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Journal articles on the topic "Industrial relations Government policy Australia"
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Schofield-Georgeson, Eugene, and Michael Rawling. "Industrial legislation in Australia in 2019." Journal of Industrial Relations 62, no. 3 (April 2, 2020): 425–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185620911682.
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In this 2019 electoral year, a federal Morrison Liberal Government was returned to power with little in the way of an industrial agenda. It failed to implement its key legislation, which mainly included reform to union governance and changes to religious freedom in the workplace. Meanwhile, the state governments, particularly the Victorian Andrews Labor Government, reviewed a swathe of labour law, including wage theft, industrial manslaughter, owner–driver legislation and workers' compensation laws and implemented a host of progressive changes. This year has also seen the continuation of a key policy trend, observable at both state and federal levels of government, towards regulation of aspects of industrial relations by the state that were once exclusively the province of employers and trade unions through a twentieth-century system of conciliation and arbitration.
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Hall, Richard. "The Politics of Industrial Relations in Australia in 2007." Journal of Industrial Relations 50, no. 3 (June 2008): 371–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608089994.
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Industrial Relations proved to be one of the dominant issues in the 2007 federal election campaign with the Government at first defending, and then moderating, their Work Choices legislation. The Labor Opposition benefited greatly from the successful Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) campaign against Work Choices and established a significant electoral advantage on the issue. Labor introduced its own IR policy alternative under the banner `Forward with Fairness' and then spent a good deal of 2007 trying to sell its policy to business. The final policy adopted by Labor, and set to become law over the next few years, represents something of a calculated political compromise. When the detail of the policy is considered the influence of the Work Choices laws is still very much apparent.
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Sgrò, Silvana. "Health workforce policy and industrial relations in Australia: ministerial insights into challenges and opportunities for reform." Australian Health Review 38, no. 4 (2014): 471. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah14027.
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Since the Productivity Commission released its research report Australia’s Health Workforce in 2005, there has been a significant increase in government funding and policy capacity aimed at health workforce reform and innovation in Australia. This research paper presents the results of semistructured interviews with three key stakeholders in health policy formation in Australia: (1) The Honourable Lindsay Tanner, former Federal Minister for Finance and therefore 100% shareholder of Medibank Private on behalf of the Commonwealth; (2) The Honourable Daniel Andrews, former Victorian Minister for Health and current Victorian Opposition Leader; and (3) The Honourable Jim McGinty, former Minister for Health and Attorney General of Western Australia and current inaugural Chair of Health Workforce Australia. The paper examines key issues they identified in relation to health workforce policy in Australia, particularly where it intersects with industrial relations, and conducts a comparative analysis between their responses and theoretical methodologies of policy formation as a means of informing a reform process. What is known about the topic? Australia is experiencing an increasing demand for ever-improving health services and outcomes from an increasingly health-literate public, coupled with significant workforce shortages across some key categories of healthcare professionals. Health costs are also increasing. As a result governments in all nine jurisdictions in Australia are seeking to rein in those costs without negatively impacting on quality, safety or continued improvements in health outcomes. They are simultaneously seeking to minimise any political controversy or negative electoral repercussions associated with health reform. What does this paper add? This paper further informs an understanding of how health workforce policy is formulated and implemented by presenting the results of interviews with two former Ministers for Health and the former Federal Finance Minister on health workforce policy reform in Australia. It analyses their responses and their decision-making processes against theoretical frameworks of health policy formation, including agenda setting, and the political reality of policy formation at a ministerial level. What are the implications for practitioners? This paper provides a unique and original analysis for practitioners of policy formation. It also illustrates and analyses ministerial insights into the current health workforce reform agenda being developed and implemented by the Council of Australian Governments and contributes to an evidence base of the reform process going forward.
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GRAY, ANTHONY. "PRECEDENT AND POLICY: AUSTRALIAN INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS REFORM IN THE 21ST CENTURY USING THE CORPORATIONS POWER." Deakin Law Review 10, no. 2 (July 1, 2005): 440. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/dlr2005vol10no2art286.
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<div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>[</span><span>This article will discuss the topical issue of whether the Commonwealth, in Australia’s federal system of government, can rely on its so-called “corporations power” in order to pass planned industrial relations laws. The Federal Government has recently indicated its plans to introduce a national system of industrial relations regulation in Australia. While the detail of the proposed legislation is not currently to hand, the planned changes raise a controversial issue whether the Australian Government would permit such regulation. This article considers the corporations power as justification for the proposed laws.</span><span>] </span></p></div></div></div>
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Burgess, John, Kerry Brown, Adrian Wilkinson, and Keith Townsend. "Has Australias Road to Workplace Partnership Reached a Dead End?" International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 29, Issue 2 (June 1, 2013): 239–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2013016.
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Over the last fifteen years, a number of developed countries have pursued an agenda seeking to develop more collaborative management-union arrangements often labelled as partnerships. This article reviews the Australian road to partnerships by situating it within the context of developments in the UK and New Zealand. In 2009, Australia's then Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Workplace Relations, Julia Gillard, suggested that Australian Industrial Relations were about to undergo a shift towards a new model of workplace interaction that included more collaboration and partnerships. We argue that rather than a substantial shift, this approach can be viewed as an evolution from the Accord years, disrupted for a period by the Howard Government. However, unlike similar regulatory regimes in the United Kingdom and New Zealand, the Australian Government has done little to entrench a system of partnerships at the workplace level. This article assesses the extent to which collaboration and partnership in Australia's modern IR system provides a roadmap to a new Australian IR landscape, or whether the failure of policy-makers to act has led to a dead-end for Australian partnerships. The practical implications of this agenda for the conduct of industrial relations are considered.
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Cooper, Rae. "Forward with Fairness? Industrial Relations under Labor in 2008." Journal of Industrial Relations 51, no. 3 (May 20, 2009): 285–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185609104298.
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The Rudd government was elected in late 2007 after a national election campaign centred squarely on industrial relations. In 2008, with a massive mandate, the government presented key pieces of legislation to the Australian parliament, aimed at moving away from the Howard government's Work Choices and toward implementing the `Forward with Fairness' election policy. The government's substantive industrial relations legislation — the Fair Work Bill — was introduced late in 2008 to widespread, though not universal, approval from trade unionists and, at first, muted acceptance and, later, and in the face of deteriorating economic circumstances, sharper criticism from employer groups.
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Cook, Peter. "The Labor Government's Industrial Relations Policy: Flexibility with Equity." Economic and Labour Relations Review 3, no. 1 (June 1992): 112–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530469200300108.
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The fundamental objective of the Government's industrial relations policy is to encourage and assist Australian companies and their employees to adopt work and management practices that will strengthen their capacity to compete successfully both in domestic and international markets. To this end we support co-operative and equitable workplace bargaining, with wage increases being linked to the reform of work practices and attitudes. Our support for decentralised bargaining is aimed at improving productivity by fostering a new workplace culture of striving for continuous improvement. We emphatically reject the view that such an outcome will be achieved by wholesale deregulation and reliance on unfettered market forces. The Government is committed, for both equity and efficiency reasons, to maintaining the Accord approach to wages policy. We are also committed to an independent Australian Industrial Relations Commission playing the vital role of protecting lower paid employees through the safety net of minimum award wages and conditions.
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Knox, Angela. "Better the Devil you Know? An Analysis of Employers' Bargaining Preferences in the Australian Hotel Industry." Journal of Industrial Relations 51, no. 1 (February 2009): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608099663.
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The pursuit of regulatory reform is ongoing in Australia. To date, research has examined the purposes and outcomes associated with these regulatory reforms, while the actual preferences of employers seem to have been overlooked. This is particularly remiss given that the Government has founded much of its reform agenda, including Work Choices, on the supposed `needs of employers'. Given this oversight, this article examines employers' bargaining preferences and experiences in a sample of Australian luxury hotels. The findings deepen our understanding of employers' regulatory preferences and subsequently challenge the rationale and direction of Government policy in Australia.
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Cutcher-Gershenfeld, Joel E., and Joe Isaac. "Creating value and mitigating harm: Assessing institutional objectives in Australian industrial relations." Economic and Labour Relations Review 29, no. 2 (April 9, 2018): 143–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035304618767263.
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The degree to which legislation on labour relations and other societal institutions creates value and mitigates harm is explored in this article through a framework designed to guide both the authoring and the analysis of objects of such legislation. Creating value and mitigating harm are typically explicit in the objects of public policy and implicit in adjudication, administration and adherence under public policies. Although conceptually distinct, creating value and mitigating harm can be both complementary and detrimental to each other. This article reviews various combinations of legislative objects over more than a century of Australian labour and employment relations policy. The objects examined include the prevention of industrial disputes, the introduction of a social minimum wage, the expansion of enterprise bargaining, expansion or curtailment of tribunal powers by government and other developments. Questions of ‘for whom?’ value is created or harm is mitigated are key. As an inductive study, the article concludes with hypotheses to guide future research, including implications that reach beyond Australia and employment legislation. JEL Codes: K31; K38; M14; M52
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Clibborn, Stephen. "Australian industrial relations in 2018: Inequality, policy stagnation and a brewing storm." Journal of Industrial Relations 61, no. 3 (June 2019): 318–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185619848372.
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This article introduces the Journal of Industrial Relations' Annual Review of Industrial Relations in 2018. Providing an overview of the other articles contained in the Annual Review issue, this article discusses industrial relations policy stagnation, and manoeuvring for change from both employer and employee representatives. With leadership uncertainty and change within the federal government, it has been a quiet year for industrial relations reform, although some key decisions from courts and tribunals are examined and some states’ return to private sector regulation noted. A number of questions are raised regarding potential for reform in 2019 and for how to conceptualise industrial relations change.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Industrial relations Government policy Australia"
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Wong, Cham-Li. "Government-business relations in Hong Kong, 1945-1993 /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B17312012.
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Wong, Cham-Li, and 黃湛利. "Government-business relations in Hong Kong, 1945-1993." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31235396.
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Johnson, Kevin. "Subnational economic development in federal systems : the case of Western Australia." University of Western Australia. School of Earth and Geographical Sciences, 2006. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0014.
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[Truncated abstract] The objectives of this study are threefold: Firstly, to consider the relevance (to subnational state development) and adaptability (to globalisation) of federalism from a Western Australian perspective. Secondly, to consider the way in which various State Governments in Western Australia have implemented economic development policies to benefit from the global political economy. Finally, it proposes alternative mechanisms for guiding long-term economic development policy decision-making in Western Australia. This final objective is addressed in light of the findings of the first two. It is recognised that incremental changes are possible in full knowledge of the embedded nature of the policy-making process in Western Australia . . . In the case of Western Australia, subnational autonomy does not herald the end of the nationstate so much as a new stage in globalisation. In terms of how the Western Australian State Government attracts capital and labour investment, its history as an independent colony and its physical isolation from the other colonies have created the initial conditions that frame the policy-making process, which includes a set of drivers influencing the decisions that are made by State agents. Overall, the State Government continues to reinforce the State’s role as a peripheral resource supplier to the national and global political economy. Within this context, however, alternative strategies can be proposed that may contribute to the long-term sustainable development of the State’s economy.
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Thamsirisup, Somchai. "Government and business relations in Thailand an empirical study of ideology and interaction /." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1990. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/32940256.html.
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Van, Heerden Vicky. "Local government reform in Western Australia: a case study on change readiness." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003897.
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The Western Australian State Government’s local government reform programme, initiated in February 2009, provides the context for this research. Nedlands, a local government in Perth’s western suburbs, resolved to participate in this reform programme and signed a Regional Transition Group Agreement with Subiaco local government in August 2010. The purpose of the Regional Transition Group was to prepare a business plan to investigate the potential benefits and viability of a Nedlands and Subiaco amalgamation. Whilst the local government of Nedlands is currently investigating the more operational and technical aspects of local government reform in the merger feasibility study, this research focused on employee readiness, more intangible but no less important. The difficulties of achieving success with organisational change initiatives are well documented. A number of models of planned organisational change have been developed to address these difficulties and support successful change and are outlined. This research highlights the value of the first phase of planned change, namely readiness for change, where organizational members are prepared for and become supporters of change. It also highlights the importance of change communication with respect to developing employee readiness. Definitions and some of the dimensions of ‘readiness for change’ are outlined. The five dimensions of readiness for change - discrepancy, appropriateness, principal support, efficacy and valence - provide the ‘lens’ through which readiness for change at Nedlands is explored. From this perspective, the documentation communicating local government reform at Nedlands was analysed. These dimensions were also used to ascertain, from the perspective of the Nedlands' managers, their level of readiness and the readiness of the employees of Nedlands for local government reform. The findings suggest that Nedlands local government has not consciously planned to ‘ready’ employees for local government reform. A number of management recommendations are made to strengthen the change readiness message communicated by the Nedlands local government and to support the development of the Nedlands employees’ readiness for change.
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Loft, Edward Charles. "One big row : Government and the railways, 1951-64." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1999. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/28947.
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This thesis places the work of Dr Richard Beeching as Chairman of the British Railways Board in the context of Government policy towards the nationalised railways 1951-64, and examines the popular myth that Beeching and the Minister who appointed him, Ernest Marples, initiated a policy of railway closures and contraction. The thesis argues that Beeching's appointment and policies need to be seen in the context of the failure of Government policy towards the railways during the 1950s. The background to the Transport Act, 1953 is analysed. It is argued that, through this Act, the Government increased competition in the transport field, but was unwilling to accept, and unprepared for, the logical consequences of this change. The discussion of the Government's subsequent policy towards the railways during the 1950s argues that by intervening in industrial relations and price-setting, Ministers not only forced the railways into the red, but hampered their own efforts to encourage the industry to increase its efficiency. Government involvement in industrial relations, price-setting, investment and the withdrawal of unremunerative services is discussed. The Government's tougher approach to railway finances after 1959 (apparent in the 1962 Transport Act, tighter supervision of investment and the closure programme under Beeching) is placed in two contexts. Firstly, the growing recognition within Whitehall that the rise of road transport would limit the railways' future role. Secondly, the reform of the relationship between government and the nationalised industries in general. This discussion leads to a re-evaluation of Marples' significance, and a rejection of the view that Beeching's closure programme arose from a study of the railways in isolation from transport as a whole. Finally, the presentation and implementation of Beeching's closure programme until the 1964 General Election is discussed. The thesis argues that the social and economic consequences of closures were not ignored.
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Burridge, Nina. "The implementation of the policy of Reconciliation in NSW schools." Phd thesis, Australia : Macquarie University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/25954.
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"November 2003".Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Australian Centre for Educational Studies, School of Education, 2004.
Bibliography: leaves 243-267.
Introduction -- Literature review -- Meanings and perspectives of Reconciliation in the Australian socio-political context -- An explanation of the research method -- Meanings of Reconciliation in the school context -- Survey results -- The role of education in the Reconciliation process -- Obstacles and barriers to Reconciliation -- Teaching for Reconciliation: best practice in teaching resources -- Conclusion.
The research detailed in this thesis investigated how schools in NSW responded to the social and political project of Reconciliation at the end of the 1990s. -- The research used a multi-method research approach which included a survey instrument, focus group interviews and key informants interviews with Aboriginal and non Aboriginal teachers, elders and educators, to gather qualitative as well as quantitative data. Differing research methodologies, including Indigenous research paradigms, are presented and discussed within the context of this research. From the initial research questions a number of sub-questions emerged which included: -The exploration of meanings and perspectives of Reconciliation evident in both the school and wider communities contexts and the extent to which these meanings and perspectives were transposed from the community to the school sector. -The perceived level of support for Reconciliation in school communities and what factors impacted on this level of support. -Responses of school communities to Reconciliation in terms of school programs and teaching strategies including factors which enhanced the teaching of Reconciliation issues in the classroom and factors which acted as barriers. -- Firstly in order to provide the context for the research study, the thesis provides a brief historical overview of the creation of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation. It then builds a framework through which the discourses of Reconciliation are presented and deconstructed. These various meanings and perspectives of Reconciliation are placed within a linear spectrum of typologies, from 'hard', 'genuine' or 'substantive' Reconciliation advocated by the Left, comprising a strong social justice agenda, first nation rights and compensation for past injustices, to the assimiliationist typologies desired by members of the Right which suggest that Reconciliation is best achieved through the total integration of Aboriginal people into the mainstream community, with Aboriginal people accepting the reality of their dispossession. -- In between these two extremes lie degrees of interpretations of what constitutes Reconciliation, including John Howard's current Federal Government interpretation of 'practical' Reconciliation. In this context "Left" and "Right" are defined less by political ideological lines of the Labor and Liberal parties than by attitudes to human rights and social justice. Secondly, and within the socio-political context presented above, the thesis reports on research conducted with Indigenous and non Indigenous educators, students and elders in the context of the NSW school system to decipher meanings and perspectives on Reconciliation as reflected in that sector. It then makes comparisons with research conducted on behalf of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation during the 1990s on attitudes to Reconciliation in the community. Perceived differences are analysed and discussed.
The research further explores how schools approached the teaching of Reconciliation through a series of survey questions designed to document the types of activities undertaken by the schools with Reconciliation as the main aim. -- Research findings indicated that while both the community at large and the education community are overwhelmingly supportive of Reconciliation, both as a concept and as a government policy, when questioned further as to the depth and details of this commitment to Reconciliation and the extent to which they may be supportive of the 'hard' issues of Reconciliation, their views and level of support were more wide ranging and deflective. -- Findings indicated that, in general, educators have a more multi-layered understanding of the issues related to Reconciliation than the general community, and a proportion of them do articulate more clearly those harder, more controversial aspects of the Reconciliation process (eg just compensation, land and sea rights, customary laws). However, they are in the main, unsure of its meaning beyond the 'soft' symbolic acts and gatherings which occur in schools. In the late 1990s, when Reconciliation was at the forefront of the national agenda, research findings indicate that while schools were organising cultural and curriculum activities in their teaching of Indigenous history or Aboriginal studies - they did not specifically focus on Reconciliation in their teaching programs as an issue in the community. Teachers did not have a clearly defined view of what Reconciliation entailed and schools were not teaching about Reconciliation directly within their curriculum programs. -- The research also sought to identify facotrs which acted as enhancers of a Reconciliation program in schools and factors which were seen as barriers. Research findings clearly pointed to community and parental attitudes as important barriers with time and an overcrowded curriculum as further barriers to the implementation of teaching programs. Factors which promoted Reconciliation in schools often related to human agency and human relationships such as supportive executive leadership, the work of committed teachers and a responsive staff and community.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xvi, 286 leaves ill
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Hubbard, Christopher. "From ambivalence to activism: Australia and the negotiation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2001. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1517.
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This Dissertation presents a study of Australia's involvement in the negotiation and early interpretation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), an instrument which remains the most important global nuclear arms control measure in international law. Using data from recently released Australian government documents, the study analyses the process by which Australia was transformed from an ambivalent nuclear sceptic within the Western alliance, into a steadfast global campaigner against the spread of nuclear weapons. It concludes that Australia's urgent search during 1967 and 1968 for coherence in its policy on nuclear weapons acquisition, largely played out within sections of the Australian bureaucracy and political leadership, was not only the catalyst for that transformation, but also an important step in Australia's search for "middle power" status in both a regional and wider sense. The study uses an interdisciplinary theoretical model which asserts the complementary nature of international law and international relations theory in explanations of relations between states. That model proposes that each discipline is capable of enhancing the insights of the other, in order to account - more closely in concert than each does individually - for the rule-following behaviour of nation-states. Beginning in Chapter One with a critique of the NPT and the regime of institutions and understandings which surround it, the study moves, in Chapter Two, to a review of the domestic and international context in which Australia's nuclear weapons policy debate was conducted, while introducing the elements of division within the Australian federal bureaucracy which largely prosecuted that debate. Chapters Three and Four analyse the debate in detail, concluding that its inconclusive result induced Australia's refusal to agree to America's request for immediate accession to the NPT. This, in tum, resulted in Australia exercising, through its recalcitrance, disproportionate influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the treaty. Chapter Five moves analysis to the international arena, and the forum of the United Nations General Assembly, in which Australia finally found the limit of America's willingness to accommodate the concerns of a small but significant Western ally located in a region of strategic importance. Chapter Six examines the process by which Australia's influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the NPT was translated into guidance to other nuclear threshold states through the Western alliance. It also examines the level of influence exerted by Australia through its bilateral discussions with other states over the terms of the treaty. It concludes that Australia, mainly through the former process, could claim a significant role in the formulation of the world's most important multilateral nuclear convention through its insistence on interpretative clarity. Finally, the study draws general conclusions on the significance of Australia's nuclear weapons debate for its aspirations to "middle power" status. It concludes that its indisputable leadership role, after 1972, in global nuclear disarmament efforts of many kinds, is an example of that status. Its most important theoretical conclusion concerns the demonstrated utility of an interdisciplinary model for the study of relations between states.
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Li, Wei. "The Interaction between Ethnic Relations and State Power: A Structural Impediment to the Industrialization of China, 1850-1911." unrestricted, 2008. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-05232008-161141/.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2008.Title from file title page. Toshi Kii, committee chair; Jenny Heying Zhan, Charles Gallagher, Douglas Reynolds, Kim Reimann, committee members. Electronic text (273 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed July 11, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 246-259).
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Detomasi, David Antony. "Alliance capitalism, political economy, and the multinational corporation, a theoretical and empirical investigation of government-business relations in Canada, 1971-1999." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0001/NQ42941.pdf.
Full textBooks on the topic "Industrial relations Government policy Australia"
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G, Stewart Randal, ed. Government and business relations in Australia. St. Leonards, NSW, Australia: Allen and Unwin, 1994.
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Peter, Fairbrother, Paddon Michael, and Teicher Julian, eds. Privatisation, globalisation, and labour: Studies from Australia. Annandale, NSW: Federation Press, 2002.
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Australia's own cold war: The waterfront under Menzies. Carlton, Vic: Melbourne University Press, 2006.
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Trinca, Helen. Waterfront: The battle that changed Australia. Milsons Point, N.S.W: Doubleday, 2000.
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Dog days: Australia after the boom. Collingwood, Vic: Redback, an imprint of Schwartz Media Pty Ltd., 2013.
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Business and government in Australia. South Melbourne: Macmillan Co. of Australia, 1990.
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Howard, William A. Industrial relations reform: A policy for Australia. Melbourne, Australia: Longman Cheshire, 1988.
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Windschuttle, Keith. The white Australia policy. Sydney: Macleay Press, 2004.
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Wylie, Rick. Government-industry relations in policy networks. Newcastle upon Tyne: Applied Policy Sciences Unit, University of Newcastle upon Tyne in association with Westlakes Research Institute, 2001.
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Lyman, Robert F. Government relations handbook. Ottawa: Canadian Gas Association, 1986.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Industrial relations Government policy Australia"
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Lynch, Gordon. "‘If We Were Untrammelled by Precedent…’: Pursuing Gradual Reform in Child Migration, 1954–1961." In UK Child Migration to Australia, 1945-1970, 243–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69728-0_7.
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AbstractThis chapter examines how British child migration policy became caught up in the political sensitivities of post-war assisted migration. By 1950, officials in the Commonwealth Relations Office were becoming increasingly doubtful about the strategic and economic value of assisted migration, but also concerned about adverse political reaction in Australia to any scaling back of this work. An agreement was reached between the Commonwealth Relations and Home Office in 1954 to continue child migration on the basis of encouraging gradual reform of standards in Australia. In 1956, a UK Government Fact-Finding Mission in 1956 recommended more urgent controls over child migration, but this was rejected by an inter-departmental review in view of these wider political sensitivities. Despite introducing more limited monitoring, British policy-makers struggled to reconcile their knowledge of failings in some Australian institutions with the political challenge of trying to address these in the absence of co-operation from the Australian Government.
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Lynch, Gordon. "‘Australia as the Coming Greatest Foster-Father of Children the World Has Ever Known’: The Post-war Resumption of Child Migration to Australia, 1945–1947." In UK Child Migration to Australia, 1945-1970, 131–89. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69728-0_5.
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AbstractThis chapter examines the policy context and administrative systems associated with the resumption of assisted child migration from the United Kingdom to Australia in 1947. During the Second World War, the Australian Commonwealth Government came to see child migration as an increasingly important element in its wider plans for post-war population growth. Whilst initially developing a plan to receive up to 50,000 ‘war orphans’ shortly after the war in new government-run cottage homes, the Commonwealth Government subsequently abandoned this, partly for financial reasons. A more cost-effective strategy of working with voluntary societies, and their residential institutions, was adopted instead. Monitoring systems of these initial migration parties by the UK Government were weak. Whilst the Home Office began to formulate policies about appropriate standards of care for child migrants overseas, this work was hampered by tensions between the Home Office and the Commonwealth Relations Office about the extent to control over organisations in Australia was possible.
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Jerrard, Marjorie A., and Patrick O’Leary. "Union-Avoidance Strategies in the Meat Industry in Australia and the United States." In Frontiers of Labor. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041839.003.0007.
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The meat industries in the United States and in Australia share a number of common features, including similar economic and industrial development, overlapping ownership patterns, the nature of the work, a trend toward relying on a migrant workforce, and similar management union-avoidance strategies. There are industry differences between the two countries due primarily to the unique labor-relations regulatory system in each country. Australian legislation since the mid-1990s has enabled industry employers to follow more closely the pattern of union avoidance established in the United States, but protections are still found in Australian industry awards and the industrial tribunal. Both countries have witnessed a deunionization of the industry at the cost of declines in workers’ wages and conditions, and worker exploitation is increasingly common due to the neoliberal ideology that influences government policy and legislation and encourages employers to individualize the employment relationship.
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Stromquist, Shelton, and Greg Patmore. "Conclusion." In Frontiers of Labor. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041839.003.0018.
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Comparative history provides an opportunity for scholars to move beyond national boundaries and reflect on their own societies in new light. But such comparisons are not always straightforward. While both Australia and the United States have federal governments, the state played a more coercive role against organized labor and radicals in the United States than in Australia. Several factors softened the impact of the state on labor in Australia: a stronger trade union movement, the formation of labor parties, and a political consensus on regulating industrial relations at least until the 1980s. In the United States, unbridled hostility of large corporations toward organized labor governed state policy. Despite these differences, labor in both countries found political space to promote progressive policies and modify the harsh behavior of governments....
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"‘Hating to know’: government and social policy research in multicultural Australia." In Research and Policy in Ethnic Relations, 53–78. Policy Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.51952/9781447314912.ch002.
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Saunders, Phillip. "Government and Public Policy in the Industrial Rule Making Process." In The Political Dimension of Labor-Management Relations, 13–65. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429434785-2.
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b, a. "Neoliberal policy and employer industrial relations strategies in the United States and Australia." In Reclaiming Pluralism in Economics, 1–2. Taylor & Francis, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315668024-28.
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Blomkamp, Emma, and Jenny M. Lewis. "‘Marvellous Melbourne’." In Great Policy Successes, 180–200. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198843719.003.0010.
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Melbourne has been named the world’s most liveable city for almost a decade on a number of global rankings. Leaving aside problems of such indicators, Melbourne has transformed from an economic basket-case of industrial decline in the 1980s into a vibrant and cosmopolitan world city. Central to this transformation been a set of determined moves by the city and state governments to change the city centre from an inhospitable place into a desirable location to work, live, and play. In this chapter, more than two decades (1980–2015) of city planning and policy development are charted to explain Melbourne’s remarkable economic resurgence and cultural revitalization. This is not a straightforward tale of policy success, however. Strained relations between the state and city governments, changing technologies and industrial trends, and at times hostile reactions to the creative visions of the city’s architects have threatened policy success. Informed by extensive research and consultation, the city government nevertheless stimulated housing and retail development, and activated public space. Strategic interventions by the state government to stimulate the economy in key areas of strength, combined with the city government’s people-centric approach to liveability, have effectively made the city more amenable, creative, smart, and sustainable.
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Abbott, Malcolm, and Bruce Cohen. "The vital connections." In Utilities Reform in Twenty-First Century Australia, 123–57. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198865063.003.0006.
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In this chapter attention is directed at the communications sector (telecommunications and post). This sector was one of the first to be reformed starting with the creation of the Australian Postal Commission and Telecommunications Commission in 1975. The role of technological change in driving the reform process in the case of telecommunications is examined, along with the role of industrial relations concerns and the commitment of universal service obligations in the case of post. The extent of public ownership in the communications sector is also considered, including the decisions to initial sell off Australia’s telecommunications company, Telstra, and then later to reinvest in the National Broadband Network (NBN), as well as the decision to maintain Australia Post as a government business enterprise.
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Can, Hamit, and Daniela Minkovska. "The Energy Policy of Bulgaria." In CSR and Socially Responsible Investing Strategies in Transitioning and Emerging Economies, 120–36. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-2193-9.ch007.
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Energy is considered the main input for economic and industrial development. In this context, it is important that countries develop sustainable energy policies in order to meet economic growth and energy demand. Government policies play a critical role in economic growth and incentives for innovation. This chapter summarizes Bulgaria's energy policies as an increasingly important energy transit country due to its strategic location. These policies were presented in line with the European Union energy policies and the solutions of the characteristics of the country. Some of the targets to be implemented are as follows: ensuring energy supply security, achieving RES share targets, energy efficiency improvements, development of a competitive energy market, safe energy needs and protection of consumers, establishment of the necessary infrastructure and diversification of energy resources, strengthening the external relations and solidarity coordinated in the field of energy.
Conference papers on the topic "Industrial relations Government policy Australia"
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "Effects of Global Economic Crisis on Kyrgyzstan Economy and Developments in Economic Relations between Turkey and Kyrgyzstan." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00239.
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The global crisis which started in September 2008 adversely affected many global economies and also Kyrgyzstan economy. Kyrgyzstan economy which declined and experienced a severe recession in 2009 due to the crisis started recovering from the adverse effects of the crisis after 2010. What lie beneath this positive development is increased foreign exchange revenues abroad and vigor experienced in construction industry and industrial production. The recovery experienced in economies of Russia and neighbor Kazakhstan resulted in increased exports and thus increased revenues in foreign currencies obtained from foreign countries. The political disturbances experienced in Bishkek in April 2011 and ethnic conflicts experienced in southern Kyrgyzstan in June 2011, created an adverse effect on the economy. The crisis resulted in degradation of investment environment, adversely influenced the foreign investments and increased the current account deficit. These developments adversely influenced the banking sector too. The government attempted to diminish effects of the crisis through financial incentives. The budget deficit emerged as a result of crisis was attempted to be closed through support secured from International Monetary Fund (IMF). IMF, World Bank and Asian Development Bank lent great support to invigorating Kyrgyzstan economy after events of April and July. According to IMF, if political instability goes on in Kyrgyzstan in medium and long term, economic problems shall continue. Uncertainties in banking sector are amongst the main factors which increase the economic risks. Recovery of Kyrgyzstan economy is dependent on medium term financial policy measures to be applied to the economy and balancing the foreign trade.
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Gerni, Cevat, Selahattin Sarı, Ayşen Hiç Gencer, and Ziya Çağlar Yurttançıkmaz. "The Relationships between Competitiveness and Economic Growth: A Study on the Countries of Central Asia and Caucasus." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00424.
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The relationships among input, production and market suddenly broke down after the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The reflections of this disintegration are deeply felt in the Central Asian and in the Caucasian economies, which lack the traditions of being a government. The imbalances in the supply and demand, such as shutting down of factories due to breakdown of production relations and the resulting severe rise in the unemployment rate, caused a transition recession. As well-known in the literature, the main reason behind this is the interdependency of the production structures in these newly independent former Soviet countries. Large industrial establishments were left alone due to lack of sufficient raw materials and other inputs, due to lack of new technologies, and/or due to political void resulting from the transition period. In the newly established economic and political system, all of these countries, namely Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan, try to realize their economic growth and development by specializing in the production of goods in which they have an economic advantage in terms of competitiveness. In this study, the effects of competitiveness on economic growth is investigated for these 7 countries during the 1995-2010 period using panel data analysis based on the Lafay index. In the light of the results of this research, policy recommendations are attempted in order to determine the sectors in which these countries are more competitive and hence to suggest ways of increasing their economic growth rate.