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1
Tonelli, Simon James. "Migration and democracy in central and eastern Europe." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 9, no. 3 (August 2003): 483–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890300900309.
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Amidst the political changes that swept through central and eastern Europe following the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the right to migrate was synonymous in the minds of many with the establishment of democracy. Although the political transition of the 1990s was preceded in some countries by a relaxation of their strict exit regimes, these were only minor measures in comparison with the profound changes to the system of population control ushered in by the political transition to democracy. A mosaic of migration patterns (ethnically based migrations, return migration, labour migration, transit migration) gathered pace during the 1990s throughout the vast region of the former Soviet bloc. As conflict and war broke out in different areas, notably in the Caucasus and south-east Europe, these migratory movements were inflated by huge numbers of refugees, asylum-seekers and displaced persons. The newly independent states underpinned their political transition towards democracy, the rule of law and the protection of human rights through membership of the Council of Europe and ratification of international conventions which included important guarantees for the rights and protection of migrants and their families. In May 2004, eight of these countries will join the European Union and after a transitional period become integral parts of the internal labour market with their populations enjoying the full freedom of movement rights of EC law. This article outlines the major migration trends in central and eastern Europe since the extension of democracy across the continent, highlights different aspects of labour migration in the region, including the impact of EU enlargement, and refers to some integration issues. This description is preceded by a series of brief historical, political and legal perspectives.
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Dimitrijević, Duško. "Chinese Investments in Serbia—A Joint Pledge for the Future of the New Silk Road." Baltic Journal of European Studies 7, no. 1 (June 27, 2017): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2017-0005.
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Abstract Following the political changes in 2000, Serbia has rapidly started to catch up with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in various aspects of the transition process. One of these very important aspects were foreign investments, both ‘direct’ and ‘portfolio’ ones, that had a significant impact on the development of Serbian economy by recovering economic structure and raising competitiveness in world markets, followed by improving the balance of payments and technological, scientific and managerial base. Foreign investments as an “economic engine” enable accelerated realization of national economic goals which include re-industrialization and renewal of industrial capacity. The openness of the Serbian market and the lack of financial resources allow China and other states concerned under favourable conditions invest in the development of Serbian economy. In this way, Chinese investments have become a driving force for the promotion of economic and other relations between the two countries. On the other hand, however, Chinese investments have proven to be an ideal test for the realization of the objectives of the development strategy of the ‘New Silk Road’ which among other things include the improvement of China’s position on world markets, including the EU market. For the proper understanding of Sino-Serbian relations, this study first gives a short explanation of the Chinese strategy of the New Silk Road. Then, it includes an analysis of Serbia’s position towards China. Analysis of the development of Serbian-Chinese economic relations, especially in the field of foreign investment and within the framework of multilateral cooperation mechanism ‘16+1’, occupies the central part of the study. The study concludes with an evaluation of comparative advantages and certain disadvantages for the Chinese foreign investment in Serbian economy, which in itself has certain significance for the realization of the New Silk Road strategy.
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Christie, Ian. "Industrial transition and the environment in Eastern Europe." Policy Studies 14, no. 4 (December 1993): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01442879308423650.
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Gomulka, Stanislaw. "Industrial policy in eastern Europe: governing the transition." International Affairs 70, no. 4 (October 1994): 814–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624630.
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Gellner, Ernest. "Nationalism and politics in Eastern Europe." European Review 1, no. 4 (October 1993): 341–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700000752.
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The article restates the theory of Nationalism, which it links to the transition from agrarian to industrial or industrializing society. In an agrarian society, culture is used to underscore a complex and fairly stable system of statuses. Political units themselves are complicated and overlapping and ill-defined, and culture does not demarcate their boundaries. In an industrial society, work ceases to be physical and becomes semantic, and society itself is highly mobile. Under these circumstances, a shared and standardized, codified culture, inculcated by formal education, becomes a precondition of social participation and employability. When shared, literacy-linked culture is very important, people identify with it and thus become ‘nationalists’. The article also traces the five stages which Europe has passed in the course of this transition: the perpetuation of the old dynastic/religious political system in 1815, the century of nationalist irredentism, the setting up of a political system in 1918 based on nationalities which was weak and self-defeating, the most intensive period of ‘ ethnic cleansing’ in the 1940s under the cover of war-time secrecy and post-war retaliation, and finally a certain demolition of the intensity of ethnic feeling during advanced industrialism, thanks to the partial convergence of industrial cultures and the softening impact of affluence.
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PANDUREVIC, NENAD. "Security Aspects of the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe." Security Dialogue 32, no. 3 (September 2001): 311–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010601032003004.
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Frege, Carola. "Labour Relations & Political Change in Eastern Europe: a comparative perspective." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 3, no. 2 (August 1997): 429–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425899700300217.
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Vorkunova, O., A. Khotivrishvili, A. Tsvyk, and M. Shpakovskaya. "Sino-European Relations in Greater Eurasia." World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 12 (2020): 96–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-12-96-104.
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The article considers the phenomenon of European-Chinese cooperation in the context of the transformation of Eurasia as an international region. Particular attention is paid to the development of China’s relations with the countries of Eastern and Central Europe and the Western Balkans; the features of China’s interaction with the countries of Southern Europe are revealed. The paper provides an analysis of factors influencing the correlation and struggle between new trends in the process of the innovation space formation in Eurasia. The role of Europe and China in the development of new transit routes across and around Eurasia is being studied. Its features include a combination of land and sea routes. Europe and China are synergistic within financial, industrial, and e-commerce complementarities. The article investigates the role of Chinese trade and investment in Europe with a particular focus on intensity of the latter toward the industrial heart of Europe: Germany and the Visegrad 4 countries. It highlights the German–Central-Eastern European Manufacturing Core as one of the most competitive industrial bases of Sino-European cooperation. Deepening Sino-European ties across Eurasia, leveraged by new technologies, give the continent integrity in global geo-economic terms. The paper assesses the current evolution of EU – China relations, which expanded greatly in geographic terms and diversity. The article seeks to explain that the interaction between China and Europe has social, economic, and even political dimensions, with potentially long-term implications for the structure of world affairs. Europe and China are the largest entities in Eurasia and in the international system, apart from the United States. The authors conclude that Sino-European reunification is contributing to a new phase in the transformation of Eurasia and to its rising significance in global political and economic governance.
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Voss, Eckhard. "Laboratories of the new Europe: trade unions, employee interest representation and participation in foreign investment enterprises in central and eastern Europe." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 12, no. 4 (November 2006): 577–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890601200408.
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This article examines a number of aspects of the industrial relations practices of foreign investors in central and eastern Europe, focusing on trade union structures, employee interest representation, and consultation and social dialogue at the company level. Based on evidence from selected companies in Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia, the paper argues that the experiences of multinational companies with regard to employee interest representation and shop-floor trade unionism should be regarded as ‘laboratories of learning processes' which are not only having an impact on the ongoing transformation of industrial relations and corporate cultures in the new Member States but also on the whole of Europe, most notably the future shape of institutionalised employee participation.
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Kuznetsova, E. "Political and Cultural Indicators in Political Regimes’ Study." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2011): 110–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-8-110-115.
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One of the most common methods of political regime analysis and in particular assessment of their democratic character is a rating approach that envisages political regime classification depending on belonging to one or another group or cluster of democratic and non-democratic countries. Nevertheless this approach usually ignores political-cultural aspects of studied regimes. The article outlines the most commonly used indices of political regime comparison. The example of Central and Eastern Europe region proposes political regime classification taking political-cultural characteristics into account.
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Diebold, William, and Jozef M. Van Brabant. "Adjustment, Structural Change, and Economic Efficiency: Aspects of Monetary Cooperation in Eastern Europe." Foreign Affairs 66, no. 5 (1988): 1118. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043596.
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Trachtenberg, Marc. "The United States and Eastern Europe in 1945: A Reassessment." Journal of Cold War Studies 10, no. 4 (October 2008): 94–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2008.10.4.94.
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This article reassesses U.S. Cold War policy in 1945, with particular emphasis on Eastern Europe. The article considers how the U.S. government proposed to deal with the Soviet Union in the postwar period more generally. The article looks closely at U.S. policy toward Poland and toward Romania and Bulgaria and sets these policies into context in order to determine whether U.S. leaders had “written off” the East European countries by the end of the year, consigning them to a Soviet sphere of influence. The article traces the strategic concept underlying U.S policy and analyzes key aspects of Secretary of State James Byrnes's policy at the July 1945 Potsdam conference and in the October–December 1945 negotiations with the USSR about the occupation of Japan.
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Berend, Iván T. "The historical evolution of Eastern Europe as a region." International Organization 40, no. 2 (1986): 329–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027168.
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What is Eastern Europe? There are geographical and political interpretations of the term. “Eastern Europe,” the territory east from the river Elbe, is first of all a historical category, for the region has evolved over thousands of years. Eastern Europe was already displaying specific traits as early as the very beginning of medieval European development in the 5th to 8th centuries. After the discovery of America and the merging Atlantic trade, Eastern Europe was left on the “periphery” of the modern world system, lagging behind Western Europe until the 18th century. The “double revolution” of the late 18th century–the Industrial Revolution in England and the socio-political revolution in France–posed many challenges to Eastern Europe. The region met these challenges with a series of reforms based on an imitative strategy of catchup. In the aftermath of World War I, Eastern Europe developed new patterns of reactions, prompted by backwardness and its belated start, by the hindrances and problems of economic, social, and national development, by the presence of numerous and only partly assimilated national-religious minorities. As a result of power relations within the world system, however, a specifically East European socialist model came to fruition following World War II. Political Eastern Europe became almost identical with historical Eastern Europe.
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Koroschupov, V. "Some Aspects of European Defence Industry Development." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 12 (2022): 98–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-12-98-107.
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As a result of the analysis of defence spending in European countries for the period 1990–2022, the author reveals a trend towards underfunding of their defence-industrial base. Due to the fall in defence spending, there is a reduction in European defence companies in Europe, some companies go into the commercial sector, the other part is trying to consolidate. The armed forces of European countries conduct exercises and fight on a multinational basis, and purchase weapons on a national basis. This situation does not allow industrial enterprises to consolidate demand, which makes it possible to increase production volumes. By researching the state of the defense-industrial base of European countries, it becomes evident that there are disagreements between the states of Europe about which is better to buy samples of weapons. Some are in favor of purchases in the United States, others – for joint European projects, and others – for national ones. For example, for fighters, we are talking about choosing between the F‑35, Eurofighter Typhoon, Dassault Rafale or SAAB. A study of data on arms exports from the United States to Europe shows that Europe has lost its status as the main export destination of the United States. The results of research illustrate that the procurement of weapons is a long and complex process, the programming of the construction of the armed forces and the costs are planned, taking into account the threats of tomorrow, in advance. The research findings indicate that the prevailing conditions of peace and stability of the last 30 years have shaped the image of the defense industrial base of European countries unable to produce military products in large quantities and in a short time. The author comes to the conclusion that the ambitions of Europe exceed the available resources.
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Andreosso-O’Callaghan, Bernadette, and Camilla A. Noonan. "European Intra-Industry Trade Emerging Industrial Specialization in Central and Eastern Europe." Journal of World Trade 30, Issue 6 (December 1, 1996): 139–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad1996048.
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Campos Lima, Maria da Paz, and Antonio Martín Artiles. "Social protests, discontent and politics in southern and eastern Europe." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 24, no. 2 (March 25, 2018): 195–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258918762963.
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Taking into consideration the debate on the role of social movements and of trade unions in organising social protests, in the light of contentious and conventional politics, this article examines participation in demonstrations in Europe and the political attitudes of the participants. The article uses data from the European Social Survey to examine the differences and similarities between European countries in respect of mobilisation levels over the past decade, arguing that distrust and dissatisfaction with political institutions might be a necessary condition but not a sufficient one to justify resorting to contentious politics. The article reveals the contrasts between the levels of mobilisation in southern European countries (Portugal and Spain) and Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries (Hungary and Poland) and examines the patterns and (re)configuration of the profile of the protestors in the 2002–2014 period.
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Leanca, Gabriel. "The Ottoman Empire and Europe from the late Westphalian order to the Crimean system: the ’Eastern Question’ Revisited." Estudos Internacionais: revista de relações internacionais da PUC Minas 8, no. 4 (February 18, 2021): 110–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.2317-773x.2020v8n4p110-131.
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The ‘Eastern Question’ is one of the most controversial and persistent subjects in the history of international relations. This article looks at two aspects in the evolution of the relations between the Ottoman Empire and Europe. The first one focuses on the importance of the 18th century in the emergence of the ’Eastern Question’. The second one emphasizes on several episodes that may reopen the debate on the origins of the Crimean War. Our research is an attempt to demonstrate that the ’Eastern Question’ was only a piece of a larger puzzle. The more Russia was influential in world politics, the more her contribution became valuable for the stability of the international system. The idea to challenge in the early 1850’s the heritage of the 18th century in world politics (meaning to marginalize Russia in European affairs), did not serve on the long run neither to the security of the Ottoman Empire, neither to the ’new multilateralism’ put forward by Napoleon III.
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Malnar, Dario, and Ana Malnar. "Demographic Security Trends in Southeastern Europe." Croatian International Relations Review 21, no. 73 (August 1, 2015): 57–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0011.
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Abstract Over the past three decades we have witnessed an evolution of the concept of security in general and of demographic security as a specific field of security studies. The approach to security has been changing both in regards to a widening of subjects and referent objects of security, and a widening of the security domain. Consideration of the demographic component in the security sphere has evolved in accordance with this development; the scope of perspectives through which demographic security is viewed and defined has expanded - the population composition, population dynamics and human capital paradigm. Aspects of demographics and security are in continuous interaction and interdependence which significantly determines demographic security and national security. The aim of this paper is to establish a specific link between demographic security and security in ten post-socialist countries of South Eastern Europe (SEE). In accordance with this aim, an analysis has been made of the compositional elements and population dynamics in order to determine demographic security of the observed states. The analysis indicates unfavourable demographic security, and negative demographic composition and dynamics in most of observed states, which suggests that demographic security will have a continuing negative impact on the security of the countries analysed and the region as a whole.
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Sznajder Lee, Aleksandra. "Between Apprehension and Support: Social Dialogue, Democracy, and Industrial Restructuring in Central and Eastern Europe." Studies in Comparative International Development 45, no. 1 (January 7, 2010): 30–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12116-009-9060-1.
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Anner, Mark. "Labor and Economic Globalization in Eastern Europe and Latin America." Labor Studies Journal 26, no. 1 (March 2001): 22–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x0102600103.
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Barwiński, Marek. "Polish Interstate Relations with Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania After 1990 in the Context of the Situation of National Minorities." European Spatial Research and Policy 20, no. 1 (July 3, 2013): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/esrp-2013-0001.
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When we compare the contemporary ethnic structure and national policy of Poland and its eastern neighbours, we can see clear asymmetry in both quantitative and legal-institutional aspects. There is currently a markedly smaller population of Ukrainians, Belarusians and Lithuanians living in Poland than the Polish population in the territories of our eastern neighbours. At the same time, the national minorities in Poland enjoy wider rights and better conditions to operate than Poles living in Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania.
Additional complicating factor in bilateral relations between national minority and the home state is different political status of Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine and different processes of transformation the consequence of which is differentiated state of political relations of Poland with its eastern neighbours. Lithuania, like Poland, is a member of EU, Ukraine, outside the structures of European integration, pursued a variable foreign policy, depending on the ruling options and the economic situation, and Belarus, because of internal policy which is unacceptable in the EU countries, is located on the political periphery of Europe.
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Meardi, Guglielmo. "Restructuring in an enlarged Europe: challenges and experiences." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 13, no. 2 (May 2007): 253–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890701300208.
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This article presents historical and aggregate data on restructuring in central and eastern Europe, and some examples from multinationals in Poland and Hungary. It shows how the violent structural readjustment process of the 1990s has left important social, political and psychological legacies which affect current approaches to restructuring. The new EU Member States, faced with relocations both to the west (in capital-intensive industries) and further east (in low-skill labour-intensive industries), therefore need employee participation mechanisms, cross-border information and western solidarity to ensure the social acceptability of change.
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Lavigne, Marie. "Les relations économiques Est-Ouest 1975-1985 : Bilan et perspectives." Études internationales 12, no. 4 (April 12, 2005): 733–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701276ar.
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The "golden age" in East-West trade is over since 1975. However, the period following the beginning of the world crisis, up to 1980, was not so gloomy as it was expected in the mid seventies. Although at a reduced rate, compared with the previous period, there was a significant increase in trade and especially exports of Eastern Europe to the West. Apart from the Polish case, indebtedness of Eastern Europe did not soar in dramatic proportions, and some countries achieved a stabilization of their trade balance with the West at the end of the decade; East-West industrial cooperation developed; the adverse political climate, which deteriorated sharply in 1980, did not stop trade flows and did not entail a reorientation toward Comecon of East European trade ; notwithstanding the standstill of Comecon EEC negociations, several important arrangements were signed between the Common Market and individual Comecon member countries. The prospects up to 1985 are not very bright, especially when considering the recession in Western economies, the structural difficulties impeding the reform movement in the East European economies, the Polish crisis, the financial difficulties of some other countries. The future of East-West trade is linked to the energy constraints of the Eastern bloc, its agricultural situation ; it may benefit from the developments in the socialist integration process.
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Muskaj, Blerina. "The International Organization, OSCE and Its Presence in Central Eastern Europe." European Journal of Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejss-2020.v3i1-87.
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International organizations have gained the right importance and have been named as the main actors in international relations with the end of the wars. States realized that it would be more reasonable to cooperate, thus achieving higher and faster results. For this reason, organizations of different types began to be created either by the nature of the operation or the geographic extent. Their roles and objectives have been different, some focus on the political aspects of relations between states and others have more administrative or technical functions to facilitate the work of states and form faster services to individuals. Other organizations deal with security issues and police and human rights issues. In this category are created many organisms, such as NATO, charged with state security and military interventions or the Council of Europe, with the aim of promoting democratic values, implanting them and protecting human rights. The organization that will focus on this paper is the OSCE: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. Among the first created in this area, with objectives to coordinate the work in the fields of state and human security, the fight against terrorism, promotion of democracy and fundamental freedoms, environmental and economic protection, and the area of protection of Human Rights and Minorities, we will mainly see the focus of this organization in East Central Europe. During the time I've been involved with, I tried to bring a historical flow of events to understand how the OSCE missions work in the field and what is the difference with the theory and how the OSCE mission emerges CEE, as a case study Albania.
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Muskaj, Blerina. "The International Organization, OSCE and Its Presence in Central Eastern Europe." European Journal of Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejss.v3i1.p83-89.
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International organizations have gained the right importance and have been named as the main actors in international relations with the end of the wars. States realized that it would be more reasonable to cooperate, thus achieving higher and faster results. For this reason, organizations of different types began to be created either by the nature of the operation or the geographic extent. Their roles and objectives have been different, some focus on the political aspects of relations between states and others have more administrative or technical functions to facilitate the work of states and form faster services to individuals. Other organizations deal with security issues and police and human rights issues. In this category are created many organisms, such as NATO, charged with state security and military interventions or the Council of Europe, with the aim of promoting democratic values, implanting them and protecting human rights. The organization that will focus on this paper is the OSCE: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. Among the first created in this area, with objectives to coordinate the work in the fields of state and human security, the fight against terrorism, promotion of democracy and fundamental freedoms, environmental and economic protection, and the area of protection of Human Rights and Minorities, we will mainly see the focus of this organization in East Central Europe. During the time I've been involved with, I tried to bring a historical flow of events to understand how the OSCE missions work in the field and what is the difference with the theory and how the OSCE mission emerges CEE, as a case study Albania.
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Kohl, Heribert, Wolfgang Lecher, and Hans-Wolfgang Platzer. "Transformation, EU Membership and Labour Relations in Central Eastern Europe: Poland — Czech Republic — Hungary — Slovenia." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 6, no. 3 (August 2000): 399–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890000600306.
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The article starts by emphasising the differences between the Central and East European countries in terms of their labour relations traditions, providing a brief characterisation for four CEECs, with Slovenia identified as the country in which the participatory tradition is strongest. Subsequent sections identify similarities and differences in terms of collective labour law and labour relations at enterprise and supra-enterprise level. At enterprise level the article provides examples of co-operative relations between trade unions and works councils (Slovenia), a dual system of interest representation imposed by government without trade union support (Hungary), political duplication of representation structures (Poland), and the tendency to retain former representation structures (Czech Republic). Similar differences emerge with respect to tripartism, which remains underdeveloped in all countries, again with the exception of Slovenia. The relative weakness of the social partners, and in particular their fragmentation, are shown to be a problem for the candidate countries on their path towards EU accession. Here the European social partners, in particular the ETUC and UNICE, and also European works councils in firms with subsidiaries in eastern Europe should do more to promote social dialogue in the CEECs.
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Crowley, Stephen. "Explaining Labor Weakness in Post-Communist Europe: Historical Legacies and Comparative Perspective." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 18, no. 3 (August 2004): 394–429. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404267395.
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With expansion of the European Union (EU), the transformation of industrial relations in Eastern Europe becomes increasingly important. Studies on labor relations in post-communist countries have flourished in recent years, yet these studies have not reached a consensus on what they seek to explain. Is labor in post-communist societies weak or (in some countries) strong? And strong or weak compared to what? To the extent labor is weak, what would explain this weakness? This study demonstrates that labor is indeed a weak social and political actor in post-communist societies, especially when compared to labor in Western Europe. The article examines a number of hypotheses that have been proposed to explain labor’s weakness, concluding that the institutional and ideological legacies of the communist period best explain this overall weakness. Because labor in post-communist societies more resembles American-style flexibility than the European “social model,” the ability to extend the European model to new EU entrants is questioned.
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Feldmann, Magnus. "Emerging Varieties of Capitalism in Transition Countries." Comparative Political Studies 39, no. 7 (September 2006): 829–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414006288261.
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This article analyzes patterns of economic coordination in Estonia and Slovenia, two postsocialist countries in Central and Eastern Europe, by using the varieties of capitalism (VOC) framework. The article argues that Estonia and Slovenia are very good examples of liberal and coordinated market economies. Market-based coordination of economic relations predominates in Estonia, whereas Slovenia has highly institutionalized coordination. Industrial relations and wage bargaining arrangements are the main focus, but other areas studied by the VOC literature are briefly considered as well. The article also accounts for the origins of these arrangements by examining the interaction of two sets of factors: economic organization and industrial relations under the old system, on one hand, and strategic policy choices, especially the effects of privatization and monetary policy on formalizing coordination, on the other. The article considers some general implications of this analysis for studying successful postsocialist transition and comparative capitalism.
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Stefanova, Boyka M. "The Political Economy of Outsourcing in the European Union and the East-European Enlargement." Business and Politics 8, no. 2 (August 2006): 1–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1158.
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This paper explores the East-West dichotomy of outsourcing in the European Union in the context of its 2004 eastward enlargement. The purpose of the study is to shed light on the connection between outsourcing and the causal logic of regional integration. The conventional view is that the transfer of business operations from Western Europe to low-cost locations to the east represents a process of outsourcing West-European jobs which deprives the EU core of growth opportunities to the exclusive benefit of the new members from Eastern Europe. This analysis posits the systemic functions of EU outsourcing as a mechanism of economic homogenization in the regional market along its three principal dimensions: investment, commodity trade, and labor mobility. At the macro-level, outsourcing complements capital movements and trade, and acts as a substitute for labor mobility. Keeping labor mobility “down” is the main value added of EU outsourcing. Empirically, its relevance to the regional market is established in an input-output framework of relationships with indicators of economic convergence (homogenization effects) and labor mobility (substitution effects) in the EU. Positive correlations with indices of business synchronization and weak negative correlations with measures of labor supply and wages suggest that outsourcing fits well both with strategies fostering market integration and those counterbalancing the politically sensitive labor mobility in the EU. There is no significant evidence to suggest that, at the aggregate level, outsourcing has independent substitution effects with regard to unemployment rates and wages in Western Europe. The geographic expansion of EU integration, therefore, is not a proxy for losses of social welfare in the West. The paper concludes that as the cost efficiency and resource allocation functions of outsourcing facilitate the homogenizing dynamics of regional integration, it is likely to become increasingly subsumed under EU-level regulation and monitoring in a trade-off between the regional interest and domestic sectoral concerns.
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Ciobanu, Ceslav. "Mikhail Gorbachev: The Decay of Socialism and the Renaissance of Eastern Europe (From the Perspective of an Insider)." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 18, no. 1 (February 2004): 45–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325403260090.
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This article provides an insider’s view of Gorbachev’s policy “perestroika and glasnost” as it related to the former Central and Eastern European socialist countries. The author describes Gorbachev’s relations with the leaders of communist parties of the Warsaw Treaty. A participant in many of Gorbachev’s meetings with his counterparts, the author analyzes the emergence of democracy and market reforms in these countries. He observed two distinct groups of socialist leaders, one relatively progressive and reform oriented and the other consisting of hardliners with traditional views opposed to any political and economic change. The author describes their attitude toward Gorbachev’s reforms. Based on his personal experience with the Soviet leader, the author also identifies some of the characteristics that made Mikhail Gorbachev one of the most distinguished leaders of the twentieth century, based on his personal experience with the Soviet leader. The author’s description highlights lesser-known aspects of Gorbachev’s performance that complete a portrait of this complex person.
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Hakimi, Monica. "The Council of Europe Addresses Cia Rendition and Detention Program." American Journal of International Law 101, no. 2 (April 2007): 442–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000030165.
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In November 2005, the U.S. media reported that the Central Intelligence Agency was operating secret detention facilities in a handful of foreign countries, including two in eastern Europe, and that detainees were often transferred between those facilities and states known to engage in torture. The news that terrorism suspects may have been denied their human rights in member states of the Council of Europe caused concern within the Council and triggered several responses. Within days of the media reports, the Council's Parliamentary Assembly appointed a rapporteur to investigate the extent to which member states were participating in the CIA program. The rapporteur, in turn, asked the Venice Commission to prepare a legal opinion on the member states’ related international obligations. On the basis of that opinion, and the rapporteur's finding that a fair number of member states had acquiesced or participated in the CIA program, the Parliamentary Assembly adopted a resolution and a recommendation intended to safeguard against such conduct in the future. Separately, the secretary general of the Council invoked his authority under Article 52 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) to survey member states on relevant aspects of their domestic legal systems, including whether those systems contain controls on foreign state conduct deemed to infringe ECHR rights.
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Krzymowski, Adam. "The importance of Ukraine’s political and economic relationship with the United Arab Emirates for the Lublin Triangle." Economic Annals-ХХI 184, no. 7-8 (September 10, 2020): 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21003/ea.v184-02.
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The presented research paper demonstrates the dynamic development of political and economic relations between Ukraine and the United Arab Emirates as well as their importance for projects involving the implementation of the Lublin Triangle. The results and findings of the research show that without taking into account the state-owned company from Dubai DP World, the success of the strategic cooperation between Ukraine, Poland, and Lithuania in transportation, as well as in the energy sector, will be limited. For this reason, it is necessary to include the Emirate company in some projects of the Lublin Triangle. Moreover, strategic alliances of the United Arab Emirates with states and international organizations of the Euro-Atlantic community, including the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, should be noted. In this context, the strategic importance of the UAE’s partnership with Central and Eastern Europe should be taken into account. Moreover, a close, deep alliance with the United Arab Emirates will contribute to increasing the impact of the Lublin Triangle states on transatlantic partners. In addition, the UAE, being an economic and trade hub where the interests of Europe, the United States of America, the Middle East, Africa and Asia intersect, can contribute to increasing the role of Central and Eastern Europe in the global dimension. The Emirati company DP World is one of the largest global corporations, with around 150 branches in the world and working for seaports, terminals, industrial parks, logistics and economic zones. So, this Emirati economic entity has great potential in ensuring Central and Eastern Europe an effective supply chain and stable development of trade in the upcoming increasingly aggressive economic wars.
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Schoenman, Roger. "Captains or Pirates? State-Business Relations in Post-Socialist Poland." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 19, no. 1 (February 2005): 40–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404271065.
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In the 1990s, post-socialist states faced a critical dilemma: how to privatize and transform thousands of firms in the absence of domestic entrepreneurs with enough capital to assume control of the state's industrial patrimony. In the fifteen years of post-socialism, the elites created by the processes of transformation have been a decisive force in the economic and political development of Eastern Europe. Yet few studies focus on these early winners of reform. This article explores the interactions between the new economic elite, their firms, and the Polish state to construct a multilayered framework of state-society relations in post-communism. It concludes that the structure of state-firm relations and heightened political pluralism was crucial in limiting the predatory behavior of the new economic elite during the period of restructuring and privatization despite. This was critical in avoiding the rampant corruption present in other post-socialist countries and placed Poland on a markedly different path.
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Crowe, David M. "The Roma in Post-Communist Eastern Europe: Questions of Ethnic Conflict and Ethnic Peace." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 3 (July 2008): 521–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802080752.
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The collapse of communism in Central and Eastern Europe promised bold opportunities for the various ethnic groups populating that vast, diverse region. Yet if history had any lessons to teach these groups it was that democracy, or at least the political systems that emerged in the midst of the rubble of the Berlin Wall between 1989 and 1991, was no guarantor of whatever idealized rights the region's ethnic groups hoped would come in the wake of the collapse of the communist dictatorships that had dominated these parts of Europe for decades. Communism, had, in many instances, done nothing more than stifle the festering ethnic tensions that had exploded in the nineteenth century and short-circuited the complex, lengthy process of resolving these conflicts. Consequently, for those knowledgeable about the essence of these conflicts, it should have come as no surprise that Yugoslavia, for example, was torn asunder by ethnic violence so terrifying that it took the intervention of the Western world's great powers to end the most violent aspects of these wars of ethnicity.
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Dobák, Miklós. "Corporate Governance in Central and Eastern Europe." Society and Economy 28, no. 1 (April 1, 2006): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/socec.28.2006.1.2.
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Iulian, Raluca Iulia. "A QUARTER CENTURY OF NATO-RUSSIA RELATIONS." CBU International Conference Proceedings 5 (August 23, 2017): 633–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.12955/cbup.v5.998.
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: After the end of the Cold War, in the new international context, two important actors emerged on the international scene, namely NATO and the Russian Federation. The cooperation between them was a necessity to ensure and strengthen a climate of security and peace in Europe and all over the world. In the new challenges of the security environment, NATO was turned from a purely defensive military alliance for Europe into a political and military alliance that can act wherever needed around the globe. The Russian Federation, the successor of the former USSR and inheritor of its military arsenal, has initiated a transition process towards democracy and market economy. Russia has acted permanently to establish a special relationship with the Alliance, different from that with the other Central and Eastern European countries. The relations NATO-Russia followed a continuous development from 1991 to 2008, with periods of crisis, but hopes of establishing a productive partnership. Then, they went into decline, and in April 2014 they were suspended. The Alliance and Russia have different views on European and global security issues. After 25 years of NATO-Russia relations, this paper aims to point out the main aspects of the stages from 1991 until now and analyze the reasons why the collaboration is not yet productive and cooperative, as shown by recent events.
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Gaižutytė-Filipavičienė, Žilvinė. "JEWISH HERITAGE IN THE CREATIVE CITIES OF CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE: TOURISM, TECHNOLOGIES AND PROSTHETIC MEMORY." Creativity Studies 13, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/cs.2020.6079.
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This paper deals with Jewish mobile multimedia cultural-heritage, root-diaspora tours and apps. The author presents and compares UNESCO Creative Cities Network of Central and Eastern Europe in which Jewish communities were numerous before the World War II – Budapest (Hungary), Kraków (Poland), Prague (Czech Republic), Kaunas (Lithuania). Also, article deals with other cities of Jewish cultural heritage that are not listed in UNESCO Creative Cities Network as Warsaw, Poland and Vilnius, Lithuania, but propose multimedia tours. I will analyse, how aspects of creative city are included and highlighted in multimedia tours and apps. Visiting of memory sites is very relevant aspect of memory culture, related to other creative and cultural industries – tourism, heritage, museums etc. Cityscape and sites of memory of the Holocaust as cultural topography materialize and embody traumas, regrets, and responsibility to remember past. Contemporary technologies as mobile multimedia tours and apps are designed to aid travellers and tourists to find heritage and other touristic objects in a map, it provides general practical information, as well as maps, photos, augmented reality, and Jewish itineraries. Herewith these new technologies are changing very deeply not only travelling habits or photography practices, they fundamentally transform our relation with cultural heritage and memory. Mobile phones became not only devices for communication, but also as digital prosthetic memory.
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Nguyen, Hai Hong. "Resilience of the Communist Party of Vietnam's Authoritarian Regime since Đổi Mới." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 35, no. 2 (August 2016): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341603500202.
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Unlike communist parties in the former Soviet Union and Eastern and Central Europe, the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) has overcome crises to remain in power for the last 30 years and will most likely continue ruling in the coming decades. Strategies and tactics undertaken by the CPV are found to be identical to those canvassed in the extant literature on the durability of authoritarian regimes around the world. The present paper argues that the CPV's regime has been resilient thus far because it has successfully restored and maintained public trust, effectively constrained its opposition at home, and cleverly reduced external pressures. To support this argument, the analysis electively focuses on four aspects: (1) economic performance, (2) political flexibility, (3) repression of the opposition, and (4) expansion of international relations.
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Bulatov, A., A. Gabarta, and E. Sergeev. "Global Financial Centers as Channels for International Labor Migrant Inflow into Cities of Europe." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 10 (2021): 122–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-10-122-132.
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Europe is the leading region of international immigration (after Asia). Most of immigrants to Europe are directed to its cities, particularly to global ones. One of the typical characteristics of global cities is the availability of global financial centers. In this paper, an attempt is made to investigate the role of global financial centers as channels of international labor migration to the cities of Western and Eastern Europe. The research is pursued on the basis of global cities’ concept, with special attention to the pulling effects of global financial centers. London, Dublin, Amsterdam, Frankfurt, Warsaw are taken as cities for research. The investigation is focused on such aspects of global financial centers as their impact on composition and dynamics of labor migration to the above mentioned cities, influence of this workforce on business and social life of the cities, adaptation problems of migrants in the cities of their accommodation. The authors come to a conclusion that Brexit will not radically diminish the pulling effect of London global financial center for qualified immigrants, though some international companies will continue moving from London to continental financial centers and partially to Dublin. Another conclusion is that cosmopolitan environment is important for qualified migrants to global financial centers including the extent of English, high level of living and culture conditions, freedom of movement. Some comparisons of those global financial centers with Moscow are made in the final part of the paper. On the authors’ opinion, the position of Moscow global financial center is dual from the point of international labor migration. On the one hand, economic and political aspects (low growth rates, Western sanctions, high volatility of ruble) as well as cultural aspects (insufficient extent of English) hamper its development. On the other hand, in the last years, Moscow has been lifting in the ranking of global financial centers without high immigration of foreign qualified labor, like Warsaw and Dublin. Acknowledgements. The article has been supported by a grant of the Russian Science Foundation. Project no. 19-18-00251.
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Polyánszky, Zoltán T. "Central and Eastern Europe: Catching up or lagging behind?" Society and Economy 34, no. 3 (August 9, 2011): 399–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/socec.2011.0008.
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Simakhova, Anastasiia O., Artem E. Artyukhov, and Halina A. Shmarlouskaya. "Problematic issues of digitalization of education in Eastern Europe." CTE Workshop Proceedings 9 (March 21, 2022): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.55056/cte.64.
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Digital technology permeates all aspects of life. During the pandemic, all countries in the world began to use distance learning methods through the use of digital platforms, classes, labs. Digitalization avoided the collapse of the educational system. The aim of the article is to analyze the processes of digitization of education in Eastern Europe. To achieve the goal of the article, the following tasks were set: to study the theoretical basis of the digitization of education, to analyze the trends in the digitization of education in Eastern Europe, to develop recommendations for improving the digitization of education. The article analyzed the ranks of the Network Readiness Index and the Global Digital Readiness Index in terms of the technological readiness of higher education institutions and students for distance education. The article offers a case study of the Ukrainian university for the implementation of an e-learning environment. The authors grouped countries from Eastern Europe according to their potential for digitizing education. For these groups of countries, the authors identified specific criteria. SWOT an analysis of the digitization of education was conducted for the countries of Eastern Europe.
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Fine, Cory R. "Strike Law and ADR in Hungary: A Model for Labor Movements in Central and Eastern Europe?" Labor Studies Journal 24, no. 2 (June 1999): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x9902400204.
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D’Alessandri, Antonio. "The opening of the Italian legation in Belgrade in 1879 and relations between Serbs and Italians in the 19th century." Balcanica, no. 53 (2022): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2253079a.
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This essay focuses on the opening of the Italian diplomatic Legation in Belgrade in 1879 after the Serbia?s independence. This new beginning of the Serbian-Italian political relations is seen in the framework of the reorientation of the Italian foreign policy after the fall of the French Second Empire and the rise of the Imperial Germany. A great role in this process was played by Count Giuseppe Tornielli Brusati di Vergano, former Secretary General of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Italian Kingdom. He was entrusted to open the Italian Legation in Belgrade and in Bucharest, thus inaugurating a new phase of the Italian action in South-eastern Europe and the Eastern affairs. This question is analyzed in a broader chronological space such as the long tradition of cultural and political exchanges between Serbs and Italians during the epoch of the national Risorgimento.
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Trapara, Vladimir. "Missile defense as an issue in Russia-United States relations." Medjunarodni problemi 66, no. 1-2 (2014): 101–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1402101t.
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The history of missile defense as an issue in Russia-U.S. relations is already several decades long. Its current phase began in 2007 with the U.S. decision to deploy its missile defense system in Central and Eastern Europe. In this paper, a summary of the most significant moments in missile defense development is offered being followed by the analysis of the issue regarding its technological and political aspects. The basic argument is that the absence of Russian-American deal on this issue is caused by the U.S. general policy that is aimed at depriving Russia of its independent great power status, which it does not want to give up. The U.S. missile defense, although technologically incapable of hurting Russia, is seen by the latter as part of a broader scope of Washington?s measures aimed against it. Meanwhile, as the means of the American ?cleansing? of the ?rogue? regimes missile defense indirectly threatens Russia accelerating its strategic encirclement. The possibility of overcoming this issue as well as the U.S.-Russian rapprochement is seen as a common threat which could be posed by the rising China.
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Wierzbicki, Marek. "Nationalities relations in a totalitarian state. The case of East Central Europe under Soviet occupation (1939-1941) – methodological issues and a research agenda." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 20, no. 2 (December 2022): 205–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2022.2.12.
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The aim of the article is to present the specific nature of research on the issues of national relations in a totalitarian state based on the example of the lands of Central and Eastern Europe under the Soviet occupation from 1939-1941. In order to achieve this, the literature on the subject (in English and Polish) was reviewed as well as the most important methodological problems encountered by researchers. The research program was also outlined, along with a proposal for their conceptualization in the form of signalling the main aspects of the above-mentioned issues, including the specificity of the Soviet occupation of 1939-1941, social and ethnic relations in this area, and the Soviet nationalities policy. Several research methods and postulates were proposed, as well as perspectives and theoretical approaches that could facilitate the study of this complex and controversial subject, e.g., the interdisciplinary nature of research, methods of bottom-up formation of political attitudes of the population (the so-called “bottom-up” method), application of theories of the totalitarian state, and different theories of ethnicity. As a result, an interdisciplinary program of comparative studies of ethnic relations in Central and Eastern Europe under Soviet rule (1939-1941) was outlined, taking into account the transnational character of historical processes and the need to conduct micro historic analyses and case studies that would allow capturing of the diversity of ethnic relations and verify the effectiveness of the policy of the central Soviet authorities. The article argues that it seems obvious that the specificity of the analysed problematics can be properly grasped only by consideration it in the historical and theoretical context, adopting a comparative and transnational approach, from a micro-historical as well as everyday-life perspective that highlights the most important social factors which facilitated changes in interethnic relations.
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Okulicz-Kozaryn, Adam. "Freedom and life satisfaction in transition." Society and Economy 37, no. 2 (June 2015): 143–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/204.2015.37.2.1.
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Freedom and life satisfaction are desirable conditions and they both have a special meaning in Eastern Europe — transition was largely about gaining freedom and ultimately overall wellbeing. There are several studies about the effect of freedom on life satisfaction, but none of them focuses on Eastern Europe. I investigate the effect of self-reported freedom on life satisfaction in post-transition Eastern Europe using the World Values Survey. Surprisingly, East Europeans feel less free and less satisfied with their lives than other nationals. But a personal feeling of freedom increases their life satisfaction at a higher rate than in other countries. Freedom is a strong predictor of life satisfaction as compared to national income.
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Jacobi, Susanne. "The OSCE Court: An Overview." Leiden Journal of International Law 10, no. 2 (June 1997): 281–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s092215659700023x.
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The CSCE/OSCE is linked in public opinion to one of the following headings: Helsinki Final Act and Cold War; arms control and disarmament; crisis management and conflict prevention. This picture is not completely incorrect in that it indicates more than 20 years of CSCE/OSCE history. Being no more than a series of conferences from 1973 to 1990, the ‘old’ CSCE attempted to bridge East and West, and it mainly contributed to developing military aspects of security in Europe. Following the collapse of the former Eastern bloc, the ‘new’ CSCE, later renamed the OSCE, was called upon to assist in managing the epochal change involving the resurgence of regional crises, and it has been equipped with a fully developed organizational and instrumental structure to that end. The most prominent examples of CSCE/OSCE activity in the areas of conflict prevention, crisis management, and post-conflict peacebuilding, are places such as Bosnia and Herzegovina, Chechnya, or Albania.
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Szent-Iványi, Balázs, and Gábor Vigvári. "Spillovers from foreign direct investment in Central and Eastern Europe." Society and Economy 34, no. 1 (April 1, 2012): 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/socec.34.2012.1.5.
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Schulze-Cleven, Tobias. "A Continent in Crisis: European Labor and the Fate of Social Democracy." Labor Studies Journal 43, no. 1 (December 22, 2017): 46–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x17747395.
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Over the past decade, Europe has stumbled from crisis to crisis, shaking the confidence of observers in the continent’s capacity to maintain the egalitarian societies and socially embedded markets that have long informed arguments for social democratic reforms in the United States. As tensions in democratic capitalism have intensified, many aspects of Europe’s established political economic order have come under pressure. This review essay explores key causal processes behind the continent’s predicament. It does so to illustrate challenges and opportunities for organized labor in Europe, and to call on social scientists to reengage with the class politics of capitalism.
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Chen, Tao, and Jan Zofka. "The Economy of the Sino-Soviet Alliance." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 63, no. 2 (October 14, 2022): 575–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2022-0020.
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Abstract This article examines the research literature on the economic aspects of the “Sino-Soviet Alliance”, which lasted from the end of the Chinese Civil war until the Sino-Soviet split (1949-1960/63). The Soviet and Eastern European contribution to China’s industrialization, called the “largest technology transfer in human history” by some, still awaits detailed examination. This article aims to structure the field as well as inspire future research. The included studies range from on-the-ground microstudies of engineers at specific industrial construction projects to macro-perspectives on economic exchange, trade and governmental negotiations. In contrast to classical Cold War perspectives, which assume a primacy of (geo-)politics, the paper builds on more recent studies, arguing that economic rationales mattered in both the split and the forging of the alliance. The literature review suggests that the room for manoeuvre of actors beyond the Kremlin and party leaderships has to be measured anew, and that the impact of the alliance on Eastern Europe awaits further research. Finally, the influence of the West with its technologies and world markets becomes visible when these apparently exclusive East-East relations are examined more closely.