Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Industrial relations Government policy Australia'
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1
Wong, Cham-Li. "Government-business relations in Hong Kong, 1945-1993 /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B17312012.
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Wong, Cham-Li, and 黃湛利. "Government-business relations in Hong Kong, 1945-1993." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31235396.
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Johnson, Kevin. "Subnational economic development in federal systems : the case of Western Australia." University of Western Australia. School of Earth and Geographical Sciences, 2006. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0014.
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[Truncated abstract] The objectives of this study are threefold: Firstly, to consider the relevance (to subnational state development) and adaptability (to globalisation) of federalism from a Western Australian perspective. Secondly, to consider the way in which various State Governments in Western Australia have implemented economic development policies to benefit from the global political economy. Finally, it proposes alternative mechanisms for guiding long-term economic development policy decision-making in Western Australia. This final objective is addressed in light of the findings of the first two. It is recognised that incremental changes are possible in full knowledge of the embedded nature of the policy-making process in Western Australia . . . In the case of Western Australia, subnational autonomy does not herald the end of the nationstate so much as a new stage in globalisation. In terms of how the Western Australian State Government attracts capital and labour investment, its history as an independent colony and its physical isolation from the other colonies have created the initial conditions that frame the policy-making process, which includes a set of drivers influencing the decisions that are made by State agents. Overall, the State Government continues to reinforce the State’s role as a peripheral resource supplier to the national and global political economy. Within this context, however, alternative strategies can be proposed that may contribute to the long-term sustainable development of the State’s economy.
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Thamsirisup, Somchai. "Government and business relations in Thailand an empirical study of ideology and interaction /." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1990. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/32940256.html.
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Van, Heerden Vicky. "Local government reform in Western Australia: a case study on change readiness." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003897.
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The Western Australian State Government’s local government reform programme, initiated in February 2009, provides the context for this research. Nedlands, a local government in Perth’s western suburbs, resolved to participate in this reform programme and signed a Regional Transition Group Agreement with Subiaco local government in August 2010. The purpose of the Regional Transition Group was to prepare a business plan to investigate the potential benefits and viability of a Nedlands and Subiaco amalgamation. Whilst the local government of Nedlands is currently investigating the more operational and technical aspects of local government reform in the merger feasibility study, this research focused on employee readiness, more intangible but no less important. The difficulties of achieving success with organisational change initiatives are well documented. A number of models of planned organisational change have been developed to address these difficulties and support successful change and are outlined. This research highlights the value of the first phase of planned change, namely readiness for change, where organizational members are prepared for and become supporters of change. It also highlights the importance of change communication with respect to developing employee readiness. Definitions and some of the dimensions of ‘readiness for change’ are outlined. The five dimensions of readiness for change - discrepancy, appropriateness, principal support, efficacy and valence - provide the ‘lens’ through which readiness for change at Nedlands is explored. From this perspective, the documentation communicating local government reform at Nedlands was analysed. These dimensions were also used to ascertain, from the perspective of the Nedlands' managers, their level of readiness and the readiness of the employees of Nedlands for local government reform. The findings suggest that Nedlands local government has not consciously planned to ‘ready’ employees for local government reform. A number of management recommendations are made to strengthen the change readiness message communicated by the Nedlands local government and to support the development of the Nedlands employees’ readiness for change.
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Loft, Edward Charles. "One big row : Government and the railways, 1951-64." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1999. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/28947.
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This thesis places the work of Dr Richard Beeching as Chairman of the British Railways Board in the context of Government policy towards the nationalised railways 1951-64, and examines the popular myth that Beeching and the Minister who appointed him, Ernest Marples, initiated a policy of railway closures and contraction. The thesis argues that Beeching's appointment and policies need to be seen in the context of the failure of Government policy towards the railways during the 1950s. The background to the Transport Act, 1953 is analysed. It is argued that, through this Act, the Government increased competition in the transport field, but was unwilling to accept, and unprepared for, the logical consequences of this change. The discussion of the Government's subsequent policy towards the railways during the 1950s argues that by intervening in industrial relations and price-setting, Ministers not only forced the railways into the red, but hampered their own efforts to encourage the industry to increase its efficiency. Government involvement in industrial relations, price-setting, investment and the withdrawal of unremunerative services is discussed. The Government's tougher approach to railway finances after 1959 (apparent in the 1962 Transport Act, tighter supervision of investment and the closure programme under Beeching) is placed in two contexts. Firstly, the growing recognition within Whitehall that the rise of road transport would limit the railways' future role. Secondly, the reform of the relationship between government and the nationalised industries in general. This discussion leads to a re-evaluation of Marples' significance, and a rejection of the view that Beeching's closure programme arose from a study of the railways in isolation from transport as a whole. Finally, the presentation and implementation of Beeching's closure programme until the 1964 General Election is discussed. The thesis argues that the social and economic consequences of closures were not ignored.
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Burridge, Nina. "The implementation of the policy of Reconciliation in NSW schools." Phd thesis, Australia : Macquarie University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/25954.
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"November 2003".Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Australian Centre for Educational Studies, School of Education, 2004.
Bibliography: leaves 243-267.
Introduction -- Literature review -- Meanings and perspectives of Reconciliation in the Australian socio-political context -- An explanation of the research method -- Meanings of Reconciliation in the school context -- Survey results -- The role of education in the Reconciliation process -- Obstacles and barriers to Reconciliation -- Teaching for Reconciliation: best practice in teaching resources -- Conclusion.
The research detailed in this thesis investigated how schools in NSW responded to the social and political project of Reconciliation at the end of the 1990s. -- The research used a multi-method research approach which included a survey instrument, focus group interviews and key informants interviews with Aboriginal and non Aboriginal teachers, elders and educators, to gather qualitative as well as quantitative data. Differing research methodologies, including Indigenous research paradigms, are presented and discussed within the context of this research. From the initial research questions a number of sub-questions emerged which included: -The exploration of meanings and perspectives of Reconciliation evident in both the school and wider communities contexts and the extent to which these meanings and perspectives were transposed from the community to the school sector. -The perceived level of support for Reconciliation in school communities and what factors impacted on this level of support. -Responses of school communities to Reconciliation in terms of school programs and teaching strategies including factors which enhanced the teaching of Reconciliation issues in the classroom and factors which acted as barriers. -- Firstly in order to provide the context for the research study, the thesis provides a brief historical overview of the creation of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation. It then builds a framework through which the discourses of Reconciliation are presented and deconstructed. These various meanings and perspectives of Reconciliation are placed within a linear spectrum of typologies, from 'hard', 'genuine' or 'substantive' Reconciliation advocated by the Left, comprising a strong social justice agenda, first nation rights and compensation for past injustices, to the assimiliationist typologies desired by members of the Right which suggest that Reconciliation is best achieved through the total integration of Aboriginal people into the mainstream community, with Aboriginal people accepting the reality of their dispossession. -- In between these two extremes lie degrees of interpretations of what constitutes Reconciliation, including John Howard's current Federal Government interpretation of 'practical' Reconciliation. In this context "Left" and "Right" are defined less by political ideological lines of the Labor and Liberal parties than by attitudes to human rights and social justice. Secondly, and within the socio-political context presented above, the thesis reports on research conducted with Indigenous and non Indigenous educators, students and elders in the context of the NSW school system to decipher meanings and perspectives on Reconciliation as reflected in that sector. It then makes comparisons with research conducted on behalf of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation during the 1990s on attitudes to Reconciliation in the community. Perceived differences are analysed and discussed.
The research further explores how schools approached the teaching of Reconciliation through a series of survey questions designed to document the types of activities undertaken by the schools with Reconciliation as the main aim. -- Research findings indicated that while both the community at large and the education community are overwhelmingly supportive of Reconciliation, both as a concept and as a government policy, when questioned further as to the depth and details of this commitment to Reconciliation and the extent to which they may be supportive of the 'hard' issues of Reconciliation, their views and level of support were more wide ranging and deflective. -- Findings indicated that, in general, educators have a more multi-layered understanding of the issues related to Reconciliation than the general community, and a proportion of them do articulate more clearly those harder, more controversial aspects of the Reconciliation process (eg just compensation, land and sea rights, customary laws). However, they are in the main, unsure of its meaning beyond the 'soft' symbolic acts and gatherings which occur in schools. In the late 1990s, when Reconciliation was at the forefront of the national agenda, research findings indicate that while schools were organising cultural and curriculum activities in their teaching of Indigenous history or Aboriginal studies - they did not specifically focus on Reconciliation in their teaching programs as an issue in the community. Teachers did not have a clearly defined view of what Reconciliation entailed and schools were not teaching about Reconciliation directly within their curriculum programs. -- The research also sought to identify facotrs which acted as enhancers of a Reconciliation program in schools and factors which were seen as barriers. Research findings clearly pointed to community and parental attitudes as important barriers with time and an overcrowded curriculum as further barriers to the implementation of teaching programs. Factors which promoted Reconciliation in schools often related to human agency and human relationships such as supportive executive leadership, the work of committed teachers and a responsive staff and community.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xvi, 286 leaves ill
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Hubbard, Christopher. "From ambivalence to activism: Australia and the negotiation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2001. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1517.
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This Dissertation presents a study of Australia's involvement in the negotiation and early interpretation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), an instrument which remains the most important global nuclear arms control measure in international law. Using data from recently released Australian government documents, the study analyses the process by which Australia was transformed from an ambivalent nuclear sceptic within the Western alliance, into a steadfast global campaigner against the spread of nuclear weapons. It concludes that Australia's urgent search during 1967 and 1968 for coherence in its policy on nuclear weapons acquisition, largely played out within sections of the Australian bureaucracy and political leadership, was not only the catalyst for that transformation, but also an important step in Australia's search for "middle power" status in both a regional and wider sense. The study uses an interdisciplinary theoretical model which asserts the complementary nature of international law and international relations theory in explanations of relations between states. That model proposes that each discipline is capable of enhancing the insights of the other, in order to account - more closely in concert than each does individually - for the rule-following behaviour of nation-states. Beginning in Chapter One with a critique of the NPT and the regime of institutions and understandings which surround it, the study moves, in Chapter Two, to a review of the domestic and international context in which Australia's nuclear weapons policy debate was conducted, while introducing the elements of division within the Australian federal bureaucracy which largely prosecuted that debate. Chapters Three and Four analyse the debate in detail, concluding that its inconclusive result induced Australia's refusal to agree to America's request for immediate accession to the NPT. This, in tum, resulted in Australia exercising, through its recalcitrance, disproportionate influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the treaty. Chapter Five moves analysis to the international arena, and the forum of the United Nations General Assembly, in which Australia finally found the limit of America's willingness to accommodate the concerns of a small but significant Western ally located in a region of strategic importance. Chapter Six examines the process by which Australia's influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the NPT was translated into guidance to other nuclear threshold states through the Western alliance. It also examines the level of influence exerted by Australia through its bilateral discussions with other states over the terms of the treaty. It concludes that Australia, mainly through the former process, could claim a significant role in the formulation of the world's most important multilateral nuclear convention through its insistence on interpretative clarity. Finally, the study draws general conclusions on the significance of Australia's nuclear weapons debate for its aspirations to "middle power" status. It concludes that its indisputable leadership role, after 1972, in global nuclear disarmament efforts of many kinds, is an example of that status. Its most important theoretical conclusion concerns the demonstrated utility of an interdisciplinary model for the study of relations between states.
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Li, Wei. "The Interaction between Ethnic Relations and State Power: A Structural Impediment to the Industrialization of China, 1850-1911." unrestricted, 2008. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-05232008-161141/.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2008.Title from file title page. Toshi Kii, committee chair; Jenny Heying Zhan, Charles Gallagher, Douglas Reynolds, Kim Reimann, committee members. Electronic text (273 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed July 11, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 246-259).
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Detomasi, David Antony. "Alliance capitalism, political economy, and the multinational corporation, a theoretical and empirical investigation of government-business relations in Canada, 1971-1999." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0001/NQ42941.pdf.
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Ingelbrecht, Suzanne. "Sorry : a play in two acts ; Shame and apology in the nation-state : reflections and remembrance ; We're ready (short story)." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2012. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/491.
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"Sorry" is a play in two acts, exploring how collective memory of the past, including traumatic memory of being taken from one's family, affects the present in complex and surprising ways. The Stolen Generations' episode of Australian history, when mixed heritage Aboriginal Australians were taken from their families as a result of governmental policy, casts its shadow over four generations of Almadi Paice Aboriginal-Afghan-Anglo mixed heritage family members. Against a thematic backdrop of shame, apology and (hoped for) forgiveness, the 'living' family members struggle for empowerment and agency against the forces of government bureaucracy, the Law and their own emotional demons.
"Shame and Apology in the Nation-State: Reflections and Remembrance" is an exegesis which explores theoretical concepts related to collective memory, shame, performative apology and forgiveness, interlinked with Jan Patočka's notion of individual responsibility towards action. Using reciprocal interview material with a number of Aboriginal-Afghan-Anglo mixed heritage participants, who have either had direct experience of being "stolen" or who are related to "stolen" family members, this exegesis explores alternative modes of remembering their past and present in creative art works. In addition, I theorise that in our contemporary "age of apology" political apology to particular wronged groups of national communities may be problematic not only for their ubiquity and their tendency to alibi but because they do not address other important issues such as reparation and guarantees against repetition; nor do they deny the sovereignty of the nation-state apparatus to ‘do’ apology in a manner and at a time of its own choosing. The exegesis explores the importance of national commemoration, such as ANZAC Day, in promoting national collective memory, and theorises that a collective annual commemoration on behalf of the nation’s "stolen" people would be a much more compelling reconciliatory act than a single apology by a particular prime minister. My short story, "We’re Ready", which immediately follows the exegesis is my creative attempt to demonstrate the towards action and towards national reconciliation gestured by annual commemorative performance.
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Fehmel, Thilo. "Staatshandeln zwischen betrieblicher Beschäftigungssicherung und Tarifautonomie." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2016. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-208318.
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In demokratischen politischen Systemen haben staatliche Akteure darauf zu achten, die legitimatorische und die ökonomische Basis ihres Handelns stabil und miteinander vereinbar zu halten. Dieses Interesse des politischen Systems an sich selbst wird damit zur Grundlage all seiner Steuerungsbemühungen. Aufgrund der strukturellen Abhängigkeit des Staates von einer funktionsfähigen Ökonomie ist staatlichen Akteuren auch an der Steuerung der industriellen Beziehungen gelegen – zumindest dann, wenn sie in Rezessionsphasen das Handeln der Tarifverbände als dysfunktional bewerten. Unmittelbarer staatlicher Intervention und Steuerung steht aber das grundgesetzlich verankerte Konstrukt der Tarifautonomie entgegen. Das bedeutet jedoch nicht, dass dem Staat alle Steuerungsmöglichkeiten genommen sind. Am Beispiel der staatlichen Forcierung betrieblicher Bündnisse für Arbeit wird gezeigt, dass der Staat über den Umweg der indirekten, diskursiven Steuerung in der Lage ist, gesellschaftliche Akteure zur Selbststeuerung anzuregen. Im Ergebnis lässt sich eine Transformation der Strukturen der industriellen Beziehungen beobachten, die zu einem wesentlichen Teil nicht von den Tarifverbänden, sondern vom Staat ausgehtIn political systems that are liberal and democratic state actors must keep the legitimating and economic basis of their actions stable and compatible with each other. This interest of political systems in themselves becomes the basis of all their intervention policies. Due to the structural dependency of the state from a functioning economy state actors also attempt to regulate industrial relations; at least during periods of recession in which free collective bargaining is regarded as dysfunctional. Direct state intervention and regulation are restricted by the right of free collective bargaining, which is guaranteed by the German constitutional law. Notwithstanding this does not mean that the state has lost all its possibilities of regulation and control. The example of the state’s demand, and to a certain extent enforcement, of internal alliances for jobs shows that the state is very well in the position to stimulate collective actors to self-regulation. This stimulation takes place through a discursive, indirect intervention. As a result of these shifts and changes a structural transformation of industrial relations takes place, which, to a great extent, is not initiated by employers’ and employee’s associations, but by the state
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Dufresne, Anne. "Les stratégies de l'euro-syndicalisme sectoriel: étude de la coordination salariale et du dialogue social." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210769.
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The main contribution of my thesis is the analysis of substantial empirical material that I have collected from Community trade union actors. My analysis focuses on the institutional strategies of the sectoral European trade union federations and their implications for the Europeanisation of wages policy. I have demonstrated that the development of European coordination processes of national collective bargaining, particularly at sectoral level, has contributed to reviving the concept of collective bargaining and professional relations in the European Area, which until then had been covered in the literature by the social dialogue. I have identified three obstacles to collective negociations at a European level: the “depoliticised” wage in the economic partnership, employers identified as the “lobby partner” in the sectoral social dialogue, and the difficulties encountered in the Europeanisation of trade unions.L’apport majeur de notre thèse est l’analyse d’un matériel empirique conséquent que nous avons collecté auprès des acteurs syndicaux communautaires. Notre analyse se concentre sur les stratégies institutionnelles des fédérations syndicales sectorielles européennes et sur leurs implications en matière d’européanisation de la politique salariale. Nous avons démontré que le développement des processus de coordination européenne des négociations collectives nationales, en particulier au niveau sectoriel, peut contribuer à renouveler la conception de la négociation collective et des relations professionnelles dans l’espace européen jusqu’alors appréhendée dans la littérature par le dialogue social. Nous avons identifié trois obstacles à la négociation collective européenne :le salaire « dépolitisé » dans le partenariat économique, le patronat devenu « partenaire-lobby » dans le dialogue social sectoriel, et la difficile européanisation syndicale.
Doctorat en sciences sociales, Orientation sociologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Kinuthia, Wanyee. "“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of Canada." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/30170.
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This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.
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Broadbent, Stephen J. "Australia's defence export policy." Master's thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145187.
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Renwick, Neil. "Multinational corporations and Australia : the political economy of corporate-government bargaining relations." Phd thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/123112.
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This study seeks to identify the nature of the bargaining relationship
between manufacturing multinational corporations and a host government, to
assess the distributive pattern of power and authority in such a relationship
and the independence of government policy-making, and to evaluate the viability
of the modern State in the contemporary international system.
These objectives are pursued through an examination of the Australian
Government's relationship with manufacturing multinationals. Particular
attention is given to the motor vehicles industry.
The study advances the propositions that (1) the balance of bargaining
power between manufacturing multinationals and host governments is to the
advantage of the governments in the initial stages and to the advantage of the
corporations in the mature stages of the relationship (2> the distribution of
power and authority at each stage of the relationship reflects the respective
power bases of the actors, the degree of mutual need and the international
context of the relationship and (3) the viability of the modern State is not
undermined by the operations of manufacturing multinationals.
The research suggests that <1) the manufacturing multinationals have an
initial bargaining advantage over host governments with the latter gaining the
advantage as the relationship matures (2) the weight of the respective power
bases, mutual need and international relations does support these dynamic
bargaining positions and <3) the viability of the modern State is not
compromised by the activities of manufacturing multinationals.
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Rocha, Gregory G. "Corporatism in Mexico an analysis of government-labor relations, 1982-1985 /." 1990. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/32190219.html.
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MacIntyre, Andrew James. "Politics, policy and participation: business-government relations in Indonesia." Phd thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/119271.
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Questions about state-society relations currently attract great interest in
political science. In the case of Indonesia, much emphasis has been given to the strength
of the state and its relative autonomy from societal forces in recent years. This study
deals with the nature of the links between business, as one segment of society, and the
state in contemporary Indonesia. It is an enquiry about the extent to which societal actors
are involved in the shaping of public policy.
Dissatisfaction with existing scholarly accounts of the nature of the
Indonesian polity was an important stimulus for this research. Insufficient attention has
hitherto been paid to questions about societal constraints upon state actors in the formation
of policy. What is the scope for various types of societal groups to influence policy
outcomes in areas of special concern to them? To the extent that it does take place, how is
communication between policy-makers and relevant sections of society organised?
Three case studies are used to pursue these themes. Their purpose is to
illuminate the processes by which policy is formed in situations where the interests of the
relevant sections of the state appaaratus diverge from those of industry groups. The
cases used are from the textile, pharmaceutical and insurance industries.
There are two main strands to the thesis; one empirical and the other
theoretical. The first strand involves an argument about political and economic change in
Indonesia, and the increasing complexity of the relations between state and society there.
The second is an argument that existing theoretical frameworks for the interpretation of
Indonesian politics are excessively state-centred. In this context Indonesian politics and
the attaching academic debates take on a wider significance; for one of the main currents
in political science today is the proposition that insufficient attention has been accorded to
the state. Far from scholarship on Indonesia being insufficiently attentive to the state,
precisely the opposite has been the case.
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Chapman, Paul (Paul Noel). "The policy implications of Japanese foreign direct investment in Australia." 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phc4662.pdf.
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Henry, Adam. "Manufacturing Australian foreign policy 1950 - 1966." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150822.
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The transition from the liberal foreign policy approach of the Chifley Labor Government to the more strident anti-communism of the conservative Menzies Government after 1949 is a significant event in 20th Century Australian history. During the period 1950-1966 the Menzies Government faced a range of challenges such as relations with the USA, responses to the USSR and China and the question of Indonesia and decolonisation in post-war Southeast Asia. In response the Menzies Government developed new foreign policies, encouraged a particular style of diplomacy and helped to establish a new Cold War attitude towards Australian international affairs. In the 1950s, the Cold War, the United Nations (UN) and the establishment of new overseas diplomatic missions (particularly in Asia) placed growing administrative and bureaucratic demands on the machinery of Australian diplomacy. From the mid 1950s the Department of External Affairs (DEA) was restructured in order to meet such demands. This process allowed the Department to establish what were considered to be the defining characteristics and attitudes of a new professional Australian diplomacy. The selection and training of new diplomatic recruits is one such area in which this occurred. This period saw growing interest from politicians, diplomats and academics for developing new types of foreign policy analysis about communism in South East Asia, or the Cold War in general. While some networks between politics, bureaucracy and academia linked to foreign policy analysis had existed in the 1930s and 1940s, from the 1950s new and more powerful relationships were being established. Various academics, many from the Australian Institute of International Affairs (AlIA) and the Australian National University (ANU) forged close and ongoing contacts with the DEA. The relationships between small groups of key individuals and institutions ultimately wielded significant influence on issues such as the Cold War and Australian foreign policy debates. By the 1960s this small foreign policy network had built a vital relationship with the Ford Foundation of New York. This relationship certainly helped to define dominant attitudes towards Australian foreign policy debates. The ANU, AIIA, DEA and Ford Foundation network established a style of foreign policy analysis that was openly (or at least cautiously) sympathetic to the policies of Canberra and Washington often accepting the official justifications at face value.
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Jha, Himanshu. "Liberalization in the federal context : institutional arrangements for policy making in Australia and India (1990s)." Master's thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150247.
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Kawai, Tadahiko. "An analysis of business-government relations in Japan the case of the Federation of Economic Organizations /." 1986. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/19977940.html.
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Ansori, Siaan. "Policy formulation processes in Malaysia and Australia: cultural differences do matter." Phd thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/10307.
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This thesis examines the influence of culture in the national policy formulation processes of Malaysia and Australia. Superficially, these two countries have common stated strategic policy priorities (economic development and social stability), similar Westminster-based architectures of government, and comparable civil services. However, under the influence of culture and history, the two countries‘ policy formulation processes have developed very differently.
In seeking explanations for the similarities and differences in government processes, the thesis demonstrates how cultural and historical experiences influence the policy formulation processes themselves, the associated policy outputs and outcomes, and ultimately the governments‘ ability to achieve their stated strategic policy priorities. It uses a case study of bilateral trade policy formulation to illuminate its findings in a real‘ national policy formulation context.
Some specific examples of cultural and historical experiences shaping the policy formulation processes in Malaysia include: a legacy of pre-colonial (kerajaan) polities which existed in the Malayo-Indonesian archipelago up until the nineteenth century; colonisation by the British; and an omnipresent ethnic ideology‘ resulting from continuing fear of social unrest (experienced dramatically during the racial riots of 1969). In Australia, relevant cultural and historical experiences include: a colonial experience different from that of Malaysia, an ensuing scepticism about government leadership and the political elites; an emphasis on individualism; and values of egalitarianism and equal access to opportunity.
By drawing out the role of cultural influences and historical experiences in the policy formulation process, the thesis provides a new culturally-responsive model for the analysis of policy formulation processes. Building on traditional policy formulation models which are based on logic‘ and rational choice‘, the culturally-responsive model brings out, in addition, the more subjective and less straightforward influences bearing on a country‘s policy formulation processes.
In the final chapter, the thesis considers some of the implications of culturally-influenced policy formulation processes. It examines how country-specific policy formulation processes can create obstacles to bilateral (government-to-government) policy formulation collaboration. In light of these obstacles, the thesis argues that policy makers in Australia and Malaysia need to be more cognisant of cultural and historical differences when seeking to collaborate in bilateral policy formulation. The thesis concludes that better awareness about cultural and historical influences on the respective countries‘ policy formulation processes would likely lead to more comfortable relations between Malaysia and Australia.
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Ceva, Kristin Johnson. "Business-government relations and economic restructuring trade and financial liberalization in Mexico /." 1998. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/48051522.html.
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Standfield, Rachel. ""Not for lack of trying" : discourses of whiteness, race, and human rights in postwar Australia." Master's thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150356.
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Hackforth-Jones, Simary. "The ALP's foreign policy towards Indonesia 1983-1996 : cooperating for peace?" Master's thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151221.
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"Disabling Journeys: the social relations of tourism for people with impairments in Australia - an analysis of government tourism authorities and accommodation sector practice and discourses." University of Technology, Sydney. School of Leisure, Sport & Tourism, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2100/260.
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This thesis explores the citizenship rights of people with disabilities and their experience in relation to one activity and industry - tourism. It is proposed that people with disabilities living in Australia have been excluded, oppressed and disadvantaged by government, tourism authorities (TA) and tourism industry (TI), practice and discourses. This exclusion, oppression and disadvantage has been perpetrated by the government, tourism authorities and tourism industry, whose practices and discourses do not provide an equality of service provision for the group. From this position the central question addressed is: To what extent are the tourism patterns and experiences of people with impairments in Australia unduly constrained by tourism authorities and tourism industry practice and discourse? In taking direction from the social model of disability (Oliver 1990), the proposition deliberately uses the word impairments rather than disabilities as both a definitional and conceptual approach to the research. This is because the question tests whether the social relations produce the constraints that people with impairments face in negotiating tourism experiences and, hence, create disabling journeys. In other words, the disabling social relations transform the impaired person to the person with a disability in the tourism context. 'Unduly' means that people with disabilities were not provided with an equality of service provision in comparison to the non-disabled. The research design and methodology involves inductive inquiry utilising both quantitative and qualitative methodologies. This includes a multiple methodological approach involving secondary data analysis of major national and regional surveys, content/discourse analysis, in-depth interviews and a focus group. The secondary data sources involved the Disability, Ageing and Carers Survey (ABS 1993; 1998 n=42,000), National Visitors Survey (BTR 1998 n=78,000) and Anxiety to Access (Tourism NSW 1998 n=2647). A content analysis is undertaken of the HREOC (2002) complaint cases, public hearings, public inquiries, disability action plans and disability Standards projects relevant to tourism. A content analysis is also undertaken of tourism authorities' disability tourism initiatives from 1990-2000. In depth interviews are undertaken with three separate populations that include people with disabilities (n=15), accommodation managers (n=10) and responsible officers from tourism authorities (n=3). A focus group of accommodation managers (n=23) is also undertaken. The data are analysed and interpreted using binary logistic regression, ordinal logistic regression, phenomenology, grounded theory and discourse analysis. The central argument to emerge from this thesis is that disability is a social relationship - or rather a complex set of social relationships - between people with disabilities, and the organisations that control and administer the institutional and social environments in which they live. Tourism represents an important arena for social and cultural participation. Given the commitment by governments to 'reduce disability' it is thus critical to consider whether the relationships in the area of tourism are disabling or enabling. The thesis shows that the practices and discourses of tourism authorities and the tourism industry unduly constrain the tourism opportunities and experiences of people with impairments in Australia and create disabling journeys.
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MacCallion, Gregory John. "Defining human and national security in military interventions : Australia and Canada in Somalia and Afghanistan." Phd thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155775.
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Since the introduction of the concept of human security in 1994, debates have raged regarding the definition and applicability of the concept. Proponents of human security have sought to define the concept so that it may be utilised, whereas critics of human security have argued that the concept is too broad and amorphous to be adopted or utilised by states in international relations. This thesis examines two states; Australia, which has never utilised the term, 'human security,' in its declaratory policies; and Canada, a state that, for a time, was one of the most vocal proponents of the concept in its foreign policy statements. The research examines the two countries' military interventions in Somalia (1992-1995 - prior to the introduction of human security as a concept) and Afghanistan (2001-2013 - after the concept's introduction) to establish if, and to what extent, human security featured in and/or shaped their missions. Drawing upon an analysis of Australia's and Canada's declaratory policies and implementation approaches for each mission, this thesis presents a unique analytical framework that assesses the degree of norm internalisation of human security by the two states. It argues that human security is both co-opted and adapted by states in military interventions when the limitation of traditional national security approaches is recognised and when such actions are in alignment with national values. This thesis finds that the core concept of human security can be, and has been, operationalised at the implementation level, regardless of whether the state has a clearly defined declaratory policy of human security or not. Further, states now perceive the core concept of human security as a necessary condition for mission success in military interventions; military security, alone, is no longer enough. The thesis concludes with the argument that, for states, the concept of human security works better in practice (implementation) than it does in theory (declaratory policies). Indeed, when it comes to incorporating the fundamental elements of human security in military interventions, this thesis argues, it is the practices of human security that drives, and helps create, policies based on human security.
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Tan, Michelle. "An analysis of economic problems related to social policy issues in Australia." Phd thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150111.
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Kaplan-Myrth, Nili. "Hard Yakka : a study of the community-government relations that shape Australian Aboriginal health policy and politics /." 2003. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdlink?did=765029031&Fmt=7&clientId%20=43258&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Yale University, 2004.Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Yale University in candidacy for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Includes bibliography. Preview available online at: http://proquest.umi.com/pqdlink?did=765029031&Fmt=7&clientId%20=43258&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Shin, Eunjong. "Unions, government, and the politics of industrial relations in Korea union bargaining power and labor control policy from democratization to post IMF-intervention /." 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/51219887.html.
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Marijan, Kacung. "Decentralisation and cluster policy in Indonesia : case studies from Tanggulangin and Bukir." Phd thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151535.
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Lovell, Melissa Ellen. "Liberalism, settler colonialism, and the Northern Territory intervention." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110388.
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In June 2007 the Australian government assumed greater authority over the government of remote Aboriginal communities in the Northern Territory. The Northern Territory Intervention (NTI), also known as the Northern Territory Emergency Response (NTER), was framed as a response to the Little Children Are Sacred report which documented high levels of child abuse and neglect in Aboriginal communities, and which called on the Northern Territory and Australian governments to make the protection of children a priority. The Northern Territory Intervention was controversial because many of the rights, liberties, and processes typically understood as essential elements of liberal government were waived in favour of coercive, disciplinary, and authoritarian strategies of government. In this dissertation I analyse the content of parliamentary debates, political speeches and government reports to develop an understanding of the discursive and rhetorical context in which these interventionist and authoritarian strategies came to be seen as essential to the protection of Aboriginal children's safety and wellbeing. I draw on two analytical perspectives - settler colonialism and liberal governmentality - to argue that both colonial and neoliberal politics contributed to a view of Aboriginal people as dysfunctional and incapable of self-discipline and self-government. I argue that this perception of Aboriginal people played an important role in the justification of authoritarian and coercive policies in remote Aboriginal communities. Whereas conventional perspectives on liberal politics focus on the liberal commitment to securing liberty and human dignity, my analysis of the NTI illustrates the intimate relationship between liberal and authoritarian politics. Previous scholarship on the NTI describes the policy as a return to a colonial form of politics and understand the normalising and authoritarian aspects of the Intervention as the product of an ideological shift toward neoliberal forms of government. From this perspective, colonial and neoliberal forms of politics compromise the ability of a liberal democratic society to secure the liberty, rights and wellbeing of its Aboriginal citizens. Using my analysis of the NTI, I proffer an alternative argument about the significance of the NTI for our understanding of liberal and colonial politics. First, I argue that the NTI demonstrates the tendency of liberal government to use authoritarian and coercive strategies to govern those who are deemed incapable of self-government and the exercise of liberal economic freedoms. This concept of authoritarian liberal government is found in the scholarship on liberal governmentality and contradicts the purely emancipatory view of liberal politics. Second, I argue that the NTI case study enables an examination of the process by which this liberal tendency to authoritarian government can be reinforced in the settler colonial context. An understanding of this process is important because it demonstrates some of the challenges facing attempts to decolonise settler colonial societies.
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Du, Toit Francois. "Social capital in multinational enterprise : host government relations a South African perspective." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/4098.
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In South Africa Multinational Enterprises (MNEs) have to contend with the typical adversarial relations with a host government. In addition, MNEs operate in an environment regulated by a government policy of Redress, aimed at changing the wealth profile of the country to reflect the ethnic demographics. Policies such as Broad Based Black Economic Empowerment, Affirmative Action and Preferential Procurement are interventionist and place additional burden on the MNEs. Implementations of these regulations are often the source of conflict between MNEs and the local government. Ethno-cultural distance aggravates the strained relations between the MNE and host government.
The policy of Redress effectively legislates the incorporation of local third parties that are ethno-culturally related to government into the competitive strategies of MNEs. Joint ventures with locals are an acknowledged strategy to enter foreign markets, providing for legitimisation and access to networks.
The choice in strategy when dealing with the home government of either a relational or transactional approach is transferable to the MNE host government environment. Political levels have proven to be inaccessible but successful business transactions with government are abundant. The transactional approach dominates as a result of the failure to establish any relations with the host government, negating the pursuit of the relational approach. Third parties play an enabling role in successful transactions, ranging from providing access to government employees up to securing the deal and transacting with the MNE at arms-length.
The absence of any social capital in successful transactions requires re-evaluation of the role of social capital in bridging barriers in business relations. Possible explanations are in the linking that the social capital of the third party with the government and MNE employees respectively has, an extremely low threshold for social capital in successful transactions, the force exerted by the need for the products or services, or, most probable, the profit motive.
The distance between the government and MNE is extreme as a result of the historical strife between the ethnic groups in the country and the policy of Redress. The connotation with the social environment deters the active pursuit of social capital to gain competitive advantage.D.B.L.
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Trouille, Jean-Marc. "Industrial Nationalism versus European Partnerships: An Analysis of State-led Franco-German Inter-firm Linkages." 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/7603.
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YesThis paper examines the impact of state intervention in French-German inter-firm linkages and discusses the implications of conflicting national interests for the furthering of single market integration. It demonstrates that despite initial success in launching large-scale cross-border alliances in strategic sectors, France and Germany have remained divided by their own industrial nationalism. It argues that their respective attitudes towards industrial policy are less contradictory than would appear at first sight, but that transcending industrial nationalism by Europeanising the notion of economic patriotism would be an essential pre-condition for a more efficient EU-wide industrial policy within a better integrated internal market.
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Neldner, Simon M. (Simon Matthew). "Reversal of fortunes : the post-industrial challenge to work and social equality : a case study of "The Parks" community of Northwestern Adelaide / by Simon M. Nelder." 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/19893.
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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 353-427)xii, 427 leaves : ill. (some col.) ; 30 cm.
Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library.
"The Parks" and its constituent labour force was established by the state to underpin the profitability of industrial capital. It is now to be dismantled, its residents dispersed in order to recreate the conditions for renewed profitability. Focusses on a study of "The Parks" community to give a better understanding under Australian conditions of: the special, socially constituted nature of place; the interplay of the global-local and the impacts of economic restructuring; the inseparability of labour and housing markets; and, how the agency of private markets and the state interpenetrate each other.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Adelaide University, Dept. of Geographical and Environmental Studies, 2001
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Neldner, Simon M. (Simon Matthew). "Reversal of fortunes : the post-industrial challenge to work and social equality : a case study of "The Parks" community of Northwestern Adelaide / by Simon M. Nelder." Thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/19893.
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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 353-427)xii, 427 leaves : ill. (some col.) ; 30 cm.
"The Parks" and its constituent labour force was established by the state to underpin the profitability of industrial capital. It is now to be dismantled, its residents dispersed in order to recreate the conditions for renewed profitability. Focusses on a study of "The Parks" community to give a better understanding under Australian conditions of: the special, socially constituted nature of place; the interplay of the global-local and the impacts of economic restructuring; the inseparability of labour and housing markets; and, how the agency of private markets and the state interpenetrate each other.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Adelaide University, Dept. of Geographical and Environmental Studies, 2001
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Jenkins, Stephen (Stephen William). "Australia's Commonwealth Self-determination Policy 1972-1998 : the imagined nation and the continuing control of indigenous existence." 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phj522.pdf.
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"September 2002." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 336-366) Argues that the Australian nation is the primary obstacle to the granting of self-determination to indigenous people because it is imagined and constituted as a monocultural entity, one that resists any divisions within the national space on the basis of culture or 'race'.
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Thompson, Laura. "The Australian Government, the US alliance, and the Cuban Missile Crisis: A history and policy analysis." Thesis, 2017. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/35980/.
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In October 1962, the world was brought to the brink of nuclear catastrophe. The Cuban
Missile Crisis marked the closest the United States (US) and the Soviet Union came to
military conflict that might have led to nuclear annihilation during the Cold War. This
thesis investigates the Australian Government’s policy response to the crisis. In doing
so, it makes an original contribution to Australian Cold War history and to the extensive
literature on the crisis.
The Australian Government’s policy response to the crisis is examined in the context of
the Australia-US alliance. A diplomatic history, this thesis relies heavily on declassified
government records from Australian and American archives. Additionally, oral history
interview transcripts, audio-visual materials, Hansard, newspapers, and private
collections, were consulted in order to reconstruct comprehensively Australia’s policy
on this matter and the factors that shaped it.
This thesis examines: Australia’s awareness of the Cuban situation; the Menzies
Government’s policy on the crisis, specifically, factors it considered—and did not
consider—in formulating its policy; and the Government’s immediate implementation
of that policy, including the reactions of some sections of the Australian community to
that policy. It demonstrates that despite limited advance notice and awareness of the
Cuban situation, the Government swiftly declared support for the US in the crisis,
specifically, its resolution to be presented to the United Nations Security Council. It reveals that certain politicians, diplomats, and public servants were concerned about:
Australia’s obligations under the Australia New Zealand United States Security Treaty;
the legality of the US response; the precedent set by the quarantine; the implications of
US policy on the crisis regarding Australian nuclear ambitions; Australia maintaining its
trade relationship with Cuba; and the repercussions the crisis could have on collective
defence arrangements, which Australia relied on for its security. Despite these concerns
and challenges, the Government considered the successful management of the US
alliance paramount in formulating and implementing its policy on the crisis.
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Jenkins, Stephen (Stephen William). "Australia's Commonwealth Self-determination Policy 1972-1998 : the imagined nation and the continuing control of indigenous existence / Stephen Jenkins." Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/21932.
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"September 2002."Includes bibliographical references (leaves 336-366)
vii, 366 leaves ; 30 cm.
Argues that the Australian nation is the primary obstacle to the granting of self-determination to indigenous people because it is imagined and constituted as a monocultural entity, one that resists any divisions within the national space on the basis of culture or 'race'.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Politics, 2002
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Stanley, Laura. "Mates and missiles: the Menzies Government and the Cuban Missile Crisis." Thesis, 2010. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/30231/.
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This thesis examines the Menzies Government's response to the Cuban Missile Crisis of
October 1962. This is the first historical investigation of the Crisis in the context of
Australian-American relations. Its primary objective, therefore, is to fill a historiographical
gap in Australia's Cold War history.
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Fehmel, Thilo. "Staatshandeln zwischen betrieblicher Beschäftigungssicherung und Tarifautonomie: die adaptive Transformation der industriellen Beziehungen durch den Staat." 2006. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A14908.
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In demokratischen politischen Systemen haben staatliche Akteure darauf zu achten, die legitimatorische und die ökonomische Basis ihres Handelns stabil und miteinander vereinbar zu halten. Dieses Interesse des politischen Systems an sich selbst wird damit zur Grundlage all seiner Steuerungsbemühungen. Aufgrund der strukturellen Abhängigkeit des Staates von einer funktionsfähigen Ökonomie ist staatlichen Akteuren auch an der Steuerung der industriellen Beziehungen gelegen – zumindest dann, wenn sie in Rezessionsphasen das Handeln der Tarifverbände als dysfunktional bewerten. Unmittelbarer staatlicher Intervention und Steuerung steht aber das grundgesetzlich verankerte Konstrukt der Tarifautonomie entgegen. Das bedeutet jedoch nicht, dass dem Staat alle Steuerungsmöglichkeiten genommen sind. Am Beispiel der staatlichen Forcierung betrieblicher Bündnisse für Arbeit wird gezeigt, dass der Staat über den Umweg der indirekten, diskursiven Steuerung in der Lage ist, gesellschaftliche Akteure zur Selbststeuerung anzuregen. Im Ergebnis lässt sich eine Transformation der Strukturen der industriellen Beziehungen beobachten, die zu einem wesentlichen Teil nicht von den Tarifverbänden, sondern vom Staat ausgeht.:Einführung; Inhalte und Verbreitung betrieblicher Bündnisse für Arbeit; Das Interesse des Staates an betrieblichen Bündnissen für Arbeit; Daten: Das Interesse des Staates am Diskurs über betriebliche Bündnisse; Das Desinteresse des Staates an betrieblichen Bündnissen?; FazitIn political systems that are liberal and democratic state actors must keep the legitimating and economic basis of their actions stable and compatible with each other. This interest of political systems in themselves becomes the basis of all their intervention policies. Due to the structural dependency of the state from a functioning economy state actors also attempt to regulate industrial relations; at least during periods of recession in which free collective bargaining is regarded as dysfunctional. Direct state intervention and regulation are restricted by the right of free collective bargaining, which is guaranteed by the German constitutional law. Notwithstanding this does not mean that the state has lost all its possibilities of regulation and control. The example of the state’s demand, and to a certain extent enforcement, of internal alliances for jobs shows that the state is very well in the position to stimulate collective actors to self-regulation. This stimulation takes place through a discursive, indirect intervention. As a result of these shifts and changes a structural transformation of industrial relations takes place, which, to a great extent, is not initiated by employers’ and employee’s associations, but by the state.:Einführung; Inhalte und Verbreitung betrieblicher Bündnisse für Arbeit; Das Interesse des Staates an betrieblichen Bündnissen für Arbeit; Daten: Das Interesse des Staates am Diskurs über betriebliche Bündnisse; Das Desinteresse des Staates an betrieblichen Bündnissen?; Fazit
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Dobson, Toby. "Mitigation of political risk in the IT sector in Panama." 2008. http://arrow.unisa.edu.au:8081/1959.8/50731.
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