) ● The name “influenza” originated in 15th century Italy, from an epidemic attributed to “influence of the stars.” The first pandemic that fits the description of influenza was in 1580. At least four pandemics of influenza occurred in the 19th century, and three occurred in the 20th century. The pandemic of “Spanish” influenza in 1918–1919 caused an estimated 21 million deaths worldwide. The first pandemic of the 21st century occurred in 2009–2010. Historically, influenza viruses of three HA subtypes (H1, H2 and H3) have acquired the ability to be transmitted efficiently between humans. Currently, influenza viruses of the H1 and H3 subtype co-circulate in humans, however influenza viruses of the H2, H5, H6, H7 and H9 subtype are also considered to represent a pandemic threat. In 1997, a large outbreak of highly pathogenic avian influenza (HPAI) H5N1 virus in poultry in Hong Kong resulted in the first documented cases of direct transmission of HPAI H5N1 virus from poultry to humans, with a fatal outcome in 6 out of 18 cases [17]. As a result, this outbreak warranted the mass culling of 1.5 million chickens. In 2003, a large outbreak of an HPAI H7N7 virus in poultry in the Netherlands resulted in 89 cases of human infections, one of which was fatal [21]. HPAI H7N7 virus displayed an unusual tissue tropism; the virus targeted the conjunctiva, resulting in conjunctivitis, a symptom rarely reported for other influenza virus subtypes.(1)

● At first haemophilus influenza was considered as the causative agent for influenza but after the research it has been found that it caused various other types of infections but not influenza. Influenza was caused by some flu virus which was first isolated from pigs in 1931 and from humans in 1933.(4) ● The 1918 influenza pandemic was the most severe pandemic in recent history it was caused by an H1N1 virus with the genes of avian origin although there is not universal consensus regarding where the virus originated it spread worldwide during 1918 and 1919. (3) ● It was first identified in military personnel in spring 1980 it is estimated that about 500 million people or one third of the world's population became infected with this virus.(3) ● The number of deaths was estimated to be at least 50 million worldwide with about 6,75,000 deaths occurring in the United States. (3) ● Mortality was high in people younger than five years old ,20 to 40 years old and in 65 years and older. The high mortality in healthy people including those in the 20 to 40 year age group was a unique feature of this pandemic. (3) ● There was no vaccine to protect against influenza infection and no antibiotics to treat secondary bacterial infections that can be associated with influenza infection control efforts worldwide were limited to non-pharmaceutical intervention such as isolation quarantine good personal hygiene use of disinfectants and limitations of public gathering which were applied unevenly.(3) ● In the northern and southern parts of the world outbreaks occur mainly in the winter while around the equator outbreaks may occur at any time of the year .In the northern and southern parts of the world outbreaks occur mainly in the winter while around the equator outbreaks may occur at any time of the year.(7) ● In the 20th century three influenza pandemics occurred Spanish influenza in 1918 where the death toll ranged from 17- 200 million deaths, Asian influenza in 1957- 2 million deaths and Hong Kong influenza in 1968 -1 million deaths. ● The world health organisation declared an outbreak of a new type of influenza A or H1N1 to be a pandemic in June 2009. ● influenza may also affect other animals including pig horses and birds.(9) ● The name “influenza” originated in 15th century Italy, from an epidemic attributed to “influence of the stars.” The first pandemic that fits the description of influenza was in 1580. At least four pandemics of influenza occurred in the 19th century, and three occurred in the 20th century. The pandemic of “Spanish” influenza in 1918–1919 caused an estimated 21 million deaths worldwide. The first pandemic of the 21st century occurred in 2009–2010. Historically, influenza viruses of three HA subtypes (H1, H2 and H3) have acquired the ability to be transmitted efficiently between humans. Currently, influenza viruses of the H1 and H3 subtype co-circulate in humans, however influenza viruses of the H2, H5, H6, H7 and H9 subtype are also considered to represent a pandemic threat. In 1997, a large outbreak of highly pathogenic avian influenza (HPAI) H5N1 virus in poultry in Hong Kong resulted in the first documented cases of direct transmission of HPAI H5N1 virus from poultry to humans, with a fatal outcome in 6 out of 18 cases [17]. As a result, this outbreak warranted the mass culling of 1.5 million chickens. In 2003, a large outbreak of an HPAI H7N7 virus in poultry in the Netherlands resulted in 89 cases of human infections, one of which was fatal [21]. HPAI H7N7 virus displayed an unusual tissue tropism; the virus targeted the conjunctiva, resulting in conjunctivitis, a symptom rarely reported for other influenza virus subtypes.(1)

The COVID-19 pandemic, the most significant public health crisis since the 1918–1919 influenza epidemic, is the first such event to occur since the development of modern transportation systems in the twentieth century. Many states across the U.S. imposed lockdowns in early spring 2020, which reduced demand for trips of various types and affected transportation systems. In urban areas, the shift resulted in a reduction in traffic volumes and an increase in bicycling and walking in certain land use contexts. This paper seeks to understand the changes occurring at signalized intersections as a result of the lockdown and the ongoing pandemic, as well as the actions taken in response to these impacts. The results of a survey of agency reactions to COVID-19 with respect to traffic signal operations and changes in pedestrian activity during the spring 2020 lockdown using two case study examples in Utah are presented. First, the effects of placing intersections on pedestrian recall (with signage) to stop pedestrians from pushing the pedestrian button are examined. Next, the changes in pedestrian activity at Utah signalized intersections between the first 6 months of both 2019 and 2020 are analyzed and the impact of land use characteristics is explored. Survey results reveal the importance of using technologies such as adaptive systems and automated traffic signal performance measures to drive decisions. While pedestrian pushbutton actuations decreased in response to the implementation of pedestrian recalls, many pedestrians continued to use the pushbutton. Pedestrian activity changes were also largely driven by surrounding land uses.

In March 2020, co-authors burrough and Starnaman with Technical Director Dale MacDonald had just finished collaborating on a work of computational art, A Kitchen of One’s Own, for The Photographers’ Gallery in London. In this essay we discuss the genealogy of our Zoom performance, Epic Handwashing for Synchronous Participation, which was an extension of two earlier projects—one that was derailed due to COVID-19, and the other that resulted from our pivot towards reflecting on the pandemic experience. Our performance was a response to, and offered a collaborative moment of reflection on, the uncertain moment in time of living in a global pandemic and understanding our experience through participatory art. A Kitchen of One’s Own was commissioned for “Data/Set/Match”—a year-long program dedicated to analysing, interpreting, and visualising image datasets (burrough, Starnaman, and MacDonald). The image dataset we interpreted is Epic Kitchens’ 2018 collection. Epic Kitchens is a dataset of videos collected by a group of researchers whose participants create non-scripted recordings of daily activities in kitchens. It is the largest known dataset produced using first-person vision. Researchers assign each recorded action with a verb like “wash”, “peel”, “toast”, or “rub” to describe and categorise the event. Our project juxtaposed the videos from Epic Kitchens with quotes from a dataset created by Starnaman with research assistant Alyssa Yates. This work was scheduled for installation on the approximately nine by nine-foot media wall, viewable to the public inside the gallery and to passersby on the street in London’s SoHo neighborhood. However, the work was not sent until May because of the COVID-19 lockdowns in London and Dallas. Thus, feeling trapped and frustrated in our respective homes, totally separated by quarantine, but close in distance, we responded to our historical moment with art. Figure 1: xtine burrough and Sabrina Starnaman with technical direction by Dale MacDonald, A Kitchen of One’s Own, single frame on the media wall seen from Ramilles Street. The Photographers’ Gallery, London, October 2020. A Kitchen of One’s Own explored personal and domestic kitchen spaces as mundane, politically-charged, and inspirational (fig. 1). The familiar, comforting space of the home kitchen became charged with domestic tropes of the pandemic: hand washing, sanitising, and cooking. We explained, A Kitchen of One’s Own is a speculative remix that confronts Epic Kitchens, a dataset of first-person cooking videos, with quotes from articles and social media posts on sexual harassment in professional and domestic kitchens, podcasts about the kitchen as a political space, and reflective texts by women authors about food and cooking. (burrough, Starnaman, and MacDonald, “Kitchen”) Taking inspiration from our Kitchen project, we pivoted for audiences online with a browser-based project, Epic Hand Washing in a Time of Lost Narratives. This project (fig. 2) showcases 68 videos found in Epic Kitchens’ 2018 dataset that had been tagged by researchers with the keywords “wash” or “hand”, which burrough and MacDonald optimised for the web browser and republished in a showcase on Vimeo (burrough, Starnaman, and MacDonald, “Epic”). Starnaman and burrough developed a new dataset of complementary quotes for this iteration including selections from literature written during or about pandemics such as the bubonic plague and the global influenza pandemic of 1918-19. Figure 2: Epic Hand Washing in a Time of Lost Narratives. Browser-based project for The Photographers’ Gallery and Unthinking Photography. March 2020 (https://unthinking.photography/projects/epichandwashing/). We developed Epic Hand Washing for Synchronous Participation (fig. 3) as a Zoom performance of our browser-based project for a virtual engagement session at the Electronic Literature Organization’s (ELO) conference in the summer of 2020 (burrough and Starnaman, “Epic”). In this article, we illustrate these projects as a series of interrelated investigations, and centre on the Zoom performance, Epic Hand Washing for Synchronous Participation. We then reflect on the way these works engage a range of public audiences and participants. Figure 3: xtine burrough and Sabrina Starnaman, Epic Hand Washing for Synchronous Participation. Virtual engagement session and participatory performance hosted on Zoom for the ELO conference. This still frame shows a final group performance of hand washing at 21:56 (the complete session was 27:32). July 2020. Blurring Boundaries: Audiences, Participants, Maintenance, and Labour Our past projects demonstrate our commitment to participatory creative practices in which the boundary between audience members, performers, and participants is blurred in the generation of the work of art. Our earliest collaboration, The Laboring Self, was an installation of cardboard cut to the shape of virtual workers’ hands. We collected tracings of hands from workers on Amazon.com’s Mechanical Turk work platform and laser-cut them from recycled Amazon boxes. In the gallery we invited participants to inscribe or embroider the hands with statements about work before adding them to The Laboring Self installation. Audience members shared their stories, sentiments, anxieties, and hopes about the labour they perform in their everyday lives on hands that crowded a wall space during the span of the exhibition (fig. 4). This work was inspired by Mierle Laderman Ukeles's 1970s feminist performances in maintenance art, which elevated care-taking and everyday “maintenance” activities to the platform of fine art. In Manifesto for Maintenance Art 1969!, Ukeles confronts the boundary between her everyday performance as a mother, woman, and artist. In particular, with regard to maintenance, Ukeles proposes to “simply do these maintenance everyday things, and flush them up to consciousness, exhibit them, as Art” (qtd. in Burnham). So too, we exhibited the hands of hidden workers to bring visibility to the invisible and asked audience members to become participants by putting on view their own reflections on the various forms of labour they embody. Figure 4: xtine burrough and Sabrina Starnaman, The Laboring Self, installation view approximately 8 by 10 feet. The Dallas Museum of Art Center for Creative Connections. October 2017-January 2018. For our more recent Zoom-based performance, Epic Hand Washing for Synchronous Participation, we again focus on the hands of our audience members-turned participatory performers. As Ukeles used her hands to wash the steps of an urban museum, turning often invisible labour visible through performance, we sought to make the private act of hand washing—an act of personal protection and civic duty—a public performance in the digital town square. The individual hand, which has been central to our work in the past, synecdochally represents the worker, or in this case the person-turned-public-health-citizen. In a world of ubiquitous Zoom calls, the focus is almost always on our faces, our bodies cut off around the shoulders or mid-torso. Hands are but a fleeting on-screen guest. Yet, for this performance, our hands were at the centre of the screen, standing in for our physical effort and existential fear. Directions for Participants Before our performance, we shared this set of directions with participants: Prepare to wash your hands on Zoom in real time by setting up a camera to live stream or recruit a person to film you near your sink. Log into the Zoom link provided. Wash your hands on camera for 20 seconds while we read along with your performance. Notes from the Live Event On 18 July 2020, about 24 people participated in our event as solo participants, as couples, and as families on one Zoom call. The invitation to this project included the instruction to be camera-ready for hand washing at any household sink, so our participatory public entered the call from their kitchens and bathrooms. Before our formal introduction, a couple of tech-savvy kids drew on the Zoom screen (fig. 5), initiating a spirit of playfulness that the adults on the call stepped right into. While we had anticipated this event would elicit a sense of communal action, we were not prepared for just how community- and play-starved we all were. Figure 5: Opening Title Slide, Epic Hand Washing for Synchronous Participation. ELO Virtual Engagement Session. 18 July 2020. We set the stage for the performance by introducing Epic Hand Washing in a Time of Lost Narratives, our spring 2020 browser-based project, and gave participants a moment to click through it and to read the texts we had culled for our database of “pandemic quotes” (burrough and Starnaman, “Epic Hand Washing Text Dataset”). Then we explained that our facilitator and Zoom host, John Murray, would be calling on the participants one at a time to wash their hands, while we took turns reading quotes from our archive. The first participant quietly washed their hands, and the pairing of our first quote created a serious tone: “so, at the bidding of the queen, they washed their hands, and all took their places…” (Boccaccio 26). However, the rhythm of the call and response, and the joy of witnessing each other in our various households across the globe, lightened the experience. We, along with participants, reveled in the intimate hygienic dance of hand washing at kitchen sinks and bathroom vanities; one after another we shifted our presence to another person’s living quarters and joined them at the sink. This was a truly mixed, global group. Scholars and artists for whom ELO is a disciplinary home rubbed virtual shoulders with our friends and their own friends who would not have attended ELO otherwise. This event replicated the same kind of shared experience across time and space that the archive of pandemic and hand washing texts elicited. These texts bring humanity together through the calamity of plague and disease, allowing for a sense of larger community, and that is exactly what we saw on the screen: human experience mediated by the screen in conversation with writers across time and connected by the word. Moreover, this event took place in July 2020, a time of “early pandemic”, a time when the complete unknown of the epidemic had given way to the acceptance of quarantining, but before the exhaustion and cynicism of The Long Confinement and Zoom fatigue had fully set in. Thus, we saw an enthusiasm to connect and play with the medium in a way that might have been impossible eight months later. Synchronous Participation as a Performance While the complete performance is archived on the ELO website, we have excerpted a clip from the performance for analysis (burrough and Starnaman, “Excerpt”). It is a 2:15 clip from the middle of the performance, during which we took turns reading quotes from our database while participants washed their hands on camera, one at a time. We showcase this selection of the performance to highlight the repetition embedded in the script. Our directions for participants and our moderator, John Murray, became repetitive mantras throughout the performance, while the reading of the quotes gave participants space to wash their hands. We read four quotes for each participant, which we measured to leave approximately thirty seconds of time for hand washing. We wanted participants to wash their hands for at least 20 seconds, following the Centers for Disease Control’s (CDC) guidelines, and we predicted that there would be moments when we would begin reading but participants would not yet be washing their hands. Since their performances were out of our control, we decided to read for slightly more than twenty seconds for each participant. From 0 to 22 seconds, Sabrina and our moderator, John Murray, enact the transitional directions between participants. At the start of the clip, Sabrina thanks the participants who have just finished washing their hands—our friends’ twin children, Cora and Henry, who fill the screen in Zoom’s Spotlight mode until eight seconds. The twins are at a double-vanity, washing their hands in coordinated outfits, and moving towards separate towels at the left and right sides of the screen at six seconds. At eight seconds Sabrina is spotlighted. She directs our moderator with the same “set-up phrase” that we repeat throughout the performance: “please mute everyone but us and the next selected hand washer, and don’t forget to change the spotlight to them. When you’re ready, announce who will begin washing their hands.” From 12 to 22 seconds participants are visible in Gallery View while John announces that Tina Escaga will wash their hands next (fig. 6). From 0:22 to 1:07 Tina appears in Spotlight mode. The screen is filled with Tina in the bathroom washing their hands with a white bar of soap. The next set of four quotes are read by xtine, as we watch Tina perform hand washing: "Can we not contrive that he somehow wash himself a little, that he stink not so shrewdly?” (Boccaccio 149). “We are now close to a well, which is never without the pulley and a large bucket; ’tis but a step thither, and we will wash him out of hand” (Boccaccio 149). “Among the drawbacks of illness as matter for literature there is the poverty of the language” (Woolf 33). “English, which can express the thoughts of Hamlet and the tragedy of Lear, has no words for the shiver and the headache” (Woolf 34). Figure 6: Tina washes their hands at the sink with a white bar of soap. From 1:01 to 1:29 xtine thanks Tina, repeats the set-up phrase to John, and John announces that Renee Carmichael is the next performer. The spotlight shifts from Tina to xtine to Gallery View to Renee. From 1:29 to 2:00 Renee appears at their kitchen sink and washes their hands in Spotlight mode as Sabrina can be heard reading the following four quotes: “We’ve not seen anything of the sort before...” (Camus 6). “The truth is that everyone is bored, and devotes himself to cultivating habits” (Camus 1). “It becomes strange indeed that illness has not taken its place with love, battle, and jealousy among the prime themes of literature” (Woolf 32). “They determined to attach him to the rope, and lower him into the well, there to wash himself...” (Boccaccio 149). From 2:00 to 2:15 Sabrina thanks Renee, repeats the set-up phrase, and John announces “OK, next up, Leo”. From 2:00 to 2:07 we see Sabrina in Spotlight mode, at 2:07 to 2:15 participants are visible in Gallery View, and though this clip ends at 2:15, in the full-length documentation of the performance, Leo is next seen in the Spotlight. In this short clip, it is evident that the repetition of the performance directions sets the stage for our audience / guests / performers, who voluntarily came to this ELO virtual engagement without prior rehearsal. Cora and Henry, Tina, and Renee are prepared with the camera near their sinks and wash their hands for the complete duration of our reading. Tina and Renee (and all of our adult participants) are seen in the video wearing headphones or earbuds for their performance. Our directions did not advise this, but we were encouraged to see that the participants thought ahead about their technical engagement. We also did not advise participants to turn off the water while they were scrubbing their hands. If we were to restage the event, we would include this for water sustainability purposes. It should not be so surprising to us, but we are still amazed at how thoroughly all of our participants washed their hands. Clearly, our performers had watched the directions provided by the CDC for washing viral matter from our bodies. Conclusion Our original project A Kitchen of One’s Own had viewers peering into the recorded kitchen scenes of anonymous participants in person at The Photographers’ Gallery or through the gallery window on Ramillies Street in SoHo, London. Viewers watched the private actions of strangers in their kitchens while being presented with various texts. Some offered descriptions of sexual harassment in often famous professional kitchens and others, the meditations of women about the significance of creation in their home kitchen. This developed an exploration of the significance of women’s experience in place. While fewer people were able to visit the gallery installation, A Kitchen of One’s Own, in London due to the pandemic, many people viewed Epic Hand Washing in a Time of Lost Narrative online. Epic Hand Washing for Synchronous Participation put the audience in the domestic space while sharing the historic, traumatic experience of a pandemic, dislocated across time. It invited an entirely online audience to experience a live performance of hand washing at the sinks of strangers and friends, fully mediated through screens on both sides. Epic Hand Washing for Synchronous Participation did exactly what we named it to do—engage people in a live, synchronous elevation of a mundane human action in a personal, yet ubiquitous space to a work of art, while experiencing the asynchronous voices of people who had already lived through global pandemics. This iteration offered us the embodied experience we had originally envisioned for A Kitchen of One’s Own. As a result of the pandemic, people in technologically connected communities are intimately familiar with the online interactive public that was once the realm of digitally savvy producers and users. This reality thus broadens the audience for our online projects. Our previous browser-based art and archive project An Archive of Unnamed Women was largely visited at workshops and conference presentations that we hosted. In previous projects like The Laboring Self, which was installed at the DMA and in the lobby of the California State University, San Marcos library, we transformed library patrons into a participatory-art public. In a moment of transformation, Epic Hand Washing for Synchronous Participation reinvented the pedestrian action of hand washing, like turning an ordinary visit to the library into an encounter with art. Similarly, it reinvented the ubiquitous act of hand washing into a live-for-Zoom performance. We are intrigued by transformation, and this shows in the way we accompany a project though many different forms before moving on to something completely different; our work is iterative by nature. A Kitchen of One’s Own germinated from our project An Archive of Unnamed Women, which pairs images of unnamed women from the New York Public Library with textual selections from fiction by women about women (“Archive of Unnamed Women”). That project engaged the archive and sought to reclaim these women from the obscurity of history. A Kitchen of One's Own took us into the kitchen, exploring what it means for women to labour and create in kitchens, both in ease and amid the duress of sexism and sexual harassment, through videos paired with text. With the pandemic arising in the U.S. and Europe in Spring 2020, we were swept up into the shared confusion, and like so many, we sought to make sense of a moment so catastrophic. We turned to writers of the past who had endured plagues and epidemics to help us gain clarity, creating a video and text synthesis that again allows for speculative meaning-making through fortuitous pairings. Presently, we are evolving this project from pandemic to enlightenment, with an iteration that takes up as inspiration the Instructions for the Zen Cook by thirteenth century Zen Master Eihei Dōgen Zenji. Epic Hand Washing for Synchronous Participation is an iterative work arising from the tensions of a time in transformative upheaval. It was one way we sought to make sense and bring people together in a playful experience that was beyond easy understanding. References Boccaccio, Giovanni. The Decameron. Filippo and Bernardo Giunti: 1370-71. Coradella Collegiate Bookshelf Edition. <http://flc.ahnu.edu.cn/__local/7/E7/75/6AB8DEBA692DD0CF6790CA70701_26DE4EC2_17EED4.pdf?e=.pdf>. Burnham, Jack. “Problems of Criticism IX: Art and Technology.” ArtForum (Jan. 1971). <http://www.artforum.com/print/197101/problems-of-criticism-ix-art-and-technology-38921>. burrough, xtine, and Sabrina Starnaman. “Epic Hand Washing for Synchronous Participation.” Electronic Literature Organization Virtual Engagement Session. July 2020. <http://stars.library.ucf.edu/elo2020/live/events/12>. ———. “Excerpt of ELO Virtual Engagement, ‘Epic Hand Washing for Synchronous Participation’ (2:15).” Vimeo, 19 May 2021. <http://vimeo.com/xtineburrough/elo-zoom>. ———. The Laboring Self. Dallas Museum of Art Center for Creative Connections. Oct. 2017 to Jan. 2018. <http://dma.org/visit-center-creative-connections-community-projects/laboring-self>. ———. Epic Hand Washing in a Time of Lost Narratives: Text Dataset. Mar. 2020. <http://drive.google.com/file/d/1hSV-9l_ETTOruBpI-NCOChjuPtprlZue/view>. ———. An Archive of Unnamed Women. Browser-based project. Oct. 2019. <http://visiblewomen.net/unnamed-women/index.html>. burrough, xtine, and Sabrina Starnaman, with Technical Direction from Dale MacDonald. “A Kitchen of One’s Own.” The Photographers’ Gallery, 1-28 Oct. 2020. <http://thephotographersgallery.org.uk/akitchenofonesown>. ———. “Epic Hand Washing.” Vimeo. <https://vimeo.com/showcase/4611141>. Camus, Albert. The Plague. Gallimard, 1947. <http://antilogicalism.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/the-plague.pdf>. Woolf, Virginia. “On Being Ill.” The Criterion, 1926. <http://thenewcriterion1926.files.wordpress.com/2014/12/woolf-on-being-ill.pdf>.

Hundreds of thousands of Australian children were born in the shadow of the Great War, fathered by men who had enlisted between 1914 and 1918. Their lives could be and often were hard and unhappy, as Anzac historian Alistair Thomson observed of his father’s childhood in the 1920s and 1930s. David Thomson was son of a returned serviceman Hector Thomson who spent much of his adult life in and out of repatriation hospitals (257-259) and whose memory was subsequently expunged from Thomson family stories (299-267). These children of trauma fit within a pattern suggested by Marianne Hirsch in her influential essay “The Generation of Postmemory”. According to Hirsch, “postmemory describes the relationship of the second generation to powerful, often traumatic, experiences that preceded their births but that were nevertheless transmitted to them so deeply as to seem to constitute memories in their own right” (n.p.). This article attempts to situate George Johnston’s novel My Brother Jack (1964) within the context of postmemory narratives of violence that were complicated in Australia by the Anzac legend which occluded any too open discussion about the extent of war trauma present within community, including the children of war.“God knows what damage” the war “did to me psychologically” (48), ponders Johnston’s protagonist and alter-ego David Meredith in My Brother Jack. Published to acclaim fifty years after the outbreak of the First World War, My Brother Jack became a widely read text that seemingly spoke to the shared cultural memories of a generation which did not know battlefield violence directly but experienced its effects pervasively and vicariously in the aftermath through family life, storytelling, and the memorabilia of war. For these readers, the novel represented more than a work of fiction; it was a touchstone to and indicative of their own negotiations though often unspoken post-war trauma.Meredith, like his creator, is born in 1912. Strictly speaking, therefore, both are not part of the post-war generation. However, they are representative and therefore indicative of the post-war “hinge generation” which was expected to assume “guardianship” of the Anzac Legend, though often found the narrative logic challenging. They had been “too young for the war to have any direct effect”, and yet “every corner” of their family’s small suburban homes appear to be “impregnated with some gigantic and sombre experience that had taken place thousands of miles away” (17).According to Johnston’s biographer, Garry Kinnane, the “most teasing puzzle” of George Johnston’s “fictional version of his childhood in My Brother Jack is the monstrous impression he creates of his returned serviceman father, John George Johnston, known to everyone as ‘Pop.’ The first sixty pages are dominated by the tyrannical figure of Jack Meredith senior” (1).A large man purported to be six foot three inches (1.9 metres) in height and weighing fifteen stone (95 kilograms), the real-life Pop Johnston reputedly stood head and shoulders above the minimum requirement of five foot and six inches (1.68 metres) at the time of his enlistment for war in 1914 (Kinnane 4). In his fortieth year, Jack Johnston senior was also around twice the age of the average Australian soldier and among one in five who were married.According to Kinnane, Pop Johnston had “survived the ordeal of Gallipoli” in 1915 only to “endure three years of trench warfare in the Somme region”. While the biographer and the Johnston family may well have held this to be true, the claim is a distortion. There are a few intimations throughout My Brother Jack and its sequel Clean Straw for Nothing (1969) to suggest that George Johnston may have suspected that his father’s wartime service stories had been embellished, though the depicted wartime service of Pop Meredith remains firmly within the narrative arc of the Anzac legend. This has the effect of layering the postmemory violence experienced by David Meredith and, by implication, his creator, George Johnston. Both are expected to be keepers of a lie masquerading as inviolable truth which further brutalises them.John George (Pop) Johnston’s First World War military record reveals a different story to the accepted historical account and his fictionalisation in My Brother Jack. He enlisted two and a half months after the landing at Gallipoli on 12 July 1915 and left for overseas service on 23 November. Not quite the imposing six foot three figure of Kinnane’s biography, he was fractionally under five foot eleven (1.8 metres) and weighed thirteen stone (82.5 kilograms). Assigned to the Fifth Field Engineers on account of his experience as an electric tram fitter, he did not see frontline service at Gallipoli (NAA).Rather, according to the Company’s history, the Fifth Engineers were involved in a range of infrastructure and support work on the Western Front, including the digging and maintenance of trenches, laying duckboard, pontoons and tramlines, removing landmines, building huts, showers and latrines, repairing roads, laying drains; they built a cinema at Beaulencourt Piers for “Brigade Swimming Carnival” and baths at Malhove consisting of a large “galvanised iron building” with a “concrete floor” and “setting tanks capable of bathing 2,000 men per day” (AWM). It is likely that members of the company were also involved in burial details.Sapper Johnston was hospitalised twice during his service with influenza and saw out most of his war from October 1917 attached to the Army Cookery School (NAA). He returned to Australia on board the HMAT Kildonian Castle in May 1919 which, according to the Sydney Morning Herald, also carried the official war correspondent and creator of the Anzac legend C.E.W. Bean, national poet Banjo Paterson and “Warrant Officer C G Macartney, the famous Australian cricketer”. The Herald also listed the names of “Returned Officers” and “Decorated Men”, but not Pop Johnston who had occupied the lower decks with other returning men (“Soldiers Return”).Like many of the more than 270,000 returned soldiers, Pop Johnston apparently exhibited observable changes upon his repatriation to Australia: “he was partially deaf” which was attributed to the “constant barrage of explosions”, while “gas” was suspected to have “left him with a legacy of lung disorders”. Yet, if “anyone offered commiserations” on account of this war legacy, he was quick to “dismiss the subject with the comment that ‘there were plenty worse off’” (Kinnane 6). The assumption is that Pop’s silence is stoic; the product of unspeakable horror and perhaps a symptom of survivor guilt.An alternative interpretation, suggested by Alistair Thomson in Anzac Memories, is that the experiences of the vast majority of returned soldiers were expected to fit within the master narrative of the Anzac legend in order to be accepted and believed, and that there was no space available to speak truthfully about alternative war service. Under pressure of Anzac expectations a great many composed stories or remained selectively silent (14).Data gleaned from the official medical history suggest that as many as four out of every five returned servicemen experienced emotional or psychological disturbance related to their war service. However, the two branches of medicine represented by surgeons and physicians in the Repatriation Department—charged with attending to the welfare of returned servicemen—focused on the body rather than the mind and the emotions (Murphy and Nile).The repatriation records of returned Australian soldiers reveal that there were, indeed, plenty physically worse off than Pop Johnston on account of bodily disfigurement or because they had been somatically compromised. An estimated 30,000 returned servicemen died in the decade after the cessation of hostilities to 1928, bringing the actual number of war dead to around 100,000, while a 1927 official report tabled the medical conditions of a further 72,388 veterans: 28,305 were debilitated by gun and shrapnel wounds; 22,261 were rheumatic or had respiratory diseases; 4534 were afflicted with eye, ear, nose, or throat complaints; 9,186 had tuberculosis or heart disease; 3,204 were amputees while only; 2,970 were listed as suffering “war neurosis” (“Enlistment”).Long after the guns had fallen silent and the wounded survivors returned home, the physical effects of war continued to be apparent in homes and hospital wards around the country, while psychological and emotional trauma remained largely undiagnosed and consequently untreated. David Meredith’s attitude towards his able-bodied father is frequently dismissive and openly scathing: “dad, who had been gassed, but not seriously, near Vimy Ridge, went back to his old job at the tramway depot” (9). The narrator-son later considers:what I realise now, although I never did at the time, is that my father, too, was oppressed by intimidating factors of fear and change. By disillusion and ill-health too. As is so often the case with big, strong, athletic men, he was an extreme hypochondriac, and he had convinced himself that the severe bronchitis which plagued him could only be attributed to German gas he had swallowed at Vimy Ridge. He was too afraid to go to a doctor about it, so he lived with a constant fear that his lungs were decaying, and that he might die at any time, without warning. (42-3)During the writing of My Brother Jack, the author-son was in chronically poor health and had been recently diagnosed with the romantic malady and poet’s disease of tuberculosis (Lawler) which plagued him throughout his work on the novel. George Johnston believed (correctly as it turned out) that he was dying on account of the disease, though, he was also an alcoholic and smoker, and had been reluctant to consult a doctor. It is possible and indeed likely that he resentfully viewed his condition as being an extension of his father—vicariously expressed through the depiction of Pop Meredith who exhibits hysterical symptoms which his son finds insufferable. David Meredith remains embittered and unforgiving to the very end. Pop Meredith “lived to seventy-three having died, not of German gas, but of a heart attack” (46).Pop Meredith’s return from the war in 1919 terrifies his seven-year-old son “Davy”, who accompanies the family to the wharf to welcome home a hero. The young boy is unable to recall anything about the father he is about to meet ostensibly for the first time. Davy becomes overwhelmed by the crowds and frightened by the “interminable blaring of horns” of the troopships and the “ceaseless roar of shouting”. Dwarfed by the bodies of much larger men he becomestoo frightened to look up at the hours-long progression of dark, hard faces under wide, turned-up hats seen against bayonets and barrels that are more blue than black ... the really strong image that is preserved now is of the stiff fold and buckle of coarse khaki trousers moving to the rhythm of knees and thighs and the tight spiral curves of puttees and the thick boots hammering, hollowly off the pier planking and thunderous on the asphalt roadway.Depicted as being small for his age, Davy is overwrought “with a huge and numbing terror” (10).In the years that follow, the younger Meredith desires emotional stability but remains denied because of the war’s legacy which manifests in the form of a violent patriarch who is convinced that his son has been rendered effeminate on account of the manly absence during vital stages of development. With the return of the father to the household, Davy grows to fear and ultimately despise a man who remains as alien to him as the formerly absent soldier had been during the war:exactly when, or why, Dad introduced his system of monthly punishments I no longer remember. We always had summary punishment, of course, for offences immediately detected—a cuffing around the ears or a sash with a stick of a strap—but Dad’s new system was to punish for the offences which had escaped his attention. So on the last day of every month Jack and I would be summoned in turn to the bathroom and the door would be locked and each of us would be questioned about the sins which we had committed and which he had not found out about. This interrogation was the merest formality; whether we admitted to crimes or desperately swore our innocence it was just the same; we were punished for the offences which, he said, he knew we must have committed and had to lie about. We then had to take our shirts and singlets off and bend over the enamelled bath-tub while he thrashed us with the razor-strop. In the blind rages of these days he seemed not to care about the strength he possessed nor the injuries he inflicted; more often than not it was the metal end of the strop that was used against our backs. (48)Ironically, the ritualised brutality appears to be a desperate effort by the old man to compensate for his own emasculation in war and unresolved trauma now that the war is ended. This plays out in complicated fashion in the development of David Meredith in Clean Straw for Nothing, Johnston’s sequel to My Brother Jack.The imputation is that Pop Meredith practices violence in an attempt to reassert his failed masculinity and reinstate his status as the head of the household. Older son Jack’s beatings cease when, as a more physically able young man, he is able to threaten the aggressor with violent retaliation. This action does not spare the younger weaker Davy who remains dominated. “My beating continued, more ferociously than ever, … . They ceased only because one day my father went too far; he lambasted me so savagely that I fell unconscious into the bath-tub, and the welts across my back made by the steel end of the razor-strop had to be treated by a doctor” (53).Pop Meredith is persistently reminded that he has no corporeal signifiers of war trauma (only a cough); he is surrounded by physically disabled former soldiers who are presumed to be worse off than he on account of somatic wounding. He becomes “morose, intolerant, bitter and violently bad-tempered”, expressing particular “displeasure and resentment” toward his wife, a trained nurse, who has assumed carer responsibilities for homing the injured men: “he had altogether lost patience with her role of Florence Nightingale to the halt and the lame” (40). Their marriage is loveless: “one can only suppose that he must have been darkly and profoundly disturbed by the years-long procession through our house of Mother’s ‘waifs and strays’—those shattered former comrades-in-arms who would have been a constant and sinister reminder of the price of glory” (43); a price he had failed to adequately pay with his uncompromised body intact.Looking back, a more mature David Meredith attempts to establish order, perspective and understanding to the “mess of memory and impressions” of his war-affected childhood in an effort to wrest control back over his postmemory violation: “Jack and I must have spent a good part of our boyhood in the fixed belief that grown-up men who were complete were pretty rare beings—complete, that is, in that they had their sight or hearing or all of their limbs” (8). While the father is physically complete, his brooding presence sets the tone for the oppressively “dark experience” within the family home where all rooms are “inhabited by the jetsam that the Somme and the Marne and the salient at Ypres and the Gallipoli beaches had thrown up” (18). It is not until Davy explores the contents of the “big deep drawer at the bottom of the cedar wardrobe” in his parents’ bedroom that he begins to “sense a form in the shadow” of the “faraway experience” that had been the war. The drawer contains his father’s service revolver and ammunition, battlefield souvenirs and French postcards but, “most important of all, the full set of the Illustrated War News” (19), with photographs of battlefield carnage. These are the equivalent of Hirsch’s photographs of the Holocaust that establish in Meredith an ontology that links him more realistically to the brutalising past and source of his ongoing traumatistion (Hirsch). From these, Davy begins to discern something of his father’s torment but also good fortune at having survived, and he makes curatorial interventions not by becoming a custodian of abjection like second generation Holocaust survivors but by disposing of the printed material, leaving behind artefacts of heroism: gun, the bullets, the medals and ribbons. The implication is that he has now become complicit in the very narrative that had oppressed him since his father’s return from war.No one apparently notices or at least comments on the removal of the journals, the images of which become linked in the young boys mind to an incident outside a “dilapidated narrow-fronted photographer’s studio which had been deserted and padlocked for as long as I could remember”. A number of sun-damaged photographs are still displayed in the window. Faded to a “ghostly, deathly pallor”, and speckled with fly droppings, years earlier, they had captured young men in uniforms before embarkation for the war. An “agate-eyed” boy from Davy’s school joins in the gazing, saying nothing for a long time until the silence is broken: “all them blokes there is dead, you know” (20).After the unnamed boy departs with a nonchalant “hoo-roo”, young Davy runs “all the way home, trying not to cry”. He cannot adequately explain the reason for his sudden reaction: “I never after that looked in the window of the photographer’s studio or the second hand shop”. From that day on Davy makes a “long detour” to ensure he never passes the shops again (20-1). Having witnessed images of pre-war undamaged young men in the prime of their youth, he has come face-to-face with the consequences of war which he is unable to reconcile in terms of the survival and return of his much older father.The photographs of the young men establishes a causal connection to the physically wrecked remnants that have shaped Davy’s childhood. These are the living remains that might otherwise have been the “corpses sprawled in mud or drowned in flooded shell craters” depicted in the Illustrated News. The photograph of the young men establishes Davy’s connection to the things “propped up our hallway”, of “Bert ‘sobbing’ in the backyard and Gabby Dixon’s face at the dark end of the room”, and only reluctantly the “bronchial cough of my father going off in the dawn light to the tramways depot” (18).That is to say, Davy has begun to piece together sense from senselessness, his father’s complicity and survival—and, by association, his own implicated life and psychological wounding. He has approached the source of his father’s abjection and also his own though he continues to be unable to accept and forgive. Like his father—though at the remove—he has been damaged by the legacies of the war and is also its victim.Ravaged by tuberculosis and alcoholism, George Johnston died in 1970. According to the artist Sidney Nolan he had for years resembled the ghastly photographs of survivors of the Holocaust (Marr 278). George’s forty five year old alcoholic wife Charmian Clift predeceased him by twelve months, having committed suicide in 1969. Four years later, in 1973, George and Charmian’s twenty four year old daughter Shane also took her own life. Their son Martin drank himself to death and died of organ failure at the age of forty three in 1990. They are all “dead, you know”.ReferencesAWM. Fifth Field Company, Australian Engineers. Diaries, AWM4 Sub-class 14/24.“Enlistment Report”. Reveille, 29 Sep. 1928.Hirsch, Marianne. “The Generation of Postmemory.” Poetics Today 29.1 (Spring 2008): 103-128. <https://read.dukeupress.edu/poetics-today/article/29/1/103/20954/The-Generation-of-Postmemory>.Johnston, George. Clean Straw for Nothing. London: Collins, 1969.———. My Brother Jack. London: Collins, 1964.Kinnane, Garry. George Johnston: A Biography. Melbourne: Nelson, 1986.Lawler, Clark. Consumption and Literature: the Making of the Romantic Disease. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.Marr, David, ed. Patrick White Letters. Sydney: Random House, 1994.Murphy, Ffion, and Richard Nile. “Gallipoli’s Troubled Hearts: Fear, Nerves and Repatriation.” Studies in Western Australian History 32 (2018): 25-38.NAA. John George Johnston War Service Records. <https://recordsearch.naa.gov.au/SearchNRetrieve/Interface/ViewImage.aspx?B=1830166>.“Soldiers Return by the Kildonan Castle.” Sydney Morning Herald, 10 May 1919: 18.Thomson, Alistair. Anzac Memories: Living with the Legend. Clayton: Monash UP, 2013.