Journal articles on the topic 'Infants; Cognitive development; Hidden objects'

The development of the representation of the visual world in infants was investigated and age norms were established for such operations as prediction of direct movement, search for hidden objects, and discrimination and recognition of the form, size, colour, and spatial position of objects. Simultaneously, basic visual functions were assessed: binocular fixation, eye movements, visual fields, and visual acuity. More than 700 infants aged 4 – 14 months were tested. About 25% of practically healthy infants showed slight defects in some basic visual functions, constituting a ‘risk group’. Infants of the risk group performed less well than their normal age-mates in such tasks as search for a toy hidden under a cap; prediction of linear movement; or discrimination of size, form, or colour. The differences between the normal and risk groups remained when the groups were equated for developmental age. Thus even slight defects of basic visual functions in early infancy may correlate with the mental development of a child. Detailed analysis showed that reduced visual acuity (non-attention to small visual objects such as crumbs 0.5 – 1 mm in diameter in the acuity test) was especially prognostic.

Thelen and her colleagues' model overemphasizes the role of action in cognitive development. Recent research has shown that infants do not have to be trained to reach for a hidden object. By 7.5 months of age, infants can recall the location of a hidden object with no practice trials. Thelen at al.'s goal to design a parsimonious account of A-not-B behaviors was successful, but at the expense of focusing primarily on implicit and ignoring explicit memory.

Human language permits us to call to mind objects, events, and ideas that we cannot witness directly. This capacity rests upon abstract verbal reference: the appreciation that words are linked to mental representations that can be established, retrieved and modified, even when the entities to which a word refers is perceptually unavailable. Although establishing verbal reference is a pivotal achievement, questions concerning its developmental origins remain. To address this gap, we investigate infants’ ability to establish a representation of an object, hidden from view, from language input alone. In two experiments, 15-month-olds (N = 72) and 12-month-olds (N = 72) watch as an actor names three familiar, visible objects; she then provides a novel name for a fourth, hidden fully from infants’ view. In the Semantic Priming condition, the visible familiar objects all belong to the same semantic neighborhood (e.g., apple, banana, orange). In the No Priming condition, the objects are drawn from different semantic neighborhoods (e.g., apple, shoe, car). At test infants view two objects. If infants can use the naming information alone to identify the likely referent, then infants in the Semantic Priming, but not in the No Priming condition, will successfully infer the referent of the fourth (hidden) object. Brief summary of results here. Implications for the development of abstract verbal reference will be discussed.

Human language permits us to call to mind objects, events, and ideas that we cannot witness directly. This capacity rests upon abstract verbal reference: the appreciation that words are linked to mental representations that can be established, retrieved and modified, even when the entities to which a word refers is perceptually unavailable. Although establishing verbal reference is a pivotal achievement, questions concerning its developmental origins remain. To address this gap, we investigate infants’ ability to establish a representation of an object, hidden from view, from language input alone. In two experiments, 15-month-olds (N = 72) and 12-month-olds (N = 72) watch as an actor names three familiar, visible objects; she then provides a novel name for a fourth, hidden fully from infants’ view. In the Semantic Priming condition, the visible familiar objects all belong to the same semantic neighborhood (e.g., apple, banana, orange). In the No Priming condition, the objects are drawn from different semantic neighborhoods (e.g., apple, shoe, car). At test infants view two objects. If infants can use the naming information alone to identify the likely referent, then infants in the Semantic Priming, but not in the No Priming condition, will successfully infer the referent of the fourth (hidden) object. Brief summary of results here. Implications for the development of abstract verbal reference will be discussed.

40 congenitally blind and 40 sighted children were tested for fantasy-reality distinctions of real and imagined objects and the development of concepts of darkness, hidden objects, space, dreams, emotions, facial expressions, size, and height. Analysis indicated that the blind children distinguished between contents of fantasy and reality, although they were less sure about the reality status of the objects. The sighted group gave more reality responses than the blind group for the concepts of dreams and hidden objects, but the remaining concepts were somewhat the same. Cognitive development explained in terms of theory formation may not explain the development of young blind children completely. Their knowledge that contents of fantasy are not real may be obtained through interpersonal experiences that are publicly shared.

Visual object representation was studied in free-ranging rhesus monkeys. To facilitate comparison with humans, and to provide a new tool for neurophysiologists, we used a looking time procedure originally developed for studies of human infants. Monkeys' looking times were measured to displays with one or two distinct objects, separated or together, stationary or moving. Results indicate that rhesus monkeys used featural information to parse the displays into distinct objects, and they found events in which distinct objects moved together more novel or unnatural than events in which distinct objects moved separately. These findings show both common-alities and contrasts with those obtained from human infants. We discuss their implications for the development and neural mechanisms of higher-level vision.

Discrete physical objects have a special status in cognitive and linguistic development. Infants track and enumerate objects, young children are biased to construe novel words as referring to objects, and, when asked to count an array of items, preschool children tend to count the discrete objects, even if explicitly asked to do otherwise. We address here the question of whether discrete physical objects are the only entities that have this special status, or whether other individuals are salient as well. In two experiments, we found that 3-year-olds are just as good at identifying, tracking, and counting certain nonobject entities (holes in Experiment 1; holes and parts in Experiment 2) as they are with objects. These results are discussed in light of different theories of the nature and development of children's object bias.

Object construction involves organizing multiple objects into a unified structure (e.g., stacking blocks into a tower) and may provide infants with unique spatial information. Because object construction entails placing objects in spatial locations relative to one another, infants can acquire information about spatial relations during construction activity. To acquire words representing spatial relations, children must link sensorimotor experience to their language system. It is proposed that the development of construction skills during infancy influences knowledge of words indicating spatial relations at three years. Infants who develop early construction skills are expected to comprehend more words describing spatial relations than infants who develop construction skills later. Infants were tested monthly with seven construction tasks from 10–14 months and were tested at three years for their comprehension of spatial relations words. In addition, both the Preschool Language Scales, 5th edition (PLS-5) (three years) and the Bayley cognitive sub-scale (two years) were assessed to examine whether infants with differing construction skills would perform differently on general language and cognitive abilities in infants, as well as spatial words. “High” constructors understood more spatial relations words than “low” constructors, although there were no differences for general language (PLS-5) or cognitive ability (Bayley cognitive sub-scale). Since infant construction skill did not also relate to general language or cognitive ability, rather only to comprehension of spatial words, object construction activity may uniquely afford opportunities for spatial information, which becomes relevant to the development of spatial words.

The posterior visual spatial attention system involves a number of separable computations that allow orienting to visual locations. We have studied one of these computations, inhibition of return, in 3-, 4-, 6-, 12-, and 18--month-old infants and adults. Our results indicate that this computation develops rapidly between 3 and 6 months, in conjunction with the ability to program eye movements to specific locations. These findings demonstrate that an attention computation involving the mid-brain eye movement system develops after the third month of life. We suggest how this development might influence the infant's ability to represent and expect visual objects.

Two studies were conducted to investigate the existence of an unusual U-shaped developmental function described by Wishart et al (1978) for human infants reaching towards invisible sounds. In study 1, 2–7 month olds were presented with four conditions: (i) an invisible auditory stimulus alone, (ii) a glowing visual stimulus alone, (iii) auditory and visual stimuli on the same side (ie combined), and (iv) auditory and visual stimuli on opposite sides (ie in conflict). Study 2 was designed to examine the effects of practice and possible associations made when using the ‘combined conflict’ paradigm. Infants of 5 and 7 months of age were given five trials with the auditory stimulus, with or without prior visual experience, and five trials with the visual stimulus, with the position of the stimulus varied on each trial. Stimuli were presented individually at the midline, and ±30 and ±60° from the midline. In both studies testing was conducted in complete darkness. Results indicated that the auditory-alone condition was slower to elicit a reach from the infants, relative to the visual-alone one, and reaches were least frequent to the auditory target. No U-shaped function was obtained, and reaching for auditory targets occurred later in age than for visual targets, but even at 7 months of age did not occur as often and was achieved by fewer infants. In both studies the quality of the reach was significantly poorer to auditory than to visual targets, but there were some accurate reaches. This research adds to our understanding of the development of auditory — manual coordination in sighted infants and is relevant to theories of auditory localization, visually guided reaching, and programming for the blind.

ABSTRACTDuring the first eighteen months of life, infants acquire and refine a whole set of new motor skills that significantly change the ways in which the body moves in and interacts with the environment. In this review article, I argue that motor acquisitions provide infants with an opportunity to practice skills relevant to language acquisition before they are needed for that purpose; and that the emergence of new motor skills changes infants' experience with objects and people in ways that are relevant for both general communicative development and the acquisition of language. Implications of this perspective for current views of co-occurring language and motor impairments and for methodology in the field of child language research are also considered.

A large body of research has demonstrated cross-cultural differences in visual attention, especially between members of North American societies (e.g., Canada, United States) and East Asian societies (e.g., China, Japan, Korea). Despite an increasing number of studies suggesting an emergence of cross-cultural differences in early childhood, relatively little is known about how these culturally divergent patterns of attention are acquired and maintained. It has been largely assumed that socialization practices, especially parent–child interactions, contribute to the acquisition of cross-cultural differences in attention. By focusing on maternal narratives during the shared reading activity, this study examined the socialization contexts in which mothers direct their infants’ attention in the United States ( n = 50 dyads) and Japan ( n = 53 dyads). Mothers in the United States and Japan read a picture book to their 6- to 18-month-old infants in the lab, and maternal narratives were coded to identify attention to focal objects and social interactions. Infants’ sustained attention was also measured during shared reading. The findings demonstrated that during the shared reading activity, U.S. mothers were relatively more likely to focus on the focal objects than the background, whereas Japanese mothers were more likely to refer to the social interactions between focal objects and the background. Infants’ age and gender were not related to maternal narratives, and infants’ sustained attention was similar across cultures. Findings suggest significant cross-cultural differences in mother–infant interactions, which may act as scaffolds for infants to internalize their parents’ cognitive styles.

The purpose of this study was to assess stability of manipulative behavior across time. 29 infants were seen at both 9 and 9.5 mo.; 20 of these infants were seen again at 12 mo. At each visit the infants were presented several objects for familiarization and tested for response to discrepant objects. Each trial was scored for the duration of looking, rotating the object, fingering, mouthing, and banging, the frequency of transferring the object from hand to hand, and the frequency of dropping, throwing and pushing the object away. Analysis of the data yielded moderate to high correlations between 9 and 9.5 mo. for all but one behavior. Correlations between 9 and 12 mo. were in the same range for most of the behaviors. On the test trials, there were fewer significant correlations. When the behaviors were separated into exploratory and nonexploratory categories, there was more stability for the nonexploratory behaviors; summary scores for both were concurrently related to Bayley Mental Development Index at 12 mo., but in opposite directions. The results suggest that there is stability in some manipulative behaviors, and further, that it is useful to conceptualize two types of manipulative behavior.

AbstractSocial-communication skills emerge within the context of rich social interactions, facilitated by an infant's capacity to attend to people and objects in the environment. Disruption in this early neurobehavioral process may decrease the frequency and quality of social interactions and learning opportunities, potentially leading to downstream deleterious effects on social development. This study examined early attention in infant siblings of children with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) who are at risk for social and communication delays. Visual and auditory attention was mapped from age 1 week to 5 months in infants at familial risk for ASD (high risk; N = 41) and low-risk typically developing infants (low risk; N = 39). At 12 months, a subset of participants (N = 40) was administered assessments of social communication and nonverbal cognitive skills. Results revealed that high-risk infants performed lower on attention tasks at 2 and 3 months of age compared to low-risk infants. A significant association between overall attention at 3 months and developmental outcome at 12 months was observed for both groups. These results provide evidence for early vulnerabilities in visual attention for infants at risk for ASD during a period of important neurodevelopmental transition (between 2 and 3 months) when attention has significant implications for social communication and cognitive development.

Texture discrimination and bounding contour extraction are essential parts of the object segmentation and shape discrimination process. As such, successful texture and contour processing are key components underlying the development of the perception of both objects and surfaces. By recording visual-evoked potentials, we investigate whether young infants can detect orientation-defined textures and contours. We measured responses to an organized texture comprised of many Gabor patches of the same orientation, alternated with images containing the same number of patches, but all of random orientation. These responses were compared with a control condition consisting of the alternation between two independently random configurations. Significant difference potentials were found as early as 2–5 months, as were significant odd harmonics in the test conditions. Responses were also measured to Gabor patches organized either as circles (all patches tangent to an imaginary circular path) alternated with pinwheels (all patches having a fixed orientation offset from the path). Infants between 6 and 13 months also showed sensitivity to the global organization of the elements along contours. Differential responses to our texture and contour stimuli and their controls could only have been generated by mechanisms that are capable of comparing the relative orientation of 2 or more patches, as no local information at a single patch distinguished the random and organized textures or the circle and pinwheel configurations.

The overall goal of this target article is to demonstrate a mechanism for an embodied cognition. The particular vehicle is a much-studied, but still widely debated phenomenon seen in 7–12 month-old-infants. In Piaget's classic “A-not-B error,” infants who have successfully uncovered a toy at location “A” continue to reach to that location even after they watch the toy hidden in a nearby location “B.” Here, we question the traditional explanations of the error as an indicator of infants' concepts of objects or other static mental structures. Instead, we demonstrate that the A-not-B error and its previously puzzling contextual variations can be understood by the coupled dynamics of the ordinary processes of goal-directed actions: looking, planning, reaching, and remembering. We offer a formal dynamic theory and model based on cognitive embodiment that both simulates the known A-not-B effects and offers novel predictions that match new experimental results. The demonstration supports an embodied view by casting the mental events involved in perception, planning, deciding, and remembering in the same analogic dynamic language as that used to describe bodily movement, so that they may be continuously meshed. We maintain that this mesh is a pre-eminently cognitive act of “knowing” not only in infancy but also in everyday activities throughout the life span.

There has been general consensus that initial word learning during early infancy is a slow and time-consuming process that requires very frequent exposure, whereas later in development, infants are able to quickly learn a novel word for a novel meaning. From the perspective of memory maturation, this shift in behavioral development might represent a shift from slow procedural to fast declarative memory formation. Alternatively, it might be caused by the maturation of specific brain structures within the declarative memory system that may support lexical mapping from the very first. Here, we used the neurophysiological method of ERPs to watch the brain activity of 6-month-old infants, when repeatedly presented with object–word pairs in a cross-modal learning paradigm. We report first evidence that infants as young as 6 months are able to associate objects and words after only very few exposures. A memory test 1 day later showed that infants did not fully forget this newly acquired knowledge, although the ERP effects indicated it to be less stable than immediately after encoding. The combined results suggest that already at 6 months the encoding process of word learning is based on fast declarative memory formation, but limitations in the consolidation of declarative memory diminish the long lasting effect in lexical-semantic memory at that age.

For the beginning language learner, communicative input is not based on linguistic codes alone. This study investigated two extralinguistic factors which are important for infants’ language development: the type of ongoing shared activity and non-verbal, deictic gestures. The natural interactions of 39 caregivers and their 12-month-old infants were recorded in two semi-natural contexts: a free play situation based on action and manipulation of objects, and a situation based on regard of objects, broadly analogous to an exhibit. Results show that the type of shared activity structures both caregivers’ language usage and caregivers’ and infants’ gesture usage. Further, there is a specific pattern with regard to how caregivers integrate speech with particular deictic gesture types. The findings demonstrate a pervasive influence of shared activities on human communication, even before language has emerged. The type of shared activity and caregivers’ systematic integration of specific forms of deictic gestures with language provide infants with a multimodal scaffold for a usage-based acquisition of language.

With increase in the number of elderly people in the Japanese society, traffic accidents caused by elderly driver is considered problematic. The primary factor of the traffic accidents is a reduction in their driving cognitive performance. Therefore, a system that supports the cognitive performance of drivers can greatly contribute in preventing accidents. Recently, the development of devices for visually providing information, such as smart glasses or head up display, is in progress. These devices can provide more effective supporting information for cognitive performance. In this article, we focus on the selection problem of information to be presented for drivers to realize the cognitive support system. It has been reported that the presentation of excessive information to a driver reduces the judgment ability of the driver and makes the information less trustworthy. Thus, indiscriminate presentation of information in the vision of the driver is not an effective cognitive support. Therefore, a mechanism for determining the information to be presented to the driver based on the current driving situation is required. In this study, the object that contributes to execution of avoidance driving operation is regarded as the object that drivers must recognize and present for drivers. This object is called as contributing object. In this article, we propose a method that selects contributing objects among the appeared objects on the current driving scene. The proposed method expresses the relation between the time series change of an appeared object and avoidance operation of the driver by a mathematical model. This model can predict execution timing of avoidance driving operation and estimate contributing object based on the prediction result of driving operation. This model named as contributing model consisted of multi-hidden Markov models. Hidden Markov model is time series probabilistic model with high readability. This is because that model parameters express the probabilistic distribution and its statistics. Therefore, the characteristics of contributing model are that it enables the designer to understand the basis for the output decision. In this article, we evaluated detection accuracy of contributing object based on the proposed method, and readability of contributing model through several experiments. According to the results of these experiments, high detection accuracy of contributing object was confirmed. Moreover, it was confirmed that the basis of detected contributing object judgment can be understood from contributing model.

In this review, we discuss the implications of placing an infant in the supine position with respect to human cognitive development and evolution. When human infants are born, they are relatively large and immature in terms of postural and locomotor ability as compared with their closest relatives, the great apes. Hence, human mothers seemingly adopt a novel pattern of caring for their large and heavy infants, i.e., placing their infants in the supine position; this promotes face-to-face communication with their infants. Moreover, infants in the supine position can interact with other nearby individuals in the same manner from an early age. In addition, the infants can also explore their own body parts and/or objects with their hands since the hands are not required to support the body and are therefore, free to move. These activities are considered to be fundamental to the early development of human social and nonsocial cognition, including knowledge of self, in the first six months after birth. Further, developmental continuity in the voluntary exploratory movements in the prenatal period (in utero) to the early postnatal period is also discussed.

Previous research has shown that although infants follow the gaze direction of robots, robot gaze does not facilitate infants’ learning for objects. The present study examined whether robot gaze affects infants’ object learning when the gaze behavior was accompanied by verbalizations. Twelve-month-old infants were shown videos in which a robot with accompanying verbalizations gazed at an object. The results showed that infants not only followed the robot’s gaze direction but also preferentially attended to the cued object when the ostensive verbal signal was present. Moreover, infants showed enhanced processing of the cued object when ostensive and referential verbal signals were increasingly present. These effects were not observed when mere nonverbal sound stimuli instead of verbalizations were added. Taken together, our findings indicate that robot gaze accompanying verbalizations facilitates infants’ object learning, suggesting that verbalizations are important in the design of robot agents from which infants can learn. Keywords: gaze following; humanoid robot; infant learning; verbalization; cognitive development

Background: Advances in wearable sensor technology now allow us to quantify the number, type and kinematic characteristics of bouts of infant arm movement made across a full day in the natural environment. Our aim here was to determine whether the amount and kinematic characteristics of arm movements made across the day in the natural environment were related to developmental status in infants with typical development as they learned to reach for objects using their arms. Methods: We used wearable sensors to measure arm movement across days and months as infants developed arm reaching skills. In total, 22 infants with typical development participated, aged between 38 and 203 days. Of the participants, 2 infants were measured once and the other 20 infants were measured once per month for 3 to 6 visits. The Bayley Scales of Infant Development was used to measure developmental level. Results: Our main findings were: 1) infant arm movement characteristics as measured by full-day wearable sensor data were related to Bayley motor, cognitive and language scores, indicating a relationship between daily movement characteristics and developmental status; 2) infants who moved more had larger increases in language and cognitive scores across visits; and 3) larger changes in movement characteristics across visits were related to higher motor scores. Conclusions: This was a preliminary, exploratory, small study of the potential importance of infant arm movement characteristics as measured by full-day wearable sensor data. Our results support full-day arm movement activity as an area of interest for future study as a biomarker of neurodevelopmental status and as a target for early intervention.

Background: Advances in wearable sensor technology now allow us to quantify the number, type and kinematic characteristics of bouts of infant arm movement made across a full day in the natural environment. Our aim here was to determine whether the amount and kinematic characteristics of arm movements made across the day in the natural environment were related to developmental status in infants with typical development as they learned to reach for objects using their arms. Methods: We used wearable sensors to measure arm movement across days and months as infants developed arm reaching skills. In total, 22 infants with typical development participated, aged between 38 and 203 days. Of the participants, 2 infants were measured once and the other 20 infants were measured once per month for 3 to 6 visits. The Bayley Scales of Infant Development was used to measure developmental level. Results: Our main findings were: 1) infant arm movement characteristics as measured by full-day wearable sensor data were related to Bayley motor, cognitive and language scores, indicating a relationship between daily movement characteristics and developmental status; 2) infants who moved more had larger increases in language and cognitive scores across visits; and 3) larger changes in movement characteristics across visits were related to higher motor scores. Conclusions: This was a preliminary, exploratory, small study of the potential importance of infant arm movement characteristics as measured by full-day wearable sensor data. Our results support full-day arm movement activity as an area of interest for future study as a biomarker of neurodevelopmental status and as a target for early intervention.

Behavioral studies show that infants are capable of discriminating the number of objects or events in their environment, while also suggesting that number discrimination in infancy may be ratio-dependent. However, due to limitations of the dependent measures used with infant behavioral studies, the evidence for ratio dependence falls short of the vast psychophysical datasets that have established ratio dependence, and thus, adherence to Weber's Law in adults and nonhuman animals. We addressed this issue in two experiments that presented 7-month-old infants with familiar and novel numerosities while electroencephalogram measures of their brain activity were recorded. These data provide convergent evidence that the brains of 7-month-old infants detected numerical novelty. Alpha-band and theta-band oscillations both differed for novel and familiar numerical values. Most importantly, spectral power in the alpha band over midline and right posterior scalp sites was modulated by the ratio between the familiar and novel numerosities. Our findings provide neural evidence that numerical discrimination in infancy is ratio dependent and follows Weber's Law, thus indicating continuity of these cognitive processes over development. Results are also consistent with the idea that networks in the frontal and parietal cortices support ratio-dependent number discrimination in the first year of human life, consistent with what has been reported in neuroimaging studies in adults and older children.

Colour discrimination was investigated in infants aged 4 – 14 months. 250 healthy subjects and 80 subjects with slight defects in basic visual functions (the risk group) participated. A coloured toy was moved in front of the subject and disappeared behind a screen, reappearing after 2 – 3 s at the other side. Sometimes when the toy was hidden, the experimenter replaced it with another one that differed only in colour: yellow was replaced by blue or vice versa (Y/B switch), or red by green or vice versa (R/G switch). The form and size of the toy remained constant. The emotional reaction of surprise showed whether the infant discriminated these colour pairs. The brightness of the stimuli was slightly varied make sure that the infant reacted to the change in colour rather than brightness. About 75% of healthy 4 – 5-month-olds showed good expressive reactions to the Y/B switch, and practically all children did so at 7 – 8 months. The discrimination of red and green develops more slowly: only at 12 months did practically all children show good reactions to the R/G switch. In all children, Y/B discrimination preceded R/G discrimination. The mean difference between the numbers of children discriminating these two pairs was 7.6%. The infants of the risk group were as good as their healthy age-mates in Y/B discrimination, but performed significantly less well on R/G: the mean difference between the numbers discriminating the former but not the latter was 17.0%. Possible reasons for the retardation of chromatic discrimination in the risk group are discussed.

Typically, infants younger than four months fail to attend to the left side of their spatial field, most likely due to an innate asymmetrical tonic neck reflex (ATNR). In a critical transition, by four months of age, infants begin to reach and develop depth perception; and, by five months, they tend to monitor the entire spatial field. However, this developmental transition can be delayed. Moreover, there is always a residual right-sided spatial bias under cognitive load, a phenomenon that may also occur among adult stroke patients. While causative factors of biased visual attention in both infants and brain-injured adults may vary, mechanisms of remediation may be similar. This literature review addresses whether the infant’s emergence of attention toward a full visual spatial field and the associated shift from monocular to binocular vision occurs because of (a) increased left side reaching, loosening the rarely mentioned high muscle tension ATNR or (b) maturational resolution of visual asymmetry in motion perception. More research is needed to investigate the origins of the infants’ visual control system and factors involved in its development, especially because Alzheimer and dementia patients may also show primitive two-dimensional vision and deficits in perceiving objects-in-motion that seem to mirror infant visual perception.

The article deals with the investigation of the specific features of idiom interpretation at the eye-mindedness stage. The ability of a subject to perceive the external resemblance of objects makes their hidden features invisible. In the cognitive process the subject learns to perceive and to interpret the outside world as the complex of objects, situations as a whole for self-identity and developing the capability to identify himself regarding this reality. It is a matter of common observation that one of the most complex forms of metaphorical thinking is the subject ability to interpret a figurative meaning. In the course of the imagination intentional development the acquired ability to think metaphorically influences the comprehension of many aspects of language, including the correct interpretation of idioms. Integrated meaning of phraseological units and idioms causes serious problems in the process of the child language aquisition. Due to limited background knowledge and corresponding cognitive structures, the child tries to interpret each component separately, losing the figurativeness, but at the same time giving the idiom or phraseological unit an individual and unusual sense. Young researchers, relying on objective thinking, perceive idioms as sentences where words are freely combined. The study revealed that the idioms interpretation depends on a number of internal and external factors, as well as the background knowledge about the reality and the rules of successful speech interaction. Various language means reflect the children’s speech dynamics within the process of formation of the subject’s ability to interpret a figurative meaning. When interacting with the surrounding reality, the subject’s awareness of his personal “Ego” inevitably generates contradictions of the reality cognition priority and new information. Integration of the old and new information results in creation of a problem situation and its comprehension. Scarcely ever new facts fit the framework of known concepts and behavior algorithms. Efforts to resolve the problem situations by search and creation of the new ways and solution methods, images and senses discovering the outworld new features, show the subject’s cognitive activity.

The article shows that the primary cognitive units of infants, thanks to which they begin to understand individual fragments of the visible world, are integral situations (‘a boy is eating porridge’, ‘Mother is reading a book’, etc.), since they satisfy the initial children’s needs and desires. In the process of child’s development, these situations are divided into specific participants (BOY, PORRIDGE, SPOON, PLATE) and relationships (‘plate – porridge’, ‘porridge portion – spoon’, ‘spoon – boy’s mouth’). The separated participants, i.e., the functional parts of situations, become the first children’s concepts. Later, in the same way (by dividing new situations into participants), more special and complex concepts are formed: ‘motor’, ‘carburetor’, ‘trombone’, etc. As a result, the article concludes that human concepts are not innate, as J. Fodor and early Chomsky believe, or are combinations of the simplest innate concepts, according to A. Wierzbicka, I. Mel’čuk and S. Pinker. All concepts rather arise as products of the decomposition of holistic situations that the child has previously learned.Simultaneously with the formation of concepts, a thematic classification arises in children: when sorting triads of objects (dog-cat-bone; plate-cup-spoon), the child combines into one group objects that jointly participate in a typical situation (e.g., the dog and the bone, the plate and the spoon), rather than objects that perform similar functions in the situation: the dog and the cat or the plate and the cup (taxonomic classification). It is shown that the source of the thematic classification is not encyclopedic knowledge, as it is commonly believed (G. Murphy, E. Markman), but the primary integral situations and the binary relations arising from their decomposition.In the final part of the article, the role of language in the formation of children’s classifications is analyzed, the genesis of metaphorical and metonymic meanings is discussed, and refined definitions of these meanings are given.

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> The Integration of BIM and GIS is conducive to urban planning, construction and management, and have explored by relevant researchs (Yeo et al., 2016; Gilbert et al.; Wang et al.). From the beginning, BIM researchers thought that GIS could represent the building environment partially, while GIS researchers considered that BIM could only provide a detail data model about the buildings as one of GIS data sources. With deepening the technique integration and broadening the applications, it become a trend to integrate BIM and GIS, and both semantics and geometry between them are feasible to interlink and interact (Zhu et al., 2019; Deng et al., 2016). In this case, the paper studies the visualization method and the visual effects of BIM model (with IFC format as input) in virtual geographic environment (VGE), in order to improve human interaction and cognitive ability of BIM model in VGE. Based on Focus + Context techniques (Correa et al., 2016; Bjork et al., 2000; Carpendale et al., 1996), current development focuses on the solutions to the following problems.</p><p>1) Focused BIM model in geographic environment.</p><p>During the visualization process, BIM model has serious occlusion problems in two level: group level and component (sub-group) level. The group level occlusion means BIM model as an integral object may be occluded by other buildings in VGE (Qu et al., 2016; Deng et al., 2016; Johansson et al., 2015), and at the component level, inner components inside the BIM model may be occluded by other outer components when we focus or select inner one (Motamedi et al., 2014). So, there are corresponding component-level and group-level focus + context visualization.</p><p>In VGE, buildings are important parts, but most of the time, the display of buildings are in the form of block or volume shapes. According to the definition of CityGML, buildings are usually represented by LOD1 or LOD2 objects. However, with the development of BIM technology, more and more requirements are needed to model the focus buildings. The corresponding building information and details are even more abundant than the LOD4 model in CityGML. When BIM model is imported into VGE as a significant rendering object, other buildings that are shown as blocks or volumes are often used as context, so BIM models will be the focus of VGE (Fig 1).</p><p>2) Visualization of the internal details of BIM model.</p><p>At the component-level focus + context visualization, conventional visualization software of BIM model use cutaway view, transparent view and explode view to visualize and obtain internal details of the BIM model, but they all have their own limitations.</p><p>When we explore BIM model by the cutaway view (Fig2.a), an invisible vertical “knife” is put in the scene and divides the BIM model into two sections. The building part on one side of the section is completely preserved, while the building part on the other side is hidden, which loses the description of the overall relationship and structure of the building. When we visualize the BIM model by transparent view (Fig2.b), the components are highlighted and be semi-transparent, but the superposition of the transparent components and the selected opaque components causes the visible confusion.While explode view (Fig2.c) to visualize BIM model is a novel method, but the current software just adjusts each components’ position without considering global viewing effects.</p><p>In the Focus + Context techniques, the corresponding focus visualization method achieves a deformation effect by enlarging, shrinking and shifting the position of focus object (Islam et al., 2007), thus to highlight the focus object and weaken the context. This paper proposes a two-layer Focus + Context visualization method to obtain the inner details of the focus components in BIM model (shown as Fig. 3). Moreover, the key of our researches is that considering the integration of the BIM model visualization in VGE, rather than in BIM model viewing software. In addition, the factors of geographic environment are discussed to improve the visualization effects. The two-layer and two-level (component-level and group-level) focus + context visualization (Section 1 and Section 2) should be combined together in VGE to achieve a progressive visualization from macro geographic environment to micro building element environment.</p><p>3) Visualization of spatial relationship in BIM model.</p><p>Spatial relationships are core elements in GIS. Current BIM models have seldom records and studies on spatial relationships but are necessary (Juszczyk et al., 2016). In geographic environment, it is vital to give the full play to the advantages of BIM models, especially its detail components, and to bound full cycle-life information. So building component-level spatial relationships among BIM models are constructed to integrate spatial analysis. The connectivity relationships among walls, doors and windows in Figure 4 are built as lines between walls to support the indoor navigation and wayfinding.</p>

Abstract Knowledge about the causal relationship between objects has been studied extensively in human infants, and more recently in adult animals using differential looking time experiments. How knowledge about object support develops in non-human animals has yet to be explored. Here, we studied the ontogeny of support relations in Eurasian jays (Garrulus glandarius), a bird species known for its sophisticated cognitive abilities. Using an expectancy violation paradigm, we measured looking time responses to possible and impossible video and image stimuli. We also controlled for experience with different support types to determine whether the emergence of support intuitions is dependent upon specific interactions with objects, or if reasoning develops independently. At age 9 months, birds looked more at a tool moving a piece of cheese that was not in contact than one that was in direct contact. By the age of 6 months, birds that had not experienced string as a support to hold up objects looked more at impossible images with string hanging from below (unsupported), rather than above (supported). The development of support intuitions may be independent of direct experience with specific support, or knowledge gained from interactions with other objects may be generalised across contexts.

Efficient visual exploration in infancy is essential for cognitive and language development. It allows infants to participate in social interactions by attending to faces and learning about objects of interest. Visual scanning of scenes depends on a number of factors, and early differences in efficiency are likely contributing to differences in learning and language development during subsequent years. Predicting language development in diverse samples is particularly challenging, as additional multiple sources of variability affect infant performance. In this study, we tested how the complexity of visual scanning in the presence or absence of a face at 6 to 7 months of age is related to language development at 2 years of age in a multiethnic and predominantly bilingual sample from diverse socioeconomic backgrounds. We used Recurrence Quantification Analysis to measure the temporal and spatial distribution of fixations recurring in the same area of a visual scene. We found that in the absence of a face the temporal distribution of re-fixations on selected objects of interest (but not all) significantly predicted both receptive and expressive language scores, explaining 16% to 20% of the variance. Also, lower rate of re-fixations recurring in the presence of a face predicted higher receptive language scores, suggesting larger vocabulary in infants that effectively disengage from faces. Altogether, our results suggest that dynamic measures, which quantify the complexity of visual scanning, can reliably and robustly predict language development in highly diverse samples. They suggest that selective attending to objects predicts language independently of attention to faces. As eye-tracking and language assessments were carried out in early intervention centres, our study demonstrates the utility of mobile eye-tracking setups for early detection of risk in attention and language development.

The prenatal period is a developmental stage of peak sensitivity, during which environmental exposures can program post-natal developmental outcomes. Prenatal stress, in particular, has often been associated with detrimental neurobehavioral outcomes like mood and anxiety disorders. In the present study, we examined the effects of a stressful prenatal maternal experience (maternal relocation during pregnancy) on the post-partum development of offspring in rhesus macaques. To help isolate the effects of prenatal stress from genetic predispositions and post-natal experience, we compared biologically reared infants (infants raised with their biological mothers) with cross-fostered infants (those raised by non-related females in new social groups). We examined the effects of prenatal relocation stress on measures collected at 3–4 months of age during a standardized biobehavioral assessment. Unexpectedly, we found that prenatal stress resulted in a behavioral pattern consistent with resilience rather than anxiety: prenatal stress was linked with greater activity, lower anxiety, and more interaction with novel objects, as well as higher ratings of temperamental confidence during assessment. These effects were observed in infants reared by biological mothers as well as cross-fostered infants, suggesting that the effects of prenatal stress were not attributable to maternal genetics or post-natal factors. Our surprising results suggest that prenatal relocation stress may confer resilience in infant rhesus monkeys.

Eye gaze is a ubiquitous cue in child–caregiver interactions, and infants are highly attentive to eye gaze from very early on. However, the question of why infants show gaze-sensitive behavior, and what role this sensitivity to gaze plays in their language development, is not yet well-understood. To gain a better understanding of the role of eye gaze in infants' language learning, we conducted a broad systematic review of the developmental literature for all studies that investigate the role of eye gaze in infants' language development. Across 77 peer-reviewed articles containing data from typically developing human infants (0–24 months) in the domain of language development, we identified two broad themes. The first tracked the effect of eye gaze on four developmental domains: (1) vocabulary development, (2) word–object mapping, (3) object processing, and (4) speech processing. Overall, there is considerable evidence that infants learn more about objects and are more likely to form word–object mappings in the presence of eye gaze cues, both of which are necessary for learning words. In addition, there is good evidence for longitudinal relationships between infants' gaze following abilities and later receptive and expressive vocabulary. However, many domains (e.g., speech processing) are understudied; further work is needed to decide whether gaze effects are specific to tasks, such as word–object mapping or whether they reflect a general learning enhancement mechanism. The second theme explored the reasons why eye gaze might be facilitative for learning, addressing the question of whether eye gaze is treated by infants as a specialized socio-cognitive cue. We concluded that the balance of evidence supports the idea that eye gaze facilitates infants' learning by enhancing their arousal, memory, and attentional capacities to a greater extent than other low-level attentional cues. However, as yet, there are too few studies that directly compare the effect of eye gaze cues and non-social, attentional cues for strong conclusions to be drawn. We also suggest that there might be a developmental effect, with eye gaze, over the course of the first 2 years of life, developing into a truly ostensive cue that enhances language learning across the board.

Eye gaze is a ubiquitous cue in child–caregiver interactions, and infants are highly attentive to eye gaze from very early on. However, the question of why infants show gaze-sensitive behavior, and what role this sensitivity to gaze plays in their language development, is not yet well-understood. To gain a better understanding of the role of eye gaze in infants' language learning, we conducted a broad systematic review of the developmental literature for all studies that investigate the role of eye gaze in infants' language development. Across 77 peer-reviewed articles containing data from typically developing human infants (0–24 months) in the domain of language development, we identified two broad themes. The first tracked the effect of eye gaze on four developmental domains: (1) vocabulary development, (2) word–object mapping, (3) object processing, and (4) speech processing. Overall, there is considerable evidence that infants learn more about objects and are more likely to form word–object mappings in the presence of eye gaze cues, both of which are necessary for learning words. In addition, there is good evidence for longitudinal relationships between infants' gaze following abilities and later receptive and expressive vocabulary. However, many domains (e.g., speech processing) are understudied; further work is needed to decide whether gaze effects are specific to tasks, such as word–object mapping or whether they reflect a general learning enhancement mechanism. The second theme explored the reasons why eye gaze might be facilitative for learning, addressing the question of whether eye gaze is treated by infants as a specialized socio-cognitive cue. We concluded that the balance of evidence supports the idea that eye gaze facilitates infants' learning by enhancing their arousal, memory, and attentional capacities to a greater extent than other low-level attentional cues. However, as yet, there are too few studies that directly compare the effect of eye gaze cues and non-social, attentional cues for strong conclusions to be drawn. We also suggest that there might be a developmental effect, with eye gaze, over the course of the first 2 years of life, developing into a truly ostensive cue that enhances language learning across the board.

From the early days of life infants distinguish between social and non-social physical entities and have different expectations for the way these two entities should move and interact. At the same time, we know very little about the cortical systems that support this early emerging ability. The goal of the current research was to assess the extent to which infant’s processing of social and non-social physical entities is mediated by distinct information processing systems in the temporal cortex. Using a cross-sectional design, infants aged 6–9 months (Experiment 1) and 11–18 months (Experiment 2) were presented with two types of events: social interaction and mechanical interaction. In the social interaction event (patterned after Hamlin et al., 2007), an entity with googly eyes, hair tufts, and an implied goal of moving up the hill was either helped up, or pushed down, a hill through the actions of another social entity. In the mechanical interaction event, the googly eyes and hair tufts were replaced with vertical black dots and a hook and clasp, and the objects moved up or down the hill via mechanical interactions. FNIRS was used to measure activation from temporal cortex while infants viewed the test events. In both age groups, viewing social and mechanical interaction events elicited different patterns of activation in the right temporal cortex, although responses were more specialized in the older age group. Activation was not obtained in these areas when the objects moved in synchrony without interacting, suggesting that the causal nature of the interaction events may be responsible, in part, to the results obtained. This is one of the few fNIRS studies that has investigated age-related patterns of cortical activation and the first to provide insight into the functional development of networks specialized for processing of social and non-social physical entities engaged in interaction events.

Events of status epilepticus (SE) trigger the development of temporal lobe epilepsy (TLE), a type of focal epilepsy that is commonly drug-resistant and is highly comorbid with cognitive deficits. While SE-induced hippocampal injury, accompanied by gliosis and neuronal loss, typically disrupts cognitive functions resulting in memory defects, it is not definitively known how. Our previous studies revealed extensive hippocampal microgliosis that peaked between 2 and 3 weeks after SE and paralleled the development of cognitive impairments, suggesting a role for reactive microglia in this pathophysiology. Microglial survival and proliferation are regulated by the colony-stimulating factor 1 receptor (CSF1R). The CSF1R inhibitor PLX3397 has been shown to reduce/deplete microglial populations and improve cognitive performance in models of neurodegenerative disorders. Therefore, we hypothesized that suppression of microgliosis with PLX3397 during epileptogenesis may attenuate the hippocampal-dependent spatial learning and memory deficits in the rat pilocarpine model of SE and acquired TLE. Different groups of control and SE rats were fed standard chow (SC) or chow with PLX3397 starting immediately after SE and for 3 weeks. Novel object recognition (NOR) and Barnes maze (BM) were performed to determine memory function between 2 and 3 weeks after SE. Then microglial populations were assessed using immunohistochemistry. Control rats fed with either SC or PLX3397 performed similarly in both NOR and BM tests, differentiating novel vs. familiar objects in NOR, and rapidly learning the location of the hidden platform in BM. In contrast, both SE groups (SC and PLX3397) showed significant deficits in both NOR and BM tests compared to controls. Both PLX3397-treated control and SE groups had significantly decreased numbers of microglia in the hippocampus (60%) compared to those in SC. In parallel, we found that PLX3397 treatment also reduced SE-induced hippocampal astrogliosis. Thus, despite drastic reductions in microglial cells, memory was unaffected in the PLX3397-treated groups compared to those in SC, suggesting that remaining microglia may be sufficient to help maintain hippocampal functions. In sum, PLX3397 did not improve or worsen the memory deficits in rats that sustained pilocarpine-induced SE. Further research is required to determine whether microglia play a role in cognitive decline during epileptogenesis.

Abstract Background How the brain develops accurate models of the external world and generates appropriate behavioral responses is a vital question of widespread multidisciplinary interest. It is increasingly understood that brain signal variability—posited to enhance perception, facilitate flexible cognitive representations, and improve behavioral outcomes—plays an important role in neural and cognitive development. The ability to perceive, interpret, and respond to complex and dynamic social information is particularly critical for the development of adaptive learning and behavior. Social perception relies on oxytocin-regulated neural networks that emerge early in development. Methods We tested the hypothesis that individual differences in the endogenous oxytocinergic system early in life may influence social behavioral outcomes by regulating variability in brain signaling during social perception. In study 1, 55 infants provided a saliva sample at 5 months of age for analysis of individual differences in the oxytocinergic system and underwent electroencephalography (EEG) while listening to human vocalizations at 8 months of age for the assessment of brain signal variability. Infant behavior was assessed via parental report. In study 2, 60 infants provided a saliva sample and underwent EEG while viewing faces and objects and listening to human speech and water sounds at 4 months of age. Infant behavior was assessed via parental report and eye tracking. Results We show in two independent infant samples that increased brain signal entropy during social perception is in part explained by an epigenetic modification to the oxytocin receptor gene (OXTR) and accounts for significant individual differences in social behavior in the first year of life. These results are measure-, context-, and modality-specific: entropy, not standard deviation, links OXTR methylation and infant behavior; entropy evoked during social perception specifically explains social behavior only; and only entropy evoked during social auditory perception predicts infant vocalization behavior. Conclusions Demonstrating these associations in infancy is critical for elucidating the neurobiological mechanisms accounting for individual differences in cognition and behavior relevant to neurodevelopmental disorders. Our results suggest that an epigenetic modification to the oxytocin receptor gene and brain signal entropy are useful indicators of social development and may hold potential diagnostic, therapeutic, and prognostic value.

AbstractIntroduction: Micronutrient deficiencies and malnutrition during the first 1000 days of life can have lifelong effects on the physical and cognitive development of the child. Lebanon, host of the world's highest per capita number of refugees, is becoming increasingly vulnerable to micronutrient deficiencies and facing a protracted crisis. Up-to-date, there is a lack of studies assessing hidden hunger, such as anemia and its determinants, particularly in a fragile setting.Material and methods: A cross-sectional survey was applied to 539 mother-child pairs of Syrian refugees and Lebanese host communities attending primary health care centers in 6 vulnerable areas of Greater Beirut, Lebanon between July and September 2018. The interview was completed by 476 pairs consisting of women of reproductive age (15–49 years) and children (0–59 months). The questionnaire gathered data on socio-economic characteristics, infant and young child feeding practices, and nutritional status. Hemoglobin concentrations were measured using the HemoCue Hb301 + analyzer. Data analysis used descriptive statistics, t-test, and chi-square test.Results: Overall, 45.4% of the women were lactating (LW), 16.6% pregnant (PW), and 38.0% non-pregnant non-lactating (NP/NL). The vast majority of the infants were ever breastfed (96.6%) and received colostrum (90.5%); however, more than half of the infants were offered pre-lacteal feedings (55.0%) and only one third were breastfed within the first hour after birth (35.2%). The rate of exclusive breastfeeding under six months was 22.2%. About half of the children were predominantly breastfed under six months (50.4%). Long-term breastfeeding up to the age of 1 year (47.2%), or even 2 years (19.2%), was practiced in line with the WHO recommendations. Anemia rates among mothers were significantly higher among NP/NL compared to PW and LW (26.1%, 17.7%, 18.8%, respectively, p < 0.05). Whereas, anemia rates among children were significantly higher in LW compared to NP/NL and PW (43.0%, 30.0%, 21,5%, respectively, p < 0.01). Among breastfed children, maternal anemia was significantly higher among anemic children (25.8%) compared to non-anemic children (14.0%, p < 0.05). Mild anemia of children under six months was significantly higher among overweight and obese mothers compared to mothers with a healthy BMI (67.7% vs 32.3%, p < 0.05).Conclusions: Despite an almost universal initiation of breastfeeding, early onset and exclusive breastfeeding under six months were low. Higher anemia rates were found among breastfed children and this was significantly associated to the maternal nutritional- and anemia status. Further analysis is required to examine the determinants of anemia and breastfeeding in this setting.

Playing in childhood we are presented with foundational puzzles. Many of these arise directly from our negotiations with the laws of physics; others arise from the deliberate activities of our elders, teachers and siblings. As we sit on our grandmother’s knee we are presented with a range of playful and deceptive games. Something as simple as a loop of wool can initiate this play: now it is a straight thread; now it is a loop. Something as simple as the opening hand is the potential source of a problem that may stay with us for a lifetime: now it is a hand with open palm; now it is a fist that hides. Something as simple as a dropped toy ball can initiate the motive to engage with the world as a problem: now it is here, at hand; now it is gone, down there and rolling away. While each of these events is real, the space and time of such play can be described as an illusion. The figure of this illusion is itself a loop within which a special kind of logic pertains. This logic is illustrated in D. W. Winnicott’s concept of illusory experience and in John Dewey’s concept of perplexity as the source of human thinking. As illusions, loops are puzzling; as real objects and events, loops pre-figure and offer to mediate the development of our understanding of our being in the world. Donald Woods Winnicott (1896-1971) a British child psychoanalyst, spent much of his time exploring the relationships that children form with objects. His work offers accounts of an extraordinary array of everyday engagements that children have with simple things such as their own toes and bits of string. A key aspect of Winnicott’s theories of the formative years is the sustaining of a loop, or in Winnicott’s terms, "an intermediate state" between the child and reality. I am here staking a claim for an intermediate state between a baby’s inability and his growing ability to recognize and accept reality. I am therefore studying the substance of illusion, that which is allowed to the infant, and which in adult life is inherent in art and religion, and yet becomes the hallmark of madness when an adult puts too powerful a claim on the credulity of others, forcing them to acknowledge a sharing of illusion that is not their own. We can share a respect for illusory experience, and if we wish we may collect together and form a group on the basis of the similarity of our illusory experiences. This is a natural root of grouping among human beings. (Winnicott 3) Social groups establish preferred forms to account for dynamic systems in everyday life. The hand, for example, might be generally agreed to be an open hand, at rest, which means that fingers are curved towards the palm and the palm is down. The number of variations in the way in which a hand might be found, and described, is so large as to be able to symbolise an entire language. From the outside, to a non-signer, it is an illusion that hand-signing is language, just as it is an illusion that spoken and written languages are languages to those who do not share the particular language illusion. Within the range of possible hand gestures, a loop or tension-of-illusion is established: those in the loop can comprehend the signing as language; those outside the loop can only pretend that the illusion works. Recalling that the word "illusion" takes its origin in the Latin for play ("ludere") it comes as no surprise that initiation games frequently use spurious loop activities to trap the outsider in ways that will embarrass the new-comer. The sense of mockery in the word "illusion" is made evident as the new-comer has no way of determining the validity of the pretend inside information. Suggestions that they drink some foul concoction can only be answered by drinking the concoction: there is no way from the outside of the illusion group to resolve the challenge. To enter the inside of the loop, the new-comer has to cross some kind of line in a way that leaves a mark: the affect of embarrassment is often enough. Our ability to suspend disbelief and sustain the illusion as loop is a fundamental requirement of our social being and of our cognitive development. "Once upon a time" is a call to step inside the loop of fiction where things may emerge that cannot otherwise emerge. While this loop may be seen as nothing more than an inner fantasy world, it is impossible to sustain this concept unless we deny the common reality of such a world. The world of the loop is not some kind of denial of an outer reality, nor is it an assertion of an inner freedom that can remain separate to an external reality. We may claim to make words mean whatever we wish them to mean in an inner and private dimension, but in making such a claim we must use a common meaning of "meaning" and we must use the syntax and grammar of a language. Much as we might wish for such an interiority, Winnicott requires us to recognise the further need for an "intermediate area of experience". This intermediate area is the public space of shared illusion: It is an area that is not challenged, because no claim is made on its behalf except that it shall exist as a resting-place for the individual engaged in the perpetual human task of keeping inner and outer reality separate yet interrelated. (Winnicott 2) In this intermediate area, it is possible to sustain illusions only in relation to a presumed other reality. That is, the logics of illusion are logics that apply, if differently, in the outer and inner realms of experience. The reality of a loop may seem soft. Loops are readily formed without substantial alteration of the loop forming material. Loops are also frightening in their potential operation as capturing devices. The forces they can activate are deadly. As dynamic objects, loops offer their own interpretation of Winnicott’s concept of illusion. At some point the game or play of illusions terminates in a disclosure of closure that instructs the play. The closed hand that hides the marble opens to reveal the marble. One moment in the play of logics is elected or given a priority. The relative stability of this pattern is made obvious in certain forms of illusion that take illusions as their "fixed" shape. Knitting, for example, consists of loops interlocked with loops. As anyone who has pulled knitting apart knows, interlocking is fundamentally an illusion in its making and a disillusion in its pulling apart. Knitting can then be seen, in this sense to be "fake". Fakes "Fake" does not mean "false" except that we have come to see the dressing up of things as being insubstantial and therefore not warranting attention. Worse, we see "fake" as being morally repugnant in that a fake thing takes the place of a real thing. But "fake" also means "a coil of rope". In this case, the fake is substantial while ever it exists. Thus, a fake is a kind of benevolent illusion. The shape that the coil of rope makes is no less real, in time, than the ship-deck on which it is formed. When it is uncoiled, the rope takes on its "true" or active shape. Should the uncoiled rope form a loop, this loop is potentially malevolent. It may take the leg of a sailor. In childhood, this game is played out using simple loops and slip knots that hold but let go when pulled. The dynamic forms are sometimes the illusion; sometimes it is the static form that is the illusion. That is, the pragmatic interpretation allows for the display of the fake as a cognitive toy. Any state of the dynamic form may take priority at any one time for the purposes of the use of the system. When we sit down, our height differences are reduced: this fake is a crucial part of our social world. Loops Winnicott lets us see the life-long significance of the looping and faking that we daily use to sustain our dynamic worlds . In our loop worlds we establish a space "between thumb and the teddy bear, between the oral erotism and the true object-relationship" (Winnicott 2). Within the loop, the status of objects and systems is open to transformation, just as, over time, in the material world, objects and systems are transformed. The valency of any object or system, viewed from within the loop, is fundamentally indeterminate and hence open. It is within this loop-logic that we can understand the ironic singing of songs whose content is radically alternative to the situation of the singing: children can be heard singing songs filled with sexual connotations without there being any awareness of the inappropriate content; many people can hear and sing along with Bette Midler’s rendition of "God is watching us" without the irony striking home that God is doing this from a distance of total indifference. The tongue in Bette’s cheek could not get any bigger, but from within the loop, the song can have any value the singer selects. While we may sustain fantasy worlds as intermediate worlds, Winnicott makes obvious that "the mother’s main task (next to providing opportunity for illusion) is disillusionment" (Winnicott 12). At some point the disjunction between illusion and reality becomes perplexing. The ball that the child drops does evade the child’s grasp. It is not simply a matter of sustaining the mood. Either the ball can be recovered or else it cannot. Perplexity and the Dialectic of Loss John Dewey (1859-1952) is a major figure in American pragmatist schools of philosophy and in educational philosophy, especially problem-based theories of learning. His work bridges the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and covers all the major social and cultural issues of his day. As a thorough thinker, Dewey offers to provide explanations for most aspects of what is practically required of us in our living socially responsible lives. Even our "negative" affects, such as perplexity, are presented by Dewey as indicators of our practical connection with reality. For Dewey, perplexity is a key feature of the state of mind that initiates the growth of the individual through engagement with the problematics of the world in which they live. Dewey points out that "thinking begins as soon as the baby who has lost the ball that he is playing with begins to foresee the possibility of something not yet existing—its recovery" (How We Think 89). Losing the ball creates a difficulty, seeing that the ball might be recovered, the child is then able to move to resolve the difficulty, through action, in the real world. In this simple form we can determine the process of thesis (loss), anti-thesis (promise of recovery or remedy), synthesis (resolution of the problem with an enhanced understanding of the process). The theological allusions should not be discounted in this model. Nor should we forget Winnicott’s caution here "that the task of reality-acceptance is never completed". The ball game is still a game that retains the general forgiveness of the loop in that the real loss is mitigated by the surrounding and support "illusion" that the parent will recover the ball for the child. It may be socially frowned on, but adults still drop things just to instigate the "illusion" that others will recover their loss (for an extended account of Dewey’s notion of perplexity, see Russell). Still, the loss of the ball is a problem that holds very real interest for the baby and therefore the problem is perplexing. According to Dewey: "Interest marks the annihilation of the distance between the person and the materials and results of his action; it is the sign of their organic union" (Middle Works 160). Being "entirely taken up with" (p. 160) the loss of the ball, the baby experiences the situation in what McLuhan describes as "depth". In the depth approach attention is able to shift from content to attention itself: "Consciousness itself is an inclusive process not at all dependent on content. Consciousness does not postulate consciousness in particular" (McLuhan 247). Conclusion The capacity of consciousness to take an interest, in Dewey’s terms, is the same capacity that consciousness displays in the sustaining of the loop of illusion. For Dewey, "interest marks the annihilation of the distance between the person and the materials and results of his action". This annihilation, in Winnicott’s gentler terms, is more of respite in the long journey. For Winnicott "no human being is free from the strain of relating inner and outer reality". The intermediary illusions remain illusions even if they are instructive. For Dewey, the focus on perplexity allows that the strain is integrated in an affect-complex that both sustains the illusion ("I can get the ball back") in the manner of a hypothesis ("I had the ball, I lost the ball—losing the ball was a process, regaining the ball could also be a process—I can have the ball again"). Granted, Dewey, as a pragmatist, starts with a real world process. Nonetheless, his approach points to the deeper connections between consciousness itself and the operations of the psychological development of the individual. From the perspective of perplexity, the puzzles of childhood are also the puzzles of the adult. As adults we continue to play with loops of all kinds. We maintain intermediary spaces and we conspire in the social illusions of language References Dewey, John. How We Think: A Restatement of the Relation of Reflective Thinking to the Educative Process. Boston: D.C. Heath, 1933. Dewey, John. The Middle Works, 1899-1924. Ed. Jo Ann Boydston. Vol. 7. Carbondale and Edwardsville: South Illinios U P, 1979. McLuhan, Marshall. Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man. New York: Signet, 1964. Russell, Keith. "The Problem of the Problem and Perplexity." Themes and Variations in PBL. Proc. of the 5th International Biennial PBL Conference, 7-10 Jul. 1999, U of Quebec. U of Newcastle: PROBLARC, 1999. 180-95. Winnicott, D. W. Playing and Reality. London: Tavistock, 1971. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Russell, Keith. "Loops and Fakes and Illusions" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.4 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/mc/0208/fakes.php>. Chicago Style Russell, Keith, "Loops and Fakes and Illusions" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 4 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/mc/0208/fakes.php> ([your date of access]). APA Style Russell, Keith. (2002) Loops and Fakes and Illusions. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(4). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/mc/0208/fakes.php> ([your date of access]).