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Journal articles on the topic 'Industrial sociology – China'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

Christerson, Brad, and Constance Lever‐Tracy. "The Third China? Emerging industrial districts in rural China." International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 21, no. 4 (December 1997): 569–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2427.00102.

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2

Albala-Bertrand, J. M. "Industrial interdependence: China 1995–2010." China Economic Journal 11, no. 2 (April 10, 2018): 170–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17538963.2018.1458391.

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3

Makeeva, Svetlana B. "The Role of the China Association of Regional Studies in the Development of Spatial Regional Development of China (1991 – Present)." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Historical Studies 7, no. 2 (26) (October 8, 2020): 22–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2020.7(2).22-30.

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The article defines the role of the China Association of Regional Studies (established in 1991) in the process of studying and analyzing regional problems of the spatial organization of the economy in China after the start of the policy of “reform and openness”. The consolidation of the scientific potential of Chinese scientists in the field of economics, geography, history, sociology, philosophy, cultural studies within the framework of the Association made it possible to develop high-quality recommendations on the regional development of China. The main aspects of the regional development of the PRC, considered within the framework of the Association, were issues related to the regional economy and regional policy (theory and practice), regional economic development strategies, a comprehensive assessment of the PRC regional policy after 1978, the regional economy in the border regions, and industrial agglomeration and industrial clusters in China.

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4

Wu, Yu‐Shan. "Reforming the revolution: Industrial policy in China." Pacific Review 3, no. 3 (January 1990): 243–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09512749008718872.

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5

Dong, Xuebing, Shunfeng Song, and Hui Zhu. "Industrial structure and economic fluctuation—Evidence from China." Social Science Journal 48, no. 3 (September 1, 2011): 468–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.soscij.2011.05.002.

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6

Gereffi, G. "Development Models and Industrial Upgrading in China and Mexico." European Sociological Review 25, no. 1 (July 18, 2008): 37–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcn034.

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7

KING, AMY. "Reconstructing China: Japanese technicians and industrialization in the early years of the People's Republic of China." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 1 (August 25, 2015): 141–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x15000074.

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AbstractThe Chinese Communist Party was confronted with the pressing challenge of ‘reconstructing’ China's industrial economy when it came to power in 1949. Drawing on recently declassified Chinese Foreign Ministry archives, this article argues that the Party met this challenge by drawing on the expertise of Japanese technicians left behind in Northeast China at the end of the Second World War. Between 1949 and 1953, when they were eventually repatriated, thousands of Japanese technicians were used by the Chinese Communist Party to develop new technology and industrial techniques, train less skilled Chinese workers, and rebuild factories, mines, railways, and other industrial sites in the Northeast. These first four years of the People's Republic of China represent an important moment of both continuity and change in China's history. Like the Chinese Nationalist government before them, the Chinese Communist Party continued to draw on the technological and industrial legacy of the Japanese empire in Asia to rebuild China's war-torn economy. But this four-year period was also a moment of profound change. As the Cold War erupted in Asia, the Chinese Communist Party began a long-term reconceptualization of how national power was intimately connected to technology and industrial capability, and viewed Japanese technicians as a vital element in the transformation of China into a modern and powerful nation.

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8

Lüthje, Boy. "Diverging Trajectories: Economic Rebalancing and Labour Policies in China." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 42, no. 4 (December 2013): 105–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261304200405.

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This paper develops a new approach to analyse labour relations at the level of companies, industries, and regions in China. Referring to Western and Chinese labour sociology and industrial relations theory, the author applies the concept of “regimes of production” to the context of China's emerging capitalism. This article focuses on China's modern core manufacturing industries (i.e. steel, chemical, auto, electronics, and textile and garment); it explores regimes of production in major corporations and new forms of labour-management cooperation, the growing inequality and fragmentation of labour policies within the modern sectors of the Chinese economy, consequences for further reform regarding labour standards, collective bargaining, and workers’ participation.

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9

Gallagher, Kevin P., and M. Shafaeddin. "Policies for industrial learning in China and Mexico." Technology in Society 32, no. 2 (May 2010): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.techsoc.2010.04.002.

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10

Chan, Jenny. "Joel Andreas, Disenfranchised: The Rise and Fall of Industrial Citizenship in China." International Sociology 35, no. 5 (September 2020): 555–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580920957940.

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11

Zhu, Yuchao. "Industrial Relations in China. Bill Taylor , Chang Kai , Qi Li." China Journal 56 (July 2006): 210–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20066220.

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12

Altehenger, Jennifer. "Industrial and Chinese: Exhibiting Mao’s China at the Leipzig Trade Fairs." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 4 (April 3, 2020): 845–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419888265.

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Between 1951 and 1965, the People’s Republic of China regularly exhibited at the international trade fairs in the East German city of Leipzig. One of the major attractions of the fairs, China’s grand pavilion was second in size only to the pavilion of the Soviet Union. This article examines the planning and execution of China’s exhibitions, illustrating how the young communist regime displayed its products and political system abroad and how citizens of other socialist and capitalist countries experienced China through objects, materials, images and narratives. Because the People's Republic of China was a new revolutionary state of enormous political and economic significance and yet also a state that other socialist regimes deemed too poorly developed to transition to socialism, these exhibitions were the site of constant negotiations and tension between Chinese and East German organizers and other local decision-makers and participants. As such, the People's Republic of China’s engagement with the fairs sheds further light on its international activities after 1949 and on the local history of the Sino-Soviet split. It is also a case study that calls attention to the historical significance of materiality that underpinned China’s interactions with the wider world, from minute quotidian things to grand gifts and major export goods.

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13

HE, Qiaoling. "The Limits to Law: How Intellectual Properties Are Used and Protected in Chinese Industries." Asian Journal of Law and Society 7, no. 2 (July 8, 2019): 369–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2018.43.

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AbstractMany studies agree that a weak intellectual property right (IPR) legal system likely reduces innovation or creation; they also predict that increasing intellectual properties (IPs) in developing countries will automatically lead to local needs for stronger formal protection. However, the situation is found to be more complex in China. With a focus on the use of IPs and relevant protection mechanisms in China, this study points out that many companies acquire IPs for purposes that do not depend on their enforcement; many companies have informal ways of protecting their IPs without resorting to court enforcement. Both the alternative functions and the alternative enforcement mechanisms are shaped by industrial characteristics, especially in four aspects: technological features, administrative regulation, market characteristics, and network structure. Based on studies of different industrial sectors in China, this article develops a general framework for analyzing the role of IPRs in industrial practice.

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14

Zhang, Yuan, Jianqi Chen, and Prins Wong. "Effect of Trade Unions on Industrial Labor Income in China." Asian Politics & Policy 3, no. 1 (January 2011): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1943-0787.2010.01240.x.

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15

Pingkuo, Liu, and Gao Yi. "Graphene's potential in the future industrial development of China." Resources Policy 61 (June 2019): 118–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.resourpol.2019.02.007.

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16

Wang, Yeqiang, and Houkai Wei. "Industry characteristics, spatial competition and industrial concentration – evidence from China." China Economic Journal 1, no. 2 (June 25, 2008): 177–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17538960802076596.

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17

Sommer, Brandon. "A generational analysis of Chinese workers responding to social dislocation." Time & Society 29, no. 1 (January 12, 2019): 124–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0961463x18820761.

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This paper discusses the way in which China’s ‘Harmonious Society Project’ and industrial transformation have intersected in a particular way in Guangdong Province, China, revealing both the consequences and opportunities it poses for migrant industrial workers. Elaborating on Mannheim’s generational analysis and using interview data from 37 migrant industrial workers, I seek to show that worker strategies, based on policy and market opportunities, can be understood as fragmented strategies of generations reacting to the transforming political economy. Findings demonstrate that this inter-generational perspective provides tools to grapple with how migrant industrial workers form alliances and negotiate obstacles taking divergent strategies to cope with industrial transformation.

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18

Ferdinand, Peter. "China's industrial reform and Chen Jiyuan and Management reforms in China." International Affairs 64, no. 2 (1988): 318–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621920.

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19

Jianchao, Hou, Ma Tongning, and Liu Pingkuo. "Comprehensive evaluation on graphene's potentials and industrial development in China." Resources Policy 63 (October 2019): 101446. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.resourpol.2019.101446.

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20

Shih, Hsin-Yu, and Pao-Long Chang. "Industrial innovation networks in Taiwan and China: A comparative analysis." Technology in Society 31, no. 2 (May 2009): 176–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.techsoc.2009.03.007.

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21

Zhang, Linlin, Wenze Yue, Yong Liu, Peilei Fan, and Yehua Dennis Wei. "Suburban industrial land development in transitional China: Spatial restructuring and determinants." Cities 78 (August 2018): 96–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2018.02.001.

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22

de Melo, Maria Cristina Pereira, and Jair do Amaral Filho. "The Political Economy of Brazil-China Trade Relations, 2000–2010." Latin American Perspectives 42, no. 6 (July 7, 2015): 64–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x15593935.

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Sino-Brazilian trade reached record levels in 2010. At the core of this phenomenon was the return to a primary production structure reinforced by the difficulty of diversifying exports of Brazilian manufactures of higher value added and technological content. Brazilian imports have revolved around the acquisition of manufactures similar to the ones produced in Brazil and with a sophisticated technological profile. The results of this trade tie are related to differences in the development agendas of the two countries, especially their industrial policies. Em 2010, o volume do comércio sino-brasileiro ultrapassou níveis anteriormente re-gistrados. O cerne desse fenômeno foi um retorno à estrutura de produção calçada no setor primário. Ademais, esse retorno foi reforçado pela dificuldade em diversificar as exportaçãoes dos manufaturados brasileiros de alto valor agregado e conteúdo tecnológico. As importações brasileiras estão centradas na aquisição de manufaturas similares às produzidas no Brasil e que apresentam um perfil tecnológico sofisticado. Os resultados desses laços comerciais correspondem às diferenças nas agendas de desenvolvimento dos dois países, especialmente suas respectivas políticas industriais.

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23

Peng, Yusheng. "Wage Determination in Rural and Urban China: A Comparison of Public and Private Industrial Sectors." American Sociological Review 57, no. 2 (April 1992): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2096205.

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24

Wang, Junmin. "State-Building as Market-Building in China." European Journal of Sociology 47, no. 2 (August 2006): 209–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975606000075.

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By examining the history of the development of the tobacco industry, a key state industrial sector in China's reform era, this article shows how market-building processes and state-building processes have produced and reproduced each other in economic transitions from planned toward market economies. First, the market competition between state-owned tobacco firms and non-state tobacco firms in the early 1980s resulted in the establishment of a vertical bureaucracy, through a statemonopoly institution. Second, new market dynamics resulted in the transfer of monopoly power from the central government to the local governments. During this process the horizontal bureaucracies governing the tobacco industry in localities were driven into market competitors, while the vertical bureaucracy was greatly undermined. The evidence from the Chinese tobacco industry shows that the project of market-building for postcommunist countries is not a unilateral process. To obtain a complete understanding of transitional economies of postcommunist countries, I suggest that the key is the interaction between state-building and market-building, with a focus on how the specific market dynamics have rebuilt the state structures.

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25

Xu, Li, and Junlan Tan. "Financial development, industrial structure and natural resource utilization efficiency in China." Resources Policy 66 (June 2020): 101642. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.resourpol.2020.101642.

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26

Wang, Keying, Meng Wu, Yongping Sun, Xunpeng Shi, Ao Sun, and Ping Zhang. "Resource abundance, industrial structure, and regional carbon emissions efficiency in China." Resources Policy 60 (March 2019): 203–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.resourpol.2019.01.001.

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27

Oh, Seung-Youn. "How China Outsmarts WTO Rulings in the Wind Industry." Asian Survey 55, no. 6 (November 2015): 1116–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.6.1116.

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Through a study of China’s wind turbine sector, this paper demonstrates how China liberally implements industrial policies and then removes them when the WTO disputes them. China’s convenient compliance with the WTO rulings reflects Beijing’s realpolitik navigation through the organization’s dispute-resolution process, rather than socialization to international norms.

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28

Goldstone, Jack A. "Gender, Work, and Culture: Why the Industrial Revolution Came Early to England but Late to China." Sociological Perspectives 39, no. 1 (March 1996): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389340.

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Neither technical inability nor population/resource imbalances prevented China from developing mechanized cotton-spinning. However, restrictions on the deployment of female labor outside the home, promulgated by Confucian ethics and enforced by the state as part of social control, prevented widespread adoption of machinery requiring extra-household use of female labor. Under such conditions—which did not obtain in Europe, where female wage labor had long been used for service outside of natal households—factory production could not compete with household production.

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29

Simon, Denis Fred. "The Challenge of Modernizing Industrial Technology in China: Implications for Sino-U.S. Relations." Asian Survey 26, no. 4 (April 1, 1986): 420–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2644156.

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30

Simon, Denis Fred. "The Challenge of Modernizing Industrial Technology in China: Implications for Sino-U.S. Relations." Asian Survey 26, no. 4 (April 1986): 420–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1986.26.4.01p03725.

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31

LEE, SEUNG-JOON. "Canteens and the Politics of Working-class Diets in Industrial China, 1920–37." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 1 (July 2, 2019): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x1700097x.

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AbstractThis article explores how workers’ diets and meal services at factory canteens became the nucleus of labour politics in Republican Shanghai, China's industrial heartland. At the heart of Chinese labour politics was a demand for the improvement of workers’ diets, particularly for adequate meal service, which was to be provided by management at a reasonable price—if not for free—at the workplace. The purpose of this article is not only to draw attention to a lacuna in Chinese labour history, but also to shed new light on the agency of workers in their labour disputes from the perspective of food history. No other issue provided a better opportunity to unite workers, labour activists, and so-called scabs than the issue of food. In the wake of labour disputes, industrialists changed their perception of the relation between industrial health and work efficiency. With the promotion of factory canteens, the Guomidang Nationalists also began to exert unsparing efforts to garner the growing political potential of the labour force. Therefore, factory canteens evolved into a contested space in which workers, management, and the state offered different visions of workers’ diets and industrial productivity.

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32

Li, Yanwei, Joop Koppenjan, and Vincent Homburg. "Governing environmental conflicts: A comparative analysis of ten protests against industrial facilities in urban China." Local Government Studies 43, no. 6 (September 8, 2017): 992–1013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003930.2017.1375409.

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33

Tan, Yeling. "Disaggregating “China, Inc.”: The Hierarchical Politics of WTO Entry." Comparative Political Studies 53, no. 13 (April 15, 2020): 2118–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414020912267.

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How does state structure affect responses to globalization? This article examines why some parts of the Chinese state enacted more liberalizing policies than others in response to World Trade Organization (WTO) entry. It shows that, despite single-party rule, China’s WTO-era policy trajectories were neither top-down nor monolithic. Instead, central and subnational governments diverged in their policy responses. The study identifies three competing economic strategies from which these responses are drawn: market-replacing (directive), market-shaping (developmental), and market-enhancing (regulatory). The analysis uses an original dataset of Chinese industry regulations from 1978 to 2014 and employs machine learning methods in text analysis to identify words associated with each strategy. Combining tariff, industry, and textual data, the article demonstrates that the divergent strategies adopted by central and subnational governments are driven by each unit’s differential accountability to the WTO and by the diversity of that unit’s industrial base.

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34

Zeng, Ka. "Domestic Politics and US-China Trade Disputes over Renewable Energy." Journal of East Asian Studies 15, no. 3 (December 2015): 423–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800009139.

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In this article I draw on the two-level game approach to analyze the influence of domestic politics on US-China trade disputes in alternative energy, especially in solar energy. I suggest that the difficulty Washington faces in getting China to address market access barriers in alternative energy needs to be viewed in light of both the coalitional dynamics in the United States resulting from the specific bilateral trade and investment relationship in this sector and Beijing's willingness to use industrial policy to foster economic competitiveness in nascent industries. Specifically, as China occupies the middle of the supply chain in the solar industry, both downstream users of low-cost Chinese imports and exporters of upstream products to China have voiced strong concerns about US trade action. Such domestic opposition, coupled with the importance of industrial policy for defending the country's long-term interests in a “strategic emerging” sector such as alternative energy, substantially constrains Washington's ability to influence Chinese policies.

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35

SEGAL, ADAM, and ERIC THUN. "Thinking Globally, Acting Locally: Local Governments, Industrial Sectors, and Development in China." Politics & Society 29, no. 4 (December 2001): 557–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329201029004004.

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36

Wu, Weiping. "Cultivating Research Universities and Industrial Linkages in China: The Case of Shanghai." World Development 35, no. 6 (June 2007): 1075–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2006.05.011.

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37

Shengmin, Huang, Zhou Yan, and Wang Wei. "Cable Digital Television in China: Industrial Policy, Market Performance and Development Trends." Journal of Comparative Asian Development 6, no. 2 (September 2007): 287–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15339114.2007.9678445.

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38

Barbieri, Elisa, Marco R. Di Tommaso, Chiara Pollio, and Lauretta Rubini. "Industrial Policy in China: The Planned Growth of Specialised Towns in Guangdong Province." Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society 12, no. 3 (October 5, 2019): 401–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjres/rsz012.

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Abstract We analyse one of the most important policy experiences for industrial clustering in Southern China—the Specialised Towns programme—that has transformed some Chinese clusters into the backbone of global production chains. We offer a long-term, detailed overview of the policy programme and of Guangdong’s specialised towns, classifying them as endogenous or exogenous according to their features, and investigate their contribution to local growth and rebalancing. This analysis of the Specialised Towns programme contributes to the international debate on revisiting industrial policy and suggests that the discussion should conceive them as articulated processes to reach long-term societal objectives.

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39

CHU, NELLIE. "Jiagongchang Household Workshops as Marginal Hubs of Women's Subcontracted Labour in Guangzhou, China." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 3 (March 28, 2019): 800–821. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000919.

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AbstractThis article introduces South China's jiagongchang household workshops as marginal hubs of affective and industrial labour, which are produced by migrant women's yearnings for people and places far away. Temporary sites and precarious forms of low-wage production serve as fragmented and provisional resources of sociality and labour as migrant workers and urban villages gradually become incorporated within the urban fabric. The unrequited longings of migrant women who work in factories and as caretakers demonstrate how marginal hubs are created through disjunctures of emplacement and mobility, which are intensified as these women attempt to bridge the contradictions entailed in care work and industrial labour across the supply chains.

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40

Wong, John, and Sarah Chan. "China-Asean Free Trade Agreement: Shaping Future Economic Relations." Asian Survey 43, no. 3 (May 2003): 507–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.3.507.

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The China-ASEAN Free Trade Agreement has been hailed as a landmark pact in pushing for freer trade between China and the ASEAN countries. With the establishment of the free trade zone, trade and investment between the Chinese and ASEAN economies are expected to increase significantly; but while the economic benefits are inexorable, the extent of gains derived from closer integration hinges on the Sino-ASEAN economic relationship, which is both complementary and competitive in nature. At the present stage of development, China and ASEAN are more competitive than complementary, given the similarity in their trade and industrial structures. ASEAN and China are also direct competitors for foreign investment, rather than significant investors in each other's economies. Despite these challenges, the prospects for bilateral trade to flourish are bright if both China and ASEAN can interlock their economies through deeper integration in the long term.

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41

Otis, Eileen M. "Beyond the Industrial Paradigm: Market-Embedded Labor and the Gender Organization of Global Service Work in China." American Sociological Review 73, no. 1 (February 2008): 15–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240807300102.

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42

Thun, Eric. "Keeping Up with the Jones': Decentralization, Policy Imitation, and Industrial Development in China." World Development 32, no. 8 (August 2004): 1289–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2004.02.007.

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43

Paik, Wooyeal. "Struggling Foreign Small- and Medium-Sized Factories in Coastal China: Liquidate, Move, or Fly by Night?" Modern China 46, no. 4 (June 25, 2019): 433–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0097700419854658.

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Since the mid-2000s, China has been transforming its industrial structure from a world sweatshop to a global manufacturing center. Many foreign small- and medium-sized factories that were engines of development in coastal China for the past two decades have recently been phased out due to the changing nature of macroeconomic policy, the labor market, and local interests. Unlike macroeconomic policy and the labor market, the subject of changing local interests has not been extensively investigated. This article explores an unclear political-economic logic and demonstrates the key counter-actions of the factories—legal liquidation, moving inland or to other countries, and illegal flight by night—in response to “phasing out” pressure from local politics. The micro-level struggles between foreign factories and local interests are indirectly conducive to China’s macro-level industrial transformation. This pattern will likely be repeated in China’s less-developed regions and other rapidly developing countries in the near future. This study is based on empirical data from fieldwork, primarily in Shandong province, from 2008 to 2016 as well as archival data from China, Korea, and other countries.

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44

Gruber, Carmen. "Escaping Malthus: a comparative look at Japan and the ‘Great Divergence’." Journal of Global History 9, no. 3 (October 13, 2014): 403–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022814000187.

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AbstractThe causes and consequences of the Industrial Revolution have led to a great deal of scholarship and debate within the field of economic history, from efforts to understand the internal dynamics of England and Europe to more recent revisionist literature that has sought to expand the debate by looking to Asia. This has enlivened and broadened the ‘Great Divergence’ debate through examining, by way of ecological factors, not only why China did not industrialize but also why England took a different path from that of China. This article expands the argument by looking at Japan, with a focus on coal mining as a foundation for escaping Malthusian constraints. As such, it will assess the extent of Malthusian pressure in pre-modern Japan and the importance of coal mining in alleviating these pressures relative to conditions in England and China.

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45

Fuller, Douglas B. "The Cross-Strait Economic Relationship's Impact on Development in Taiwan and China: Adversaries and Partners." Asian Survey 48, no. 2 (March 2008): 239–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2008.48.2.239.

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Abstract This paper evaluates the impact of ongoing cross-strait economic integration on the development of China and Taiwan. The overall impact has been positive for both economies. Taiwan's industrial employment remains robust even as it transforms into a knowledge-based economy. Taiwanese investment has spurred China's technological development.

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46

Frutiger, Dean. "AFL-CIO China Policy." Labor Studies Journal 27, no. 3 (September 2002): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x0202700305.

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47

Huang, Yasheng. "Between two coordination failures: automotive industrial policy in China with a comparison to Korea." Review of International Political Economy 9, no. 3 (January 2002): 538–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09692290210150716.

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48

Han, Aiping, Jianping Ge, and Yalin Lei. "Vertical vs. horizontal integration: Game analysis for the rare earth industrial integration in China." Resources Policy 50 (December 2016): 149–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.resourpol.2016.09.006.

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49

Ortiz-Moya, Fernando, and Nieves Moreno. "Broken Promises of Capitalism’s Wonderland: Representing Uneven Development in Contemporary China and Japan." Critical Sociology 46, no. 4-5 (July 3, 2019): 745–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920519860187.

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China and Japan are currently in opposing stages of the expansion process of capitalism. While China is at the centre of the global accumulation of surplus capital through urbanisation and industrial expansion—i.e. the creation stage—Japan has been stagnant in recent decades and its periphery is de-urbanising—i.e. the destruction stage. Consequences of the global spatialisation of capital, however, are similar in both cases, resulting in growing social inequalities. This article uses films to explore the influence of this process on popular culture, specifically focusing on a Chinese film—Jia Zhangke’s A Touch of Sin (2013)—and a Japanese one—Kazuyoshi Kumakiri’s Sketches of Kaitan City (2010). The two films are composed of interconnected segments that portray the social by-products of the spatialisation of capitalism. We argue that, despite the apparent dissimilarities, this process creates parallel realities consequential to the broken promises of advancement made by the economic system. Ultimately, this generates a distorted social space that normalises the new, worsened living conditions resulting from capitalism’s continual expansion.

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Ching Kwan Lee. "Revisiting the South China Miracle." Labor Studies Journal 27, no. 2 (June 2002): 61–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x0202700206.

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