Journal articles on the topic 'Industrial relations – Political aspects – Europe, Western'
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YAKOVLEV, A. I. "Civilizational Dimension of World Politics: Problems and Opportunities." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 4 (October 16, 2018): 6–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-4-6-29.
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The article considers the civilizational dimension of world politics. In the conditions of the transitional era, the crisis of the Western industrial model of development, the demographic transition and the change in the technological order, the deep foundations of societies that belong to this or that civilization remain important. Religious and cultural factors began to exert a more marked influence on international political and economic processes in both East and West. Examples of this can be seen not only in the countries of the Arab East, but also in Western Europe. The transformation of the world system today is determined by the parameters of globalization and regionalization: on the one hand, the desire of Western countries led by the US to maintain its dominant position in the world, and on the other, the growing importance of nonWestern countries (BRICS, SCO, etc.). An important aspect of the ongoing confrontation is the civilizational differences, in particular, the religious and secular worldview. This circumstance does not make the “clash of civilizations” inevitable, but encourages them to cooperate and more adequately take into account the cultural and civilizational factor in international relations.
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Bloom, Martin. "Managing industrial change in Western Europe." International Affairs 64, no. 1 (1987): 139–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621546.
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Diebold, William, François Duchêne, and Geoffrey Shepherd. "Managing Industrial Change in Western Europe." Foreign Affairs 67, no. 1 (1988): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043700.
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Vickers, John, and Vincent Wright. "The politics of industrial privatisation in Western Europe: An overview." West European Politics 11, no. 4 (October 1988): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402388808424706.
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Kisovskaya, N. "Christian-Islamic Dialogue in Western Europe." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2010): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-7-55-64.
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The meaning of an inter-religious dialogue has increased in the context of globalization, which has put different ethnicities and religions face-to-face within the fledging "planetary community". Furthermore, it encouraged a remarkably emerging role of religion, in particular in politics. The dialogue became of key importance in Western Europe due to the Muslims turning into the largest diaspora of the region, and Islam – into the second religion after Christianity. The author dedicated this work to investigation of this dialogue's aspects, since the unceasing growth of the Muslim migration and terroristic threats cause the expansion of islamophobia and ethnic tension that have become a destabilizing factor in the region.
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Hall, Peter. "The future of cities in Western Europe." European Review 3, no. 2 (April 1995): 161–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700001459.
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The cities of Western Europe are profoundly affected by major global forces, which affect both the competitive advantage of different cities and the location of activities between cities and suburbs. These forces will impinge differentially on the main levels of the urban hierarchy; it is useful to distinguish between global cities, regional cities, older industrial cities and county-level cities.
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Ebbinghaus, Bernhard. "The Siamese Twins: Citizenship Rights, Cleavage Formation, and Party-Union Relations in Western Europe." International Review of Social History 40, S3 (December 1995): 51–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113604.
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Prophecies of doom for both working-class party and labor unions have gained popularity in the Western industrial democracies over the last two decades. The “old” Siamese twins, working-class party and labor unions, have a century-long history of their combined struggle to achieve political and industrial citizenship rights for the working class. Both forms of interest representation are seen as facing new challenges if not a crisis due to internal and external changes of both long-term and recent nature. However, despite these prophecies political parties and union movemehts have been differently affected and have responded in dissimilar ways across Western Europe. The Siamese twins, party and unions, as social institutions, their embeddedness in the social structure, and their linkages, were molded at an earlier time with long-term consequences. Hence, we cannot grasp today's political unionism, party-union relations and organized labor's capacity for change, if we do not understand the social and political conditions under which the organization of labor interests became institutionalized. An understanding of the origins and causes of union diversity helps us to view the variations in union responses to current challenges.
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Koroschupov, V. "Some Aspects of European Defence Industry Development." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 12 (2022): 98–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-12-98-107.
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As a result of the analysis of defence spending in European countries for the period 1990–2022, the author reveals a trend towards underfunding of their defence-industrial base. Due to the fall in defence spending, there is a reduction in European defence companies in Europe, some companies go into the commercial sector, the other part is trying to consolidate. The armed forces of European countries conduct exercises and fight on a multinational basis, and purchase weapons on a national basis. This situation does not allow industrial enterprises to consolidate demand, which makes it possible to increase production volumes. By researching the state of the defense-industrial base of European countries, it becomes evident that there are disagreements between the states of Europe about which is better to buy samples of weapons. Some are in favor of purchases in the United States, others – for joint European projects, and others – for national ones. For example, for fighters, we are talking about choosing between the F‑35, Eurofighter Typhoon, Dassault Rafale or SAAB. A study of data on arms exports from the United States to Europe shows that Europe has lost its status as the main export destination of the United States. The results of research illustrate that the procurement of weapons is a long and complex process, the programming of the construction of the armed forces and the costs are planned, taking into account the threats of tomorrow, in advance. The research findings indicate that the prevailing conditions of peace and stability of the last 30 years have shaped the image of the defense industrial base of European countries unable to produce military products in large quantities and in a short time. The author comes to the conclusion that the ambitions of Europe exceed the available resources.
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Vorkunova, O., A. Khotivrishvili, A. Tsvyk, and M. Shpakovskaya. "Sino-European Relations in Greater Eurasia." World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 12 (2020): 96–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-12-96-104.
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The article considers the phenomenon of European-Chinese cooperation in the context of the transformation of Eurasia as an international region. Particular attention is paid to the development of China’s relations with the countries of Eastern and Central Europe and the Western Balkans; the features of China’s interaction with the countries of Southern Europe are revealed. The paper provides an analysis of factors influencing the correlation and struggle between new trends in the process of the innovation space formation in Eurasia. The role of Europe and China in the development of new transit routes across and around Eurasia is being studied. Its features include a combination of land and sea routes. Europe and China are synergistic within financial, industrial, and e-commerce complementarities. The article investigates the role of Chinese trade and investment in Europe with a particular focus on intensity of the latter toward the industrial heart of Europe: Germany and the Visegrad 4 countries. It highlights the German–Central-Eastern European Manufacturing Core as one of the most competitive industrial bases of Sino-European cooperation. Deepening Sino-European ties across Eurasia, leveraged by new technologies, give the continent integrity in global geo-economic terms. The paper assesses the current evolution of EU – China relations, which expanded greatly in geographic terms and diversity. The article seeks to explain that the interaction between China and Europe has social, economic, and even political dimensions, with potentially long-term implications for the structure of world affairs. Europe and China are the largest entities in Eurasia and in the international system, apart from the United States. The authors conclude that Sino-European reunification is contributing to a new phase in the transformation of Eurasia and to its rising significance in global political and economic governance.
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Emmer, P. C. "Capitalism Mistaken? The Economic Decline of Surinam and the Plantation Loans, 1773–1850; A Rehabilitation." Itinerario 20, no. 1 (March 1996): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021501.
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Has Europe grown rich because it expanded overseas? According to recent scholarship the answer must be no. During the period between 1500 and 1750 Europe's economy did not provide its inhabitants with a per capita income that was significantly higher than that in other parts of the world. Europe – and only the Western part of it – started to become richer after the Industrial Revolution from 1750 onwards. This far most attempts at linking the expansion of Europe to the Industrial Revolution have failed.
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Streeck, Wolfgang. "National Diversity, Regime Competition and Institutional Deadlock: Problems in Forming a European Industrial Relations System." Journal of Public Policy 12, no. 4 (October 1992): 301–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00005596.
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ABSTRACTThe neo-corporatist experiments of the 1970s were attempts to preserve the labor-inclusiveness of post-war European political economies in increasingly adverse domestic and international conditions. Since their demise in the early 1980s, industrial relations in Western Europe are characterized by high divergence between national systems combined with rising interdependence among national economies, creating a growth potential for inter-regime competition. Endeavors to provide the Internal Market with a Social Dimension are attempts to make the externalities of national industrial relations systems governable in a supra-national industrial order. The odds against European-level political reconstruction of industrial relations appear overwhelming.
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Thiem, Alrik. "Conditions of intergovernmental armaments cooperation in Western Europe, 1996–2006." European Political Science Review 3, no. 1 (February 25, 2011): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773910000251.
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Defence cooperation between Western European countries has increased considerably since the end of the Cold War. An analytical distinction can be made between political and economic cooperation, the latter having been neglected by political scientists. This study advances the debate on economic cooperation by identifying sources of variation in the European Union (EU)-15 countries’ membership rate in cooperative armamentsforaaimed at restructuring the demand side of European defence from 1996 to 2006. By combining six models from three different schools of thought, the risk of confirmation bias through intra-paradigmatic reasoning is reduced. At the same time, fuzzy-set analysis opens up the space for data-driven combination effects. Two distinct combinations form sufficient paths leading to high rates of membership. Most importantly, intentions to create collective defence technological and industrial benefits combine with trust in partners’ ability and integrity to form an essential combination of conditions for governments to pursue cooperation on armaments.
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Stefanova, Boyka M. "The Political Economy of Outsourcing in the European Union and the East-European Enlargement." Business and Politics 8, no. 2 (August 2006): 1–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1158.
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This paper explores the East-West dichotomy of outsourcing in the European Union in the context of its 2004 eastward enlargement. The purpose of the study is to shed light on the connection between outsourcing and the causal logic of regional integration. The conventional view is that the transfer of business operations from Western Europe to low-cost locations to the east represents a process of outsourcing West-European jobs which deprives the EU core of growth opportunities to the exclusive benefit of the new members from Eastern Europe. This analysis posits the systemic functions of EU outsourcing as a mechanism of economic homogenization in the regional market along its three principal dimensions: investment, commodity trade, and labor mobility. At the macro-level, outsourcing complements capital movements and trade, and acts as a substitute for labor mobility. Keeping labor mobility “down” is the main value added of EU outsourcing. Empirically, its relevance to the regional market is established in an input-output framework of relationships with indicators of economic convergence (homogenization effects) and labor mobility (substitution effects) in the EU. Positive correlations with indices of business synchronization and weak negative correlations with measures of labor supply and wages suggest that outsourcing fits well both with strategies fostering market integration and those counterbalancing the politically sensitive labor mobility in the EU. There is no significant evidence to suggest that, at the aggregate level, outsourcing has independent substitution effects with regard to unemployment rates and wages in Western Europe. The geographic expansion of EU integration, therefore, is not a proxy for losses of social welfare in the West. The paper concludes that as the cost efficiency and resource allocation functions of outsourcing facilitate the homogenizing dynamics of regional integration, it is likely to become increasingly subsumed under EU-level regulation and monitoring in a trade-off between the regional interest and domestic sectoral concerns.
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Bevort, Antoine. "Trade Unions in Western Europe. Hard Times, Hard Choices, R. Gumbrell-McCormick, R. Hyman." Sociologie du travail 57, no. 1 (March 1, 2015): 127–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/sdt.1842.
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Pearson, M. N. "The Thin End of the Wedge Medical Relativities as a Paradigm of Early Modern Indian–European Relations." Modern Asian Studies 29, no. 1 (February 1995): 141–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012658.
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The Rise of the West, the creation of the Third World, the beginnings of disparity between Asia and Europe, or whatever other phrase is used, is obviously the great event of world history; hence the attempts to explain and date it, going back to the time when the Rise was actually beginning in the later eighteenth century. The literature is vast, complex and mostly of high quality. Some of it is concerned with causation—how did ‘the West’ get ahead, why did ‘Asia’ fall back or perhaps just stay the same? Others are interested in trying to date the beginnings of inequality—when can we see the beginnings of dominance, where did this occur and in which sectors of human life was this first to be seen? The first matter is, of course, the more important for an historian. It has been argued that, in the most general way, the fundamental cause of the beginnings of inequality is the series of changes in western Europe, and at first in England, known collectively as the Industrial Revolution. I will use this term as a shorthand for these collective changes, which Marshall Hodgson called the ‘Great Western Transmutation.’ Put most crudely, western Europe advanced and changed in a paradigmatic way, while Asia did not. At the most, Asia kept doing what it had been doing for centuries; Europe changed basically.
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HEISLER, BARBARA SCHMITTER. "Immigrant Settlement and the Structure of Emergent Immigrant Communities in Western Europe." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 485, no. 1 (May 1986): 76–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716286485001007.
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Throughout modern history the majority of immigrants have occupied inferior socioeconomic positions and have settled in segregated communities. The migrant workers who came to the advanced industrial countries in Western Europe have had similar experiences. A closer examination of the legal and political circumstances surrounding their unanticipated prolonged presence reveals significant differences between the Western European situation and that encountered elsewhere. The original contract labor system legally provided sending countries with the opportunity to establish networks of organizations and institutions in the countries of destination. Although the sending countries' networks may vary in specifics, each represents an important dimension of that national community and helps to maintain an ideology of return. This, in turn, represents an important force in defining the situation for all participants—host societies, sending countries, and immigrants. The argument that one cannot approach all aspects of the European experience using theoretical models that may be appropriate for other situations is illustrated by examples of sending-country organizations active in the Federal Republic of Germany.
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Meardi, Guglielmo. "Restructuring in an enlarged Europe: challenges and experiences." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 13, no. 2 (May 2007): 253–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890701300208.
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This article presents historical and aggregate data on restructuring in central and eastern Europe, and some examples from multinationals in Poland and Hungary. It shows how the violent structural readjustment process of the 1990s has left important social, political and psychological legacies which affect current approaches to restructuring. The new EU Member States, faced with relocations both to the west (in capital-intensive industries) and further east (in low-skill labour-intensive industries), therefore need employee participation mechanisms, cross-border information and western solidarity to ensure the social acceptability of change.
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Crowley, Stephen. "Explaining Labor Weakness in Post-Communist Europe: Historical Legacies and Comparative Perspective." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 18, no. 3 (August 2004): 394–429. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404267395.
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With expansion of the European Union (EU), the transformation of industrial relations in Eastern Europe becomes increasingly important. Studies on labor relations in post-communist countries have flourished in recent years, yet these studies have not reached a consensus on what they seek to explain. Is labor in post-communist societies weak or (in some countries) strong? And strong or weak compared to what? To the extent labor is weak, what would explain this weakness? This study demonstrates that labor is indeed a weak social and political actor in post-communist societies, especially when compared to labor in Western Europe. The article examines a number of hypotheses that have been proposed to explain labor’s weakness, concluding that the institutional and ideological legacies of the communist period best explain this overall weakness. Because labor in post-communist societies more resembles American-style flexibility than the European “social model,” the ability to extend the European model to new EU entrants is questioned.
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Bulatov, A., A. Gabarta, and E. Sergeev. "Global Financial Centers as Channels for International Labor Migrant Inflow into Cities of Europe." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 10 (2021): 122–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-10-122-132.
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Europe is the leading region of international immigration (after Asia). Most of immigrants to Europe are directed to its cities, particularly to global ones. One of the typical characteristics of global cities is the availability of global financial centers. In this paper, an attempt is made to investigate the role of global financial centers as channels of international labor migration to the cities of Western and Eastern Europe. The research is pursued on the basis of global cities’ concept, with special attention to the pulling effects of global financial centers. London, Dublin, Amsterdam, Frankfurt, Warsaw are taken as cities for research. The investigation is focused on such aspects of global financial centers as their impact on composition and dynamics of labor migration to the above mentioned cities, influence of this workforce on business and social life of the cities, adaptation problems of migrants in the cities of their accommodation. The authors come to a conclusion that Brexit will not radically diminish the pulling effect of London global financial center for qualified immigrants, though some international companies will continue moving from London to continental financial centers and partially to Dublin. Another conclusion is that cosmopolitan environment is important for qualified migrants to global financial centers including the extent of English, high level of living and culture conditions, freedom of movement. Some comparisons of those global financial centers with Moscow are made in the final part of the paper. On the authors’ opinion, the position of Moscow global financial center is dual from the point of international labor migration. On the one hand, economic and political aspects (low growth rates, Western sanctions, high volatility of ruble) as well as cultural aspects (insufficient extent of English) hamper its development. On the other hand, in the last years, Moscow has been lifting in the ranking of global financial centers without high immigration of foreign qualified labor, like Warsaw and Dublin. Acknowledgements. The article has been supported by a grant of the Russian Science Foundation. Project no. 19-18-00251.
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Sharman, J. C. "Myths of military revolution: European expansion and Eurocentrism." European Journal of International Relations 24, no. 3 (August 1, 2017): 491–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066117719992.
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This article critiques explanations of the rise of the West in the early modern period premised on the thesis that military competition drove the development of gunpowder technology, new tactics, and the Westphalian state, innovations that enabled European trans-continental conquests. Even theories in International Relations and other fields that posit economic or social root causes of Western expansion often rely on this “military revolution” thesis as a crucial intervening variable. Yet, the factors that defined the military revolution in Europe were absent in European expeditions to Asia, Africa, and the Americas, and conventional accounts are often marred by Eurocentric biases. Given the insignificance of military innovations, Western expansion prior to the Industrial Revolution is best explained by Europeans’ ability to garner local support and allies, but especially by their deference to powerful non-Western polities.
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Falaleev, P. I. "The Marshall Plan and the European Integration: The Stance of Great Britain and France (1947–1948)." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 3 (November 20, 2020): 165–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-165-190.
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The development and implementation of the Marshall Plan has been studied quite thoroughly in both Russian and foreign academic literature. Nevertheless, certain aspects of this problematique require further examination, particularly the reaction of the Western European countries to the initiative of the Secretary of State G. Marshall, as well as the impact of the Plan on the process of the European integration in general. The paper demonstrates that this reaction was far from simple and often contradictory since the key Western states had very different views on the future of mutual relations, as well as on the prospects for post-war recovery and development of Europe. The paper examines the evolution of the French and British leaders’ views on these issues from the first discussions of the projects to provide US aid to Western Europe to the implementation of the Marshall Plan. The negotiations revealed significant points of disagreement among the parties particularly regarding the relations with the USSR, the German question, and conditions for receiving assistance from the United States. The author stresses that the need to defend their interests during the course of negotiations with the US representatives contributed greatly to the rapprochement of Britain and France and, at the same time, catalyzed debates on the integration of Western Europe. In this regard the author emphasizes that the idea of regional economic integration received mixed reaction in the American elites. While some considered this process as an effective means of bringing the Western countries together, particularly, over the German question, others feared that integration of Western Europe could potentially lead to the emergence of a new competitor to the USA. The author concludes that the growing popularity of integration projects in Europe in 1947–1948 stemmed from a range of factors, including both a combination of internal European political processes and short-term and long-term consequences of the Marshall Plan. Whereas in terms of economic development of Western Europe the latter were rather ambiguous and are still the subject of controversy, in terms of world politics the Marshall Plan exacerbated block-to-block confrontation in Europe, characteristic of the Cold War period.
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Almutairi, Sattam Eid. "The Islamic and Western Cultures and Values of Privacy." Muslim World Journal of Human Rights 16, no. 1 (October 25, 2019): 51–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mwjhr-2019-0004.
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AbstractThe paper provides valuable accounts of the general concepts underlying privacy law in both cultures, and great detail about the impact of criminal procedure and evidence rules on privacy in reality rather than legal theory. It is, in this sense, a “realist” approach to privacy, particularly but not exclusively in relation to sexual activity. The distinction which the article draws between the frameworks within which privacy is conceived broadly, self-determination and limited government in the USA, protection of one’s persona in Europe, and reputation in Islamic law. However, the paper argues that Western and Islamic traditions share many of the same concepts about the tests to be applied when deciding how far an intrusion on privacy is justified and value many of the same interests in doing so. At the same time, it will highlight those areas where they differ which are not ones of crucial importance when deciding, for example, what are the proper limits on mass surveillance. Indirectly, this shows that even though there may be stark differences between the cultures on some points, there is enough agreement on some aspects of privacy to make comparisons in relation to issues such as mass surveillance.
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Hill, Jonathan. "Some Private International Law Aspects of the Arbitration Act 1996." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 46, no. 2 (April 1997): 274–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300060449.
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As a method for resolving commercial disputes which have connections with two or more countries, arbitration has been given a tremendous boost this century by two developments at the international level. The New York Convention of 1958—which was first implemented in England and Wales by the Arbitration Act 1975—introduced a regime which went a long way toward ensuring that arbitration agreements are respected and that arbitral awards are easily enforceable. The Convention has been hugely successful in that it has been ratified by upwards of 90 States, including all the countries of Western Europe (with the exception of Iceland) and nearly all countries which are significant commercial centres. More indirect has been the influence of the Model Law on International Commercial Arbitration, which was adopted by UNCITRAL in 1985. Although the Model Law, which seeks to encourage States to modernise their arbitration laws, has not been enacted by a very large number of countries, it has had a significant impact in that it has set an agenda for reform—even for those countries which have decided not to enact it. The Model Law has become “a yardstick by which to judge the quality of… existing arbitration legislation and to improve it”.
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Sokolov, V. "Trends of Development of International Trade in Goods in 1990–2008." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2011): 36–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-2-36-47.
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In today's world there are three centers of industrial production: Western Europe, North America and East Asia. These regions account for the lion's share of world exports of industrial products. The financial crisis of 2008-2009 exerted major negative impact on the growth of international trade in these products. The article examines the trade in certain branches of engineering products in 1990-2000, the influence of the global crisis on international trade, as well as the balance of payments problems of major countries and regions of the world.
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Berend, Iván T. "The historical evolution of Eastern Europe as a region." International Organization 40, no. 2 (1986): 329–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027168.
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What is Eastern Europe? There are geographical and political interpretations of the term. “Eastern Europe,” the territory east from the river Elbe, is first of all a historical category, for the region has evolved over thousands of years. Eastern Europe was already displaying specific traits as early as the very beginning of medieval European development in the 5th to 8th centuries. After the discovery of America and the merging Atlantic trade, Eastern Europe was left on the “periphery” of the modern world system, lagging behind Western Europe until the 18th century. The “double revolution” of the late 18th century–the Industrial Revolution in England and the socio-political revolution in France–posed many challenges to Eastern Europe. The region met these challenges with a series of reforms based on an imitative strategy of catchup. In the aftermath of World War I, Eastern Europe developed new patterns of reactions, prompted by backwardness and its belated start, by the hindrances and problems of economic, social, and national development, by the presence of numerous and only partly assimilated national-religious minorities. As a result of power relations within the world system, however, a specifically East European socialist model came to fruition following World War II. Political Eastern Europe became almost identical with historical Eastern Europe.
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Bolotnikova, O. "Ethno-Separatism and its Prospects." World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2011): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-5-32-42.
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The author explores the phenomenon of today's ethnic conflicts which are less frequently turning into the wars between states. The author uses the cases of the countries of former Soviet Union, Western Europe, Africa in order to examine important aspects of the ethnic conflicts settlement. It is concluded that the heart of the problems is the correlation between two fundamental principles of the international law (usually regarded as antagonists in terms of the settlement of such conflicts). Namely, these are the principle of states’ territorial integrity and the principle of peoples’ right to self-determination.
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Kaźmierczak, Janusz. "The Community That Never Was: The European Defense Community and Its Image in Polish Visual Propaganda of the 1950s." Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no. 4 (October 2009): 118–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.4.118.
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Communist propaganda was sharply critical of all integration attempts made in Western Europe. In numerous political posters and cartoons published in Poland, the brunt of the criticism was borne by the European Defense Community (EDC) from October 1950, when the idea of military integration was first proposed by French Prime Minister René Pleven, until August 1954, when a vote in the French National Assembly effectively killed the project. Through a contextualized discussion of selected posters and cartoons, which are reproduced in the text, this article relates Polish visual anti-EDC propaganda to aspects of Communist ideology, Soviet geostrategic interests, and Polish domestic politics and shows how the propaganda was intended to help the Communist authorities achieve specific goals.
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Tonelli, Simon James. "Migration and democracy in central and eastern Europe." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 9, no. 3 (August 2003): 483–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890300900309.
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Amidst the political changes that swept through central and eastern Europe following the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the right to migrate was synonymous in the minds of many with the establishment of democracy. Although the political transition of the 1990s was preceded in some countries by a relaxation of their strict exit regimes, these were only minor measures in comparison with the profound changes to the system of population control ushered in by the political transition to democracy. A mosaic of migration patterns (ethnically based migrations, return migration, labour migration, transit migration) gathered pace during the 1990s throughout the vast region of the former Soviet bloc. As conflict and war broke out in different areas, notably in the Caucasus and south-east Europe, these migratory movements were inflated by huge numbers of refugees, asylum-seekers and displaced persons. The newly independent states underpinned their political transition towards democracy, the rule of law and the protection of human rights through membership of the Council of Europe and ratification of international conventions which included important guarantees for the rights and protection of migrants and their families. In May 2004, eight of these countries will join the European Union and after a transitional period become integral parts of the internal labour market with their populations enjoying the full freedom of movement rights of EC law. This article outlines the major migration trends in central and eastern Europe since the extension of democracy across the continent, highlights different aspects of labour migration in the region, including the impact of EU enlargement, and refers to some integration issues. This description is preceded by a series of brief historical, political and legal perspectives.
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Juzefovič, Agnieška. "BORDERS BETWEEN EUROPE AND CHINA: WHY DO EUROPEANS (MIS)UNDERSTAND CHINESE CULTURE?" CREATIVITY STUDIES 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2009): 48–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/2029-0187.2009.1.48-56.
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The article goes deeper into the dialogue of inter‐cultural Chinese and Western civilizations. It is analyzed how the Westerners perceive Chinese civilization and culture. The methods used here are the comparative and hermeneutical ones, as it is aimed to compare two different cultures and to penetrate the problems of understanding. The problems of understanding are not new, they have been analyzed a lot. The novelty of this article is determined by the fact that these problems are investigated in the outlooks of the understanding of Chinese culture and, especially, landscape aesthetics. Thus, the objects of this research are an inter‐civilization dialogue and an inter‐civilization conflict. The author of this article discusses why often it is difficult to develop a meaningful cultural dialogue between China and Europe, why this dialogue is relevant and how it could help Europeans to understand the Other and themselves. The idea presented in the article is that the Westerners are often mislead by a Chinese traditionalism, which is ambivalent and closely related to creativity and constant change, thus it should not be identified with stagnation and dogmatism. One more aspect of Chinese culture, which Europeans find difficult to understand, is its unity, which has deep philosophical implications and ability to connect the opposites. The author assumes that Western‐Eastern Europe has many distinctive features, but the inhabitants of this region view classical Chinese culture and an art in a similar way as the inhabitants of the rest of Europe: all Europeans have similar stereotypes and difficulties to understand separate aspects. This allows us to speak about a common European approach.
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Nguyen, Hang. "Foreign Policy Making and the U.S. Vision of European Integration in the Nixon Era." Croatian International Relations Review 20, no. 70 (July 1, 2014): 55–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cirr-2014-0006.
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Abstract This paper offers an insight into Washington’s foreign policy establishment and its vision of European integration under the Nixon administration. It argues that President Nixon and his National Security Advisor, Henry Kissinger, managed to formulate many important aspects of foreign policy at the White House. From a realist perspective, the Nixon-Kissinger team saw the emergence of a new world order and in it the evolvement of European integration in a way different from previous U.S. administrations. The paper begins by discussing the Nixon administration’s realist approach to foreign policy before analyzing President Nixon’s determination to make decisions on foreign relations at the White House. Next, the paper examines the main features of the Nixon-Kissinger team’s vision of European integration. It concludes that, as realists, the Nixon administration supported integration in Western Europe, yet Washington was ambivalent if a united Europe with increasing self-confidence and self-assertiveness would be in the U.S. national interest. Henceforth, the European integration process had to be, in the Nixon-Kissinger view, taking place under U.S. control in the form of the consultative mechanism and the U.S. military umbrella.
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Kulaga, Maxim. "Consequences of the Radicalization of Migration Policy In Western Europe: Socio-Economic Aspect." DEMIS. Demographic Research 1, no. 3 (September 19, 2021): 78–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/demis.2021.1.3.7.
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The problem of regulating migration flows in the European Union has existed for a long time and is becomingmore difficult and complex every year. Due to the complexity of the distribution of migrants among the member countries of the organization, as well as the divergence of domestic interests of individual countries and the pan-European policy vector, internal opposition arises, which is expressed in protests and political initiatives that radicalize society. Such trends are developing especially actively in the countries of Western Europe, the most economically developed and progressive, which have taken over most of the legal migrants who have arrived. The migration policy of Western European countries has undergone a very strong metamorphosis over the past five years. Since the beginning of the migration crisis in 2015, it is possible to trace a significant strengthening and tightening of measures regulating the situation of migrants on the territory of states. It should be noted that during the same period, a new round of development of radical parties followed in many European countries, but it was in Western European countries that radical changes in politics took place. It is quite difficult to determine what impact migrants have on the state of the economy of states, as well as their relations with the indigenous inhabitants of Western European countries. Accordingly, the purpose of this article will be to consider the socio-economic impact of migrants on the countries of Western Europe during the period of radicalization of the policy of the states of the region in the context of the global COVID-19 pandemic. Among the methods used in this study, it is necessary to distinguish empirical and theoretical ones, such as comparison, analysis and synthesis. The sources were considered on the basis of a system-structural approach to the study of complex political and social processes and phenomena, taking into account many aspects of the development of modern society and the political process in the countries. The analysis of the current situation was carried out on the basis of the principles of historicism, cultural and political continuity. The results of this study can be used in the future to form effective methods of countering social conflicts arising as a result of migration.
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Whelan, Bernadette. "Ireland, the Marshall Plan, and U.S. Cold War Concerns." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 1 (January 2006): 68–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039706775212076.
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The implementation of the Marshall Plan in Europe from 1947 to 1951 has been increasingly well documented as archival materials have become available. Although U.S. motivations and the extent of the U.S. contribution to rehabilitating and uniting Europe, thwarting Communism, and consolidating democracy are still debated by historians, there is little disagreement about the impressive size and logistics of the program. However, not all of the assistance delivered was in the form of food, finance, and technical advice. Ideological and psychological weapons were also used. This article examines all of these aspects of the Marshall Plan and how the campaigns actually worked in a country that has often been left out of analyses of the postwar reconstruction Ireland. Because Ireland had been neutral during the war and wanted to remain neutral afterward, the question of participating in a U.S. sponsored program that did not include the Communist European states (because the Soviet Union vetoed their participation) raised sensitive questions within Ireland about the desirability of being so conspicuously aligned with a Western bloc.
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Bezerra, Valdir da Silva, and Henoch Gabriel Mandelbaum. "Distrust in the heartland: explaining the Eurasian “Organization Gap” through the Russo-Chinese relations." Conjuntura Austral 13, no. 61 (February 24, 2022): 16–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22456/2178-8839.113353.
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The concept of Eurasia is one of the most important elements of geopolitics, dating back to the beginning of the last century, and whose development owes much to the works of geographers and political thinkers alike. Nevertheless, although comprising a big portion of the planet’s political space, this region suffers from a relative ‘organizational gap’, especially if compared with neighboring regions such as Western Europe and Southeast Asia for instance. This paper contends that the lack of an overarching political arrangement in Eurasia owes much to particular aspects of the Russia-China relationship, which encompasses Great Power aspirations and competing organizational schemesin the region. Different views about Eurasia itself, associated with a quest for leadership in regional institution-building, put both Russia and China on competitive tracks, essentially obstructing the formation of a broad political design in the broader continent. To substantiate our point, the present work applies certain concepts from historical institutionalism, whose mechanisms enabled a thorough evaluation of patterns of inception, continuation, and change of political institutions, alliances and principles affecting the Sino-Russian relationship over time, as well as its effects on Eurasia’s ‘organizational gap’ per se.
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OVIECHKINA, Olena. "Operating relations in the post-industrial and transitive economy." Economics. Finances. Law, no. 12/3 (December 29, 2020): 26–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.37634/efp.2020.12(3).5.
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The paper is devoted to an in-depth study of the capitalist private property of adherents of various currents and schools. It is emphasized that the internal contradictions of private property, which are concentrated in the relations of exploitation, are actively studied by the authors of neoliberalism, neo-institutionalism, and analytical Marxism. The paper shows that most of the works of Western scholars deny the phenomenon of economic exploitation in the post-industrial model of capitalism. The conclusions of domestic scholars about the absence of economic and non-economic coercion to work of hired workers in debilitated, transitive economies are criticized. Based on the theoretical analysis of works devoted to the objective study of new aspects of the relationship between employers and employees, the existence of such non-economic forms of exploitation is proven: psychological, political, axiological, social. The paper considers the main tools of non-economic exploitation, which include euphemisation and speculation in the interests, motives, feelings, consciousness, preferences and even passions of people. The consequences of euphemisation and speculation as tools of non-economic coercion to work, excessive consumption, the introduction of consumerist psychology are revealed. The economic purpose of the most popular socio-political technologies for manipulating the conscious and subconscious behavior of society, groups, individuals in the interests of the ruling classes is clarified. It is shown that these instruments of influence are actively used in various national models of capitalism. The mechanism of total manipulation of behavior, consciousness, psychology of people who are involved in the processes of production, marketing and consumption is considered. It is shown that total manipulation includes a set of non-economic forms of influence on people's decision-making, beneficial to the state, direct employers, financial and commercial structures not only nationally but also globally.
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Medem, E. "Studia diplomatica. The Diplomacy of Apocalypsis." Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 1 (January 31, 2023): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2301-02.
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Crisis status of the contemporary Western civilisation and the processes of its secular spiritual decay as the main reason for conflict state with the Russian world with its Christian Orthodox tradition. Inability for Russia to acknowledge the modern neoliberal order, enforced in Europe and initiated by an Anglo-Saxon non-Christian ideology. Its impact and of its secular values on general situation around European and global diplomacy, international law marginalisation as a legal nihilism as a result of it. Attempt to substitute traditional diplomatic notions and values in favour of liberal supremacy as the main reason for weakness and ineffectiveness of today’s diplomacy and nullity of international law. Given the historical part of Russian Europe in forming European and Europe-Asian identity, an obvious task is to save the historical Europe, to protect its Christian identity from Anglo-Saxon antihumane ideas and from cancel-culture policy in Europe. In this regard historical school of European diplomacy preserves its major role, which had been formed with the Russian foreign policy involvement during the last centuries. The very diplomatic factors must ensure the European cultural identity, the century traditions of unity and alliance between Russia and European countries. With Anglo-Saxon protectorate in Europe, US interests dominance, preserving Russian role in European expanse is crucial in Western European conscious, as well as impeding the decline of Russia’s activities in relations with European states and prevention of vacuum in such cooperation, despite the rise of interest towards East and Asia. It’s important not to allow a revision of geopolitical role of Russia on the Western direction due to costs of the turn to the East. Both in cultural and civilisational aspects Russia remains to be a European state, and a geopolitical view on cooperation with Asia must not lead to the destruction of Russian positions and infl uence in Europe. With the de-facto transformation of the EU into a military-political power, a NATO affix, it’s important to put eff orts into the rise of the level of bilateral relations and a partnership with the European countries, securing a reduction of the EU negative role, which doesn’t represent the whole Europe, with Russia being part of it.
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Entina, Ekaterina, and Alexander Pivovarenko. "Russia’s Foreign Policy Evolution in the New Balkan Landscape." Politička misao 56, no. 3-4 (March 11, 2020): 179–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.56.3-4.08.
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The article reflects on the issue of the foreign policy strategy of modern Russia in the Balkans region. One of the most significant aspects of this problem is the difference in views between Russia and the West. Authors show how different interpretations of the events in former Yugoslavia in the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s predetermined the sense of mutual suspicion and mistrust which spread to other regions such as the post-Soviet space. Exploring differences between the Russian and the Western (Euro-Atlantic) views on the current matters, authors draw attention to fundamental differences in terminology: while the Western narrative promotes more narrow geographical and political definitions (such as the Western Balkan Six), traditional Russian experts are more inclined to wider or integral definitions such as “the Balkans” and “Central and Southeast Europe”. Meanwhile none of these terms are applicable for analysis of the current trends such as the growing transit role of the Balkans region and its embedding in the European regional security architecture. Therefore, a new definition is needed to overcome the differences in vision and better understand significant recent developments in the region. Conceptualizing major foreign policy events in Central and Southeast Europe during the last three decades (the 1990s, 2000s and 2010s), authors demonstrate the significance of differences in tools and methods between the Soviet Union and the modern Russia. Permanent need for adaptation to changing political and security context led to inconsistence in Russian Balkan policy in the 1990s. Nevertheless, Russia was able to preserve an integral vision of the region and even to elaborate new transregional constructive projects, which in right political circumstances may promote stability and become beneficial for both Russia and the Euro-Atlantic community.
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DEUDNEY, DANIEL. "Greater Britain or Greater Synthesis? Seeley, Mackinder, and Wells on Britain in the global industrial era." Review of International Studies 27, no. 2 (April 2001): 187–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021050000187x.
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At the zenith of British power at the beginning of the twentieth century there was a widespread recognition that Britain's position in the emerging global industrial inter-state system was increasingly precarious and that widespread adjustments would be needed. One solution, the ‘imperial federalism’ of Seeley and Mackinder, proposed the political integration of the scattered British settler colonies into a ‘Greater Britain’. Alternatively, Wells predicted that Britain would become integated into an Anglo-American ‘greater synthesis’, and that Europe would be unified on ‘Swiss confederal’ rather than German authoritarian lines. These proposals and prophesies were based upon interpretations of the changing material context composed of technology interacting with geography, and were seriously flawed. Extensive debates on these schemes indicate that the range of grand strategic choice was broader than that conceptualized by contemporary realism. The failure of British national integration due to geographic factors and the endurance of the Anglo-American special relationship casts the roles of the nation-state and the Western liberal order in a new perspective.
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Miazga, M. M. "Belarus in the Polish-Soviet relations, 1921–1922." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus, Humanitarian Series 64, no. 1 (February 16, 2019): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.29235/2524-2369-2019-64-1-41-49.
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The article considers the role of Belarus in the Polish Soviet relations from the moment of the Riga Treaty signing until the formation of the USSR. The peculiarity of the study period is that at that time there was formally independent Belarusian state in the form of the BSSR, recognized by Soviet Russia and Poland. It is established that after the end of the Polish-Soviet war, Soviet Russia and Poland continued the struggle for dominance in Eastern Europe, having changed the forms and methods of this struggle. The article shows that the Polish-Soviet confrontation in a number of aspects directly affected Belarus. The territory of both the BSSR and Western Belarus became the scene of activities of irregular armed formations, directed, respectively, against the Soviet and Polish authorities. With their help, each side sought to weaken the opponent’s position in these areas. The same goal the RSFSR’s performances as a defender of the rights of Belarusians in Poland served. The high level of tension in Polish-Soviet relations threatened the emergence of a new war between Poland and Soviet Russia. Both these States sought to use the Belarusian national movement, which opposed the Riga agreement, to achieve their international political goals. The article proves that the policy of Poland in relation to Western Belarus and Soviet Russia in relation to the BSSR was largely determined by the struggle between the two countries in the international arena. Belarus was given only the role of the object of this struggle.
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Lavigne, Marie. "Les relations économiques Est-Ouest 1975-1985 : Bilan et perspectives." Études internationales 12, no. 4 (April 12, 2005): 733–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701276ar.
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The "golden age" in East-West trade is over since 1975. However, the period following the beginning of the world crisis, up to 1980, was not so gloomy as it was expected in the mid seventies. Although at a reduced rate, compared with the previous period, there was a significant increase in trade and especially exports of Eastern Europe to the West. Apart from the Polish case, indebtedness of Eastern Europe did not soar in dramatic proportions, and some countries achieved a stabilization of their trade balance with the West at the end of the decade; East-West industrial cooperation developed; the adverse political climate, which deteriorated sharply in 1980, did not stop trade flows and did not entail a reorientation toward Comecon of East European trade ; notwithstanding the standstill of Comecon EEC negociations, several important arrangements were signed between the Common Market and individual Comecon member countries. The prospects up to 1985 are not very bright, especially when considering the recession in Western economies, the structural difficulties impeding the reform movement in the East European economies, the Polish crisis, the financial difficulties of some other countries. The future of East-West trade is linked to the energy constraints of the Eastern bloc, its agricultural situation ; it may benefit from the developments in the socialist integration process.
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Schulze-Cleven, Tobias. "A Continent in Crisis: European Labor and the Fate of Social Democracy." Labor Studies Journal 43, no. 1 (December 22, 2017): 46–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x17747395.
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Over the past decade, Europe has stumbled from crisis to crisis, shaking the confidence of observers in the continent’s capacity to maintain the egalitarian societies and socially embedded markets that have long informed arguments for social democratic reforms in the United States. As tensions in democratic capitalism have intensified, many aspects of Europe’s established political economic order have come under pressure. This review essay explores key causal processes behind the continent’s predicament. It does so to illustrate challenges and opportunities for organized labor in Europe, and to call on social scientists to reengage with the class politics of capitalism.
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Noble, Gregory W. "Congestion Ahead: Japanese Automakers in Southeast Asia." Business and Politics 3, no. 2 (August 2001): 157–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1023.
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For three decades Japanese auto producers, supported by the Japanese government, deployed with extraordinary success market and nonmarket strategies to access the small and fragmented but rapidly growing car markets of Southeast Asia. The last half-decade has presented a series of unexpected challenges, including extended recession and financial reform in Japan; the lingering effects of the financial crisis in Southeast Asia; and the entry of new competitors from South Korea, North America, and Europe. These pressures have split the industry into two. Leaders Toyota and Honda have defended and extended traditional Japanese production networks. Weaker players such as Nissan, Mitsubishi, and Suzuki have accepted subordination to the leading western firms, which are rationalizing their Japanese partners and using them to enter Japan and other Asian markets. This article explores production, trade, and investment data, industrial policies toward autos in Japan and Southeast Asia, and brief case studies of Toyota and Nissan to illustrate the challenges to, and varying responses of, Japanese auto producers in developing Asia. These firms remain committed to Southeast Asia, but the days of Japanese dominance are drawing to a close.
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Abbott, Jason P., and Kevin Fahey. "The State and Direction of Asian Comparative Politics: Who, What, Where, How?" Journal of East Asian Studies 14, no. 1 (April 2014): 109–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800009607.
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In this article we explore the state of the discipline of comparative Asian politics. In particular we analyze five aspects of research on Asia: whether the empirical scope of research is largely noncomparative; the extent to which that research is empirical rather than theory-generative; whether it pertains to public or foreign policy; if it relies on qualitative rather than quantitative methods; and the gender and geographic concentration of those conducting the research. After coding and analyzing data from 461 articles from eight different journals, we demonstrate that research on comparative Asian politics is more likely to be empirical, qualitative, focused on the country as unit of analysis, and disproportionately written by male academics educated and/or working in North America, Western Europe, or Australia.
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Crowe, David M. "The Roma in Post-Communist Eastern Europe: Questions of Ethnic Conflict and Ethnic Peace." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 3 (July 2008): 521–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802080752.
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The collapse of communism in Central and Eastern Europe promised bold opportunities for the various ethnic groups populating that vast, diverse region. Yet if history had any lessons to teach these groups it was that democracy, or at least the political systems that emerged in the midst of the rubble of the Berlin Wall between 1989 and 1991, was no guarantor of whatever idealized rights the region's ethnic groups hoped would come in the wake of the collapse of the communist dictatorships that had dominated these parts of Europe for decades. Communism, had, in many instances, done nothing more than stifle the festering ethnic tensions that had exploded in the nineteenth century and short-circuited the complex, lengthy process of resolving these conflicts. Consequently, for those knowledgeable about the essence of these conflicts, it should have come as no surprise that Yugoslavia, for example, was torn asunder by ethnic violence so terrifying that it took the intervention of the Western world's great powers to end the most violent aspects of these wars of ethnicity.
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Pilková, Anna, and Ján Rehák. "Regional aspects of inclusive entrepreneurship of seniors in Europe." Society and Economy 39, no. 1 (March 2017): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/204.2017.39.1.3.
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Bulfone, Fabio, and Alexandre Afonso. "Business Against Markets: Employer Resistance to Collective Bargaining Liberalization During the Eurozone Crisis." Comparative Political Studies 53, no. 5 (October 6, 2019): 809–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414019879963.
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Employer organizations have been presented as strong promoters of the liberalization of industrial relations in Europe. This article, in contrast, argues that the preferences of employers vis-à-vis liberalization are heterogeneous and documents how employer organizations in Spain, Italy, and Portugal have resisted state-led reforms to liberalize collective bargaining during the Euro crisis. It shows that the dominance of small firms in the economies of these countries make employer organizations supportive of selective aspects of sectoral bargaining and state regulation. Encompassing sectoral bargaining is important for small firms for three reasons: it limits industrial conflict, reduces transaction costs related to wage-bargaining, and ensures that member firms are not undercut by rivals offering lower wages and employment conditions. Furthermore, the maintenance of sectoral bargaining and its extension to whole sectors by the state is a matter of survival for employer organizations. The article presents rationales for employer opposition to liberalization that differ from the varieties of capitalism approach.
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McNally, Christopher A. "China's ChangingGuanxiCapitalism: Private Entrepreneurs between Leninist Control and Relentless Accumulation." Business and Politics 13, no. 2 (August 2011): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1339.
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Guanxiandguanxicapitalism are much-debated terms in the context of China's evolving political economy. This article explores the changing nature of China'sguanxicapitalism. It analyzes first various aspects ofguanxicapitalism, a unique conceptual blend infused with seemingly incongruous cultural and historical meanings drawn from both Chinese and Western roots. It then introduces three case studies of private firms, illustrating empirically how Chinese entrepreneurs' relationship with the political system is evolving. The article ends by assessing the ways in which political factors,guanxipractices and capitalist accumulation are interacting and changing. I hold thatguanxicapitalism is playing a crucial role in realigning the interests of state and capital in China. It yields idiosyncratic benefits to certain Chinese private firms, while also bridging the logics of freewheeling capital accumulation and authoritarian control in a state-dominated economy. In this view,guanxicapitalism encompasses both contradictory and complementary institutional logics. Since the persistence of Leninist control generates “deliberate ambiguity” in how China's private sector is governed, the penetration ofguanxinetworks into government-business relations creates institutional space that enables both Leninist control and relentless capital accumulation to proceed, in turn lending China's emergent capitalism a unique quality.
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Yao, Keisuke. "The Fundamentally Different Roles of Interpreters in the Ports of Nagasaki and Canton." Itinerario 37, no. 3 (December 2013): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000855.
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With the expansion of Western power from the seventeenth century onward, many Asian countries were confronted with difficult political and economic problems in their relations with Europe. In several countries in Asia, in order to suppress Western cultural influences within their own nations, governments often employed foreigners as interpreters for their own diplomacy and trade with Europeans, with some governments even prohibiting their people from learning foreign languages.But, in the case of Japan, interpreters played a crucial role in both the study of the Dutch language and the integration of Western knowledge during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It seems that early-modern Japanese interpreters were quite different from the interpreters of Western languages in other countries in Asia, as in Nagasaki interpreters of the Dutch language were shogunate-appointed Japanese nationals.Here I will examine and compare several aspects of the Chinese pidgin-English interpreters at Canton and the Japanese Dutch-language interpreters at Nagasaki, in particular their origins, incomes, duties, learning, and businesses. Through this examination I will demonstrate how the so-called Westernisation processes adopted in China and Japan were actually reflected in and represented by the different models of foreign trade at the ports of Canton and Nagasaki.
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Miller, Leon. "The Ethics Shaping EU Interactions and Transactions." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 2, no. 1 (August 1, 2012): 20–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i1.28.
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The European Union represents hope that the era of Europeans attempting to gain power over other Europeans is over. EU represents a new perspective on European interactions based on an ethical commitment to shaping interactions between agents (interpersonal, commercial and political) into mutually beneficial outcomes for all the participating parties. It is hoped that these Western democratic principles will create a type of dialogue where international agents interact within the boundaries of constituted structures to shape an “ontological middle way.” In other words international actors will apply deliberative democracy to identifying principles that establish the normative structures necessary for achieving mutually desired outcomes. As a result international relations will not be anarchic, nor only interest driven but also value driven.A part of the process-of shaping Europe into an extended zone of peace, security and prosperityinvolves the challenge of formulating a view of Europe’s heritage that overcomes what has historically persisted in being conflicting interests. Thus bonding Europeans on the basis of shared values and principles represents the possibility of healing painful aspects of European history. Europe’s current notion of the role of power in interstate relations offers the prospect of reducing (perhaps eliminating) some of the troublesome clashes of interests that have caused pain and violence throughout European history. European scholars recognized the need to reconcile the painful aspects of history and address the persistent problems of Western Civilization’s ontological, teleological and epistemological assumptions by taking a critical look at Enlightenment philosophy (that gave birth to Modernity). The ontological, teleological and epistemological assumptions of Modernity had tremendous impact on most of the world. These basic assumptions are not only being reconsidered by Europeans themselves but are also under scrutiny by many world cultures. Such dialectic reconsiderations have played a role in shaping a new European model of how power is employed in regional (thus international) relations.
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Radic-Milosavljevic, Ivana, and Spasimir Domaradzki. "The EU’s raison d’état in the Western Balkans: Can the new enlargement methodology help?" Medjunarodni problemi 74, no. 3 (2022): 391–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp2203391r.
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By employing the concept of raison d??tat, the article questions the European Union?s role in the so-called Western Balkan region. While the region continues to be covered by the EU?s enlargement policy, we argue that the policy has been in paralysis. We explore whether the heightened geopolitical tensions in Europe have brought the EU to a turning point at which it would use its enlargement policy decisively to pursue its strategic interests in the region. We start with a theoretical discussion of raison d??tat and its instrumentalization in the context of the European Union as a non-state actor. Then, we use the conceptual benchmarks of the raison d??tat to analyze its empirical implementation through the EU?s relations with Western Balkan countries. We explore the EU?s available enlargement policy tools and the diverging positions within the EU towards enlargement. We pay special attention to the ?New enlargement methodology? devised by the Commission in 2019. We argue that despite the Commission?s efforts to promote the EU?s common interest in the region framed in a geopolitical narrative, the diverging national interests still preclude the EU from aggregating its own and pursuing its raison d??tat towards the region. The ?new methodology? does nothing to overcome this situation. What is more, by insisting on a ?stronger political steer? and by further facilitating the reversal of the accession process, the document pushes the Union further away from a common ground regarding the enlargement.
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Lee, Sang-Dong. "Hungary’s Cultural Sector According to the Political Changes: Focusing on the Trends and Aspects of Hungarian Literature." Korea Association of World History and Culture 63 (June 30, 2022): 81–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.32961/jwhc.2022.06.63.81.
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This article aims to find the basis for claiming cultural homogeneity with Western Europe from a historical point of view. Additionally, by studying Hungarian literature, the article reveals characteristics of European culture during the transition to a post-socialist system such as political democratization, privatization and the establishment of the ownership system. The formation of civil society is also discussed. Social thoughts vividly shown in literature is a significant feature of Hungarian literature in the 20th century. For example, realism in the 19th century only exposed inequality and corruption in society but had no idea about initiating a revolution. However, in the 20th century, the direction of this revolution became apparent, and literature based on the socialism-based revolution emerged. Simultaneously, refusal and resistance to tradition were features of literature in the 20th century, and literature applying scientific analysis also appeared. However these tendencies captured the ideological viewpoint, and in terms of the form and style, it was more confusing and divisive than earlier days.