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1

Leaman, J. "Industrial Relations in West Germany." German History 6, no. 3 (July 1, 1988): 328–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/6.3.328a.

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2

Epkenhans, Michael. "Military-Industrial Relations in Imperial Germany, 1870-1914." War in History 10, no. 1 (January 2003): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/0968344503wh270oa.

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3

Kuliś, Jakub. "Transitions in the Way Germans and Polish-German Relations Were Presented in the Primary Schools of the Polish People’s Republic." Historia scholastica 8, no. 1 (August 2022): 79–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/006/2022-1-004.

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The aim of the article is to show the changes in the perception of Germans and Polish-German relations in the education of the People’s Republic of Poland. This problem is related to the changes in the domestic politics of post-war Poland and both German states. The paper is devoted to the evolution of the perception of Poland’s western neighbor from the post-war period to the end of the Polish People’s Republic, i.e. until 1989. The study presents the beginnings of the anti-German narration, caused by war trauma, which has intensified since 1949 due to pressure which has been exerted by communist government. The next part shows in which places the end of Stalinism and the takeover of power by Władysław Gomułka softened the perception of Federal Republic of Germany. The next phase was opened by the recognition of the western border of Poland by the Federal Republic of Germany on December 7, 1970. This event entailed a gradual liberalization of the recognition of the German problem in the curricula. Undoubtedly, this tendency deepened in the decade of Edward Gierek’s rule due to the problems of the Polish People’s Republic with the repayment of foreign debt, partly also in West Germany. In the early 1980s, the establishment of The Independent and Self-Governing Trade Union Solidarność brought a new quality. Thanks to them the methods of showing Germans (and Polish education as a whole) started a slowly evolution to eliminate the communist propaganda. The school subjects which received the most attention were history, German language, Polish language and geography, because during these lessons the issues related to Germany were most often discussed. The work was created on the basis of selected textbooks and curricula.
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4

Hoffrogge, Ralf. "Voluntarism, Corporatism and Path Dependency: The Metalworkers’ Unions Amalgamated Engineering Union and IG Metall and their Place in the History of British and German Industrial Relations." German History 37, no. 3 (June 15, 2019): 327–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghz037.

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Abstract Germany and Britain have served as models of either corporatist or voluntarist industrial relations. The more recent typology of ‘varieties of capitalism’ then identified Britain as a model case of a ‘liberal market economy’ while Germany was portrayed as a (state) ‘co-ordinated market economy’. The mainstream of German-language labour history also tells this success story. Some research on the evolution of co-determination has portrayed its subject as a long-standing trait of German capitalism, with predecessors dating back as far as 1848. With its focus on the history of two key trade unions in core industries of Britain and Germany, the British metalworkers’ union the Amalgamated Society of Engineers / Amalgamated Engineering Union and the German Metal Workers’ Union / IG Metall, this article questions both exceptionalism and continuity. It argues that a path dependency exists in the structure of both unions and the industrial relations around them—but that this never came close to a linear evolution of voluntarism or corporatism. On closer examination, the history of both unions includes localist as well as centralist practices. From the 1890s both unions were part of collective bargaining with strong employers’ associations; especially after 1945 both were open to corporatist compromises. For West Germany only, such a compromise was found in the early 1950s, and not before, while in Britain that same compromise was attempted but failed during the crucial years between 1965 and 1979. Therefore, to quote Stefan Berger, this article argues that ‘similarities between the British and the German labour movements have been underestimated’.
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5

Petzina, Dietmar. "The Economic Dimension of the East–West Conflict and the Role of Germany." Contemporary European History 3, no. 2 (July 1994): 203–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000771.

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A survey of the economic problems in East–West relations during the era of the Cold War is of particular interest from the German perspective. First, no other Western industrial country played a comparable role in the economic relations with East European countries; and secondly, East–West trade, especially the economic contacts with the German Democratic Republic (GDR), became an outstanding feature of German Ostpolitik under the conditions of the divided country. It appears to be an acceptable proposition to say that this form of West Germany economic and trade policy was the equivalent of the militarily defined US policy towards the Soviet Union, in so far as the famous dictum of the former Federal Chancellor Willy Brandt, that the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) was ‘an economic giant and a political dwarf only partly corresponded to reality. It therefore seems appropriate to discuss the economic dimension of the East–West conflict in the context of German interests and policies – not to the exclusion of all else, but with a certain priority.
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6

Dietrich, Donald, and Walter Fröhlich. "Wilhelm Emanuel von Ketteler,Rerum Novarum, and industrial relations in Germany." European Legacy 1, no. 3 (May 1996): 1096–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848779608579534.

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7

Berger, Stefan. "German Trade Unions, Their History, and the Use of Memory." Labor 18, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 144–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-9061563.

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This article summarizes the results of the work of a commission of the German Trade Union Confederation, Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB), on the memory cultures of social democracy and trade unionism in Germany and highlights its recommendations on how to strengthen the public memory of the achievements of trade unionism in German society. It argues that the contemporary memory cultures are highly deficient and in need of a major boost in order to make trade unionism fit for the struggles of the twenty-first century. Memory will be a crucial resource for trade unions, as it gives them a “practical past” with which to operate in the presence with a view to strengthening and protecting workers’ rights in the future.
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8

Mckitrick, Frederick L. "An Unexpected Path to Modernisation: The Case of German Artisans during the Second World War." Contemporary European History 5, no. 3 (November 1996): 401–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300003933.

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On 10 July 1950, at the celebrations marking the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the Wiesbaden Chamber of Artisans (Handwerkskammer), its president Karl Schöppler announced: ‘Today industry is in no way the enemy of Handwerk. Handwerk is not the enemy of industry.…’ These words, which accurately reflected the predominant point of view of the post-war chamber membership, and certainly of its politically influential leadership, marked a new era in the social, economic and political history of German artisans and, it is not too much to say, in the history of class relations in (West) Germany in general. Schöppler's immediate frame of reference was the long-standing and extremely consequential antipathy on the part of artisans towards industrial capitalism, an antipathy of which his listeners were well aware.
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9

Blackbourn, David, and Geoff Eley. "The Peculiarities of German History: Bourgeois Society and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Germany." Labour / Le Travail 19 (1987): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142836.

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10

Zahn, Rebecca. "Finding New Ways of “Doing” Socio-Legal Labor Law History in Germany and the UK: Introducing a “Minor Comparativism”." German Law Journal 21, no. 7 (October 2020): 1378–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2020.79.

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AbstractLabor law scholars have been receptive to socio legal methods, going beyond doctrinal legal sources and looking to other disciplines including industrial relations, sociology, and history. This Article revisits the development of socio legal labor law scholarship in Germany and the UK in order to understand the different approaches within the context of two different legal and academic cultures, and considers how a comparison can provide new insights at a time when the discipline is in a state of flux. In particular, this Article focuses on how history can provide an entrée into different ways of comparing labor law and labor relations systems. It seeks to start a methodological debate on “how to do” labor law history within the context of the discipline’s socio legal origins. In a final section, it uses insights from history and comparative law in order to develop a new methodology—a “minor comparativism”—which unearths the processes and influences underpinning the historical development of labor law which have hitherto escaped the legal record. Such an approach enables scholars to reassess traditional narratives—a worthwhile endeavor at a time when the future role of labor law in regulating work is under scrutiny.
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11

Steininger, Benjamin. "Ammonia synthesis on the banks of the Mississippi: A molecular-planetary technology." Anthropocene Review 8, no. 3 (October 28, 2021): 262–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20530196211029676.

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The paper discusses the CF-industries ammonia plant in Donaldsonville, Louisiana. The plant is framed as an exemplary site from which the Anthropocene can be observed and understood. In doing so, a proposal for a “chemical cultural theory” is set out, to allow us to understand such molecular planetary technologies and interpret their (geo)historical significance. As one of the largest fertilizer plants in the world in terms of its output, and one of the largest chemical plants along the “Petrochemical Corridor,” a cluster of chemical industries situated between Baton Rouge and New Orleans, Donaldsonville typifies the relations between the nitrogen and hydrocarbon industries. Catalysis is here used both as a chemical concept and as a metaphor central to the proposed chemical cultural theory. As key to the Haber-Bosch process and refinery technologies in general, investigating the role of catalysis allows us to connect the history of the Petrochemical Corridor to that of German industrialism. This relation reveals how, from the late 19th century through to the World Wars, an ambivalent industrial co-operation between the US and Germany not only transformed local and planetary environments, it also contributed to the Anthropocene condition.
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12

Kitchen, Martin, and Allan Merson. "Communist Resistance in Nazi Germany." Labour / Le Travail 22 (1988): 354. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143093.

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13

Leaman, J. "Book Reviews : Industrial Relations in West Germany. By Volker R. Berghahn and Detlev Karsten. Oxford/New York/Hamburg: Berg. 1987. 261 pp. I6.50." German History 6, no. 3 (December 1, 1988): 328–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635548800600327.

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14

Gradmann, Christoph. "Locating Therapeutic Vaccines in Nineteenth-Century History." Science in Context 21, no. 2 (June 2008): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026988970800166x.

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ArgumentThis essay places some therapeutic vaccines, including particularly the diphtheria antitoxin, into their larger historical context of the late nineteenth century. As industrially produced drugs, these vaccines ought to be seen in connection with the structural changes in medicine and pharmacology at the time. Given the spread of industrial culture and technology into the field of medicine and pharmacology, therapeutic vaccines can be understood as boundary objects that required and facilitated communication between industrialists, medical researchers, public health officials, and clinicians. It was in particular in relation to evaluation and testing for efficacy in animal models that these medicines became a model for twentieth-century medicine. In addition, these medicines came into being as a parallel invention in two very distinct local cultures of research: the Institut Pasteur in Paris and the Institut für Infektionskrankheiten in Berlin. While their local cultural origins were plainly visible, the medicines played an important role in the alignment of the methods and objects that took place in bacteriology research in France and Germany in the 1890s. This article assesses the two locally specific regimes for control in France and in Imperial Germany. In France the Institut Pasteur, building on earlier successful vaccines, enjoyed freedom from scrutinizing control. The tight and elaborate system of control that evolved in Imperial Germany is portrayed as being reliant on experiences that were drawn from the dramatic events that surrounded the launching of a first example of so-called “bacteriological medicine,” tuberculin, in 1890.
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15

Schroeder, Wolfgang, and Rainer Weinert. "Managing Decentralization: The Strategy of Institutional Differentiation in German Industrial Relations." German Politics and Society 17, no. 4 (December 1, 1999): 52–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503099782486770.

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The approach of the new millennium appears to signal the demiseof traditional models of social organization. The political core ofthis process of change—the restructuring of the welfare state—andthe related crisis of the industrywide collective bargaining agreementhave been subjects of much debate. For some years now inspecialist literature, this debate has been conducted between theproponents of a neo-liberal (minimally regulated) welfare state andthe supporters of a social democratic model (highly regulated). Thealternatives are variously expressed as “exit vs. voice,” “comparativeausterity vs. progressive competitiveness,” or “deregulation vs.cooperative re-regulation.”
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16

Friedman, Gerald. "Book Review: International and Comparative Industrial Relations: Employment Research and State Traditions: A Comparative History of Britain, Germany, and the United States." ILR Review 62, no. 1 (October 2008): 139–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979390806200111.

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17

Hoffmann, Jürgen. "Co-ordinated Continental European Market Economies Under Pressure From Globalisation: Germany's “Rhineland capitalism”." German Law Journal 5, no. 8 (August 1, 2004): 985–1002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200013018.

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[Editors’ Note: The 22 July 2004 acquittals of all six defendants in the criminal proceedings against former Mannesmann CEO, Klaus Esser; Deutsche Bank's CEO (Vorstandssprecher) and then Member of Mannesmann's supervisory board, Josef Ackermann, and other members of Mannesmann's Supervisory Board have, once more, highlighted to German, European and International observers the particular features of law and politics in “Germany Inc.”, “Rhenish Capitalism”, or “Rhineland Capitalism”. As begun in the aftermath of Josef Ackermann's inthronization at the head of Deutsche Bank and Ackermann's subsequent transformation of the Board's control structure, German Law Journal has published several contributions to the ongoing changes in German corporate governance and its embeddedness within the specific German economic and legal system. In his fine piece, Jürgen Hoffmann, Professor of Sociology in Hamburg, surveys the current interdisciplinary debate over the future fate of so-called Rhineland Capitalism and reconstructs Germany's recent history in an international context. In the next issue, to be published on 1 September 2004, Professor Christopher Allen of the University of Georgia will further deepen this inquiry and place the contemporary debate over the possible end of Rhineland capitalism in the historical context of Germany's development in the 20th Century. The Editors of German Law Journal are very pleased and honored to be able to provide for a further forum for this important debate, bringing together lawyers, economists, political scientists and sociologists, for a much needed exploration of the historical and political origins as well as of the legal framework of Germany's much critizised and, at the same time, ardently praised system of corporate governance and industrial relations. We invite our readers to contribute to this debate, which has so far found too little resonance in Germany itself. The Editors.]
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18

Nash, Bradley. "Labor Law Reform and Organized Labor: A Comparative Historical Sociology of Unanticipated Outcomes." Humanity & Society 43, no. 2 (December 25, 2017): 120–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160597617748167.

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This article provides a comparative historical examination of the unanticipated consequences of labor law reforms in capitalist democracies during the twentieth century. The study of unexpected effects has a long history in sociology, and the cases analyzed here prove particularly instructive. Primary attention is given to earlier labor law projects in Germany and France that targeted the role of organized labor within industrial relations. Though divergent in political aims, legal reforms in the two countries converged in that the outcomes proved contrary to state intentions. Specifically, whereas postwar German conservatives had hoped to weaken labor unions with the Works Constitution Act of 1952 and French socialists aimed to strengthen organized labor by implementing the Auroux Laws during the 1980s, the legislative initiatives in the two nations ultimately had unexpected impacts. Analysis of what caused these unanticipated effects points toward two common factors: strategic actions (or inactions) by relevant social agents and the indeterminate nature of legal discourse itself. This article concludes with a consideration of the possibilities for labor law reform in the United States.
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19

Albrecht, Catherine. "Economic Nationalism Among German Bohemians." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 01 (March 1996): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408424.

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Economic nationalism was an important element of political conflict between Czechs and Germans in Bohemia. As the Czechs developed their own (avowedly national) industrial and financial base, they not only competed with the Germans in an economic sense, but they also challenged German Bohemians' prominence in business associations and in local and provincial government. While the Czechs embraced an “optimism of work,” German Bohemians felt a need to defend their economic superiority.
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20

Veersma, Ulke, and Sjef Swinkels. "Participation in European Companies: views from social partners in three Member States." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 11, no. 2 (May 2005): 189–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890501100207.

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The decision to establish a European Company (SE) is determined not only by the company but also by institutional factors outside the company. Employers' organisations and trade unions, with their long history of interaction within national systems of industrial relations, influence basic attitudes towards European integration, international business and related issues, such as board-level participation. This paper looks at the attitudes of social partners towards the SE and employee participation in three EU Member States: Germany, the UK and Spain. While Germany has a well-established system of co-determination, Spain and the UK had, until recently, hardly any form of employee participation. These two countries, and certainly their employers' organisations, were at least hesitant towards, and sometimes opposed to, all forms of regulation on employee participation. This attitude has long hampered policymaking on the SE and employee participation and may also determine future prospects for legislation. The authors conclude that employee participation in an SE will need to be the subject of the same learning process as has been the case with respect to European Works Councils.
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21

Hopwood, Robert, and Vernon L. Lidtke. "The Alternative Culture - Socialist Labor in Imperial Germany." Labour / Le Travail 20 (1987): 288. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142891.

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22

Ahrens, Ralf. "Sectoral Subsidies in West German Industrial Policy: Programmatic Objectives and Pragmatic Applications from the 1960s to the 1980s." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 58, no. 1 (May 24, 2017): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2017-0004.

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Abstract After the end of the postwar reconstruction boom, the decline of traditional large-scale industries and intensified international competition increased the demand for state aid in the Federal Republic of Germany. This article discusses the relevance of overall industrial policy concepts for the utilization of subsidies from the 1960s to the 1980s. Concentrating on the federal level, it delineates the development of industrial subsidies in relation to the financial support of other sectors and identifies the main benefitting industries. Then the focus turns to attempts to professionalize reporting on subsidies and ideas on the “scientization” of industrial policy, the disillusionment with these instruments, and debates about subsidy cuts. Overall it becomes clear that the extent and composition of federal subsidies were not the result of a coherent policy.
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23

Reid, Donald. "Industrial Paternalism: Discourse and Practice in Nineteenth-Century French Mining and Metallurgy." Comparative Studies in Society and History 27, no. 4 (October 1985): 579–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500011671.

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In recent years paternalism has become one of the most discussed concepts in social history. While historians of women invoke paternalism and patriarchy to help explain relations of male domination, Marxist historians have found paternalism useful in expanding their analyses of class consciousness. Eugene Genovese organized his interpretation of slavery in the American south around paternalism. For E. P. Thompson, the breakdown of the ideology and practice of rural paternalism underlay the development of “class struggle without class” in eighteenth-century England. Despite Genovese's warning that paternalism is an inappropriate concept for understanding industrial society, several recent studies have identified paternalism as an important factor in the history of industrial labor during the nineteenth century. Daniel Walkowitz and Tamara Haraven have analyzed paternalism in the textile industries of upstate New York and southern New Hampshire. Lawrence Schofer and David Crew have studied paternalism in nineteenth-century German heavy industry, and Patrick Joyce has recently argued for its centrality in the restructuring of class relations in the late Victorian textile industry.
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24

Huzel, James P., and Richard Biernacki. "The Fabrication of Labor: Germany and Britain, 1640-1914." Labour / Le Travail 40 (1997): 320. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25144197.

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25

Buse, Dieter K., and Linda Fuller. "Where Was the Working Class? Revolution in Eastern Germany." Labour / Le Travail 49 (2002): 333. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25149256.

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26

Bayly, C. A. "South Asia and the ‘Great Divergence’." Itinerario 24, no. 3-4 (November 2000): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300014510.

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Indian nationalism was born out of the notion that India's poverty and backwardness was not a natural result of technical inferiority or inefficient use of resources, but that it was a consequence of colonial rule. Even before the development of scientific nationalist economics in the 1890s, the moralists of Young Bengal had called for a protectionist ‘national political economy’ on the lines advocated by Friedrich List in Germany, whom they had read as early as 1850. Bholanath Chandra asserted in 1873 that India had once been the greatest textile producer in the world and had initiated the industrial revolution. By 1970,.he predicted, Britain would be eclipsed by the United States and by India as the greatest industrial producers. This would be brought about by rigorous protectionism and by the growth of what he called ‘moral hostility’ to the consumption of foreign goods which had even polluted the materials used in the making of the sacred threads of orthodox Hindus. This emphasis on the culture of consumption and the structure of external economic relations was central to different varieties of Indian nationalist thought as they developed from Dadhabhai Naoroji through to Mahatma Gandhi.
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27

Fischer, Conan. "Turning The Tide? The KPD and Right Radicalism in German Industrial Relations, 1925-8." Journal of Contemporary History 24, no. 4 (October 1989): 575–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200948902400402.

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28

LIU, TIEN-LUNG. "On Whose Side Is the State? The German Labor Ministry and Industrial Relations, 1918-1933." Journal of Historical Sociology 10, no. 4 (December 1997): 361–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6443.1997.tb00193.x.

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29

WYLIE, NEVILLE. "BRITISH SMUGGLING OPERATIONS FROM SWITZERLAND, 1940–1944." Historical Journal 48, no. 4 (December 2005): 1077–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05004929.

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This article departs from traditional writing on British economic warfare against the Axis during the Second World War by highlighting the efforts made by the British government to evade German ‘counter-blockade’ measures and secure access to European sources of supply. It does so by examining British efforts to obtain Swiss industrial equipment and manufactures after June 1940, when German military success effectively severed normal communications between the two countries. In practical terms, Britain's smuggling operations were enormously successful. Some £1.8m worth of Swiss contraband reached British hands by October 1944. They also, however, exercised considerable influence over the development of Anglo-Swiss relations and Switzerland's relations with its neighbours. In illuminating the scale of Britain's commercial interest in Switzerland after June 1940, the article lends weight to new writing on the Second World War, which emphasizes the neutrals' importance to the war economies and political ambitions of the two belligerent camps.
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Zahn, Rebecca. "Trade Unions and New Member State Workers in Germany and the United Kingdom." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 27, Issue 2 (June 1, 2011): 139–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2011011.

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This article compares German and British trade union responses in a European context following the European enlargements in 2004 and 2007 that are unprecedented in the history of the European Union (EU). In particular, this article examines two case studies to explore how trade unions have responded to increased migration following the enlargements. Increased migration has created a number of problems for trade unions that are examined in the case studies. The findings of the case studies are used to undertake a contextualized comparison of trade union behaviour in responding to the changing regulatory and opportunity structures that present themselves following the enlargements. Account is taken of the role that trade unions adopt within their national legal systems, as well as of the effects of the EU's policy of Europeanization on national trade unions. This article concludes by elaborating a number of recommendations based on the analysis.
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Eley, Geoff, Erich Fromm, and Wolfgang Bonss. "The Working Class in Weimar Germany: A Psychological and Sociological Study." Labour / Le Travail 16 (1985): 333. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142552.

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32

Eley, Geoff, and Stanley Pierson. "Marxist Intellectuals and the Working-Class Mentality in Germany, 1887-1912." Labour / Le Travail 35 (1995): 373. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143953.

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33

Schneider, Dorothee, and Stanley Nadel. "Little Germany: Ethnicity, Religion and Class in New York City, 1845-80." Labour / Le Travail 32 (1993): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143758.

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34

Knotter, Ad, and David Mayer. "Introduction." International Review of Social History 60, S1 (October 9, 2015): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859015000450.

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AbstractThis introduction presents the main topics and analytical concerns of the contributions to this Special Issue about ethnicity and migration in coalfield history in a global perspective. From the nineteenth century the development of industrial and transport technologies required the supply of coal-based energy in every part of the world. Nineteenth- and early twentieth-century globalization, including colonialism, would not have been possible without coal. Coalmining operations were launched in all world regions, and to enable exploitation mine operators had to find, mobilize, and direct workers to the mining sites. This quest for labour triggered a series of migration processes (both from nearby and far away) and resulted in a broad array of labour relations (both free and unfree). This introduction points to the variety of constellations analysed in the different contributions to this Special Issue. These cover cases from Africa (Nigeria, Zimbabwe), Asia (China, Japan), the Americas (USA, Brazil), Turkey, the Soviet Union, and western Europe (France, Germany), and a broad range of topics, from segregation, forced labour, and subcontracting to labour struggles, discrimination, ethnic paternalism, and sport.
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35

Koshar, Rudy, and Lynn Abrams. "Workers' Culture in Imperial Germany: Leisure and Recreation in the Rhineland and Westphalia." Labour / Le Travail 36 (1995): 374. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25144004.

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36

Ochel, Wolfgang. "The Political Economy of Two-tier Reforms of Employment Protection in Europe." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 25, Issue 3 (September 1, 2009): 237–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2009017.

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Reforms of employment protection in Europe have eased the recourse to temporary forms of employment while not reducing the strictness of employment protection of permanent jobs (with the exception of Spain). Since 1990, such two-tier reforms have been implemented in Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands and Sweden. The paper seeks to show why two-tier reforms of employment protection have taken place in some countries and have failed in other cases. This is done by taking a closer look at the history of national reform processes. In addition the paper seeks to determine whether two-tier reforms have subsequently led to employment protection reforms for permanent jobs.
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37

Hassel, Anke. "Twenty Years after German Unification: The Restructuring of the German Welfare and Employment Regime." German Politics and Society 28, no. 2 (June 1, 2010): 102–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2010.280207.

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German unification acted as a catalyst for the substantial transformation of the German welfare and employment regime which has taken place over the last two decades. The changes can be described as a process of a partial liberalization of the labor market within the boundaries of a coordinated industrial relations system and a conservative welfare state. This article depicts the transformation as a trend towards a more liberal welfare and employment regime by focusing on the shifting boundaries between status and income maintenance and poor relief systems.
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38

Mashevskyi, O. "UKRAINE IN EUROPEAN HISTORICAL PROCESSES. REVIEW OF THE MONOGRAPH MANUSCRIPT: Vidnianskyi, S. (Ed.). (2020). Ukraine in the History of Europe of the 19th – Early 21st Century: Historical Essays. A Monograph. Kyiv: Instite of History of Ukraine of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 145 (2020): 85–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.145.15.

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The chronological boundaries of the collective monograph cover a long historical period, which extends to the era of European Modernism and continues to the modern (current) history of European Postmodernism. The key thesis of the team of authors of the monograph is the idea of systemic belonging of Ukraine to European civilization as its component, which interacts with other parts of the system. The first chapter of the peer-reviewed collective monograph "European receptions of Ukraine in the XIX century" shows the reflection of the Ukrainian problem in the German-language literature of the first half of the XIX century, taking into account new archival document, the development of Ukraine’s relations with other Slavic peoples is traced, and the peculiarities of Ukrainian-Bulgarian relations are considered as a separate case study. An interesting paragraph of the collective monograph devoted to cultural, educational and scientific cooperation of Dnieper Ukraine with European countries. This information illustrates well how the Industrial Revolution radically changed the face of the planet, brought new scientific experience that gave room for the development of the capitalist system, and with them, the Industrial Revolution brought social problems, environmental disasters that still cannot be solved. Thomas Malthus (1766-1834) formulated the "iron law of wages", according to which workers can receive only a living wage. The second chapter of the collective monograph "The Ukrainian Question and Ukraine in the European History of the Twentieth Century" presents an integrated narrative of Ukrainian national history in the light of the European history of the two world wars and their consequences. The First World War, or the Great War, undoubtedly became a turning point in European history and, accordingly, in the national histories of European countries. The historical experience of the Ukrainian national liberation struggle of the Ukrainian people for the right to European development is covered in the paragraph of the collective monograph "Ukrainian Diplomatic Service 1917-1924". The vicissitudes of Stalin's industrialization and collectivization and their impact on the Ukrainian SSR's relations with European states in the 1920s and 1930s are highlighted in terms of continuity of ties with Europe. A separate regional example of the situation is covered on the example of the history of Transcarpathia on the eve of World War II. The third chapter of the collective monograph "Independent Ukraine in the European integration space" highlights the features of Ukraine's current positioning in Europe. After the collapse of the USSR, ideological obstacles to the development of globalization were overcome. The American political scientist F.Fukuyama in his work "The End of History" concluded the final victory of liberal ideology. This section of the peer-reviewed collective monograph also highlights the position of the international community on the Crimean referendum in 2014, analyzes the policy of Western European countries on the Ukrainian-Russian armed conflict on the example of the policy of Germany, France and Austria. The research result is a separate model of reality, which is reproduced with the help of a certain perception and awareness of the historian. In this sense, the author's team of the monograph has achieved the goal of creating a meaningful narrative that highlights the place of Ukraine at different stages of modern and postmodern European history. From the point of view of the general perception of the narrative offered to the reader, the authors of the collective monograph managed to harmonize individual stylistic features in a conceptually unified text, the meanings of which will be interesting to both professional historians and students and the general readership.
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39

FETZER, THOMAS. "International Challenges and National Allegiances: British and West German Trade Union Politics at Ford, 1967–1973." Contemporary European History 18, no. 1 (February 2009): 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777308004840.

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AbstractThis article contributes to the recent transnational turn in labour history with a case study of West German and British trade union politics at Ford between 1967 and 1973. It demonstrates that international economic interdependence became a major concern for organised labour in both countries because of the emergence in 1967 of the Ford of Europe holding company. Paradoxically, however, this was accompanied by the accentuation of national allegiances and action frameworks, in particular with regard to the framing of labour market interests and industrial relations policies. These processes played out differently in the two countries, not only because national contexts were different but also because the new international challenges interacted with national contexts in specific ways.
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40

Brown, Lorraine A., Richard Stourac, and Kathleen McCreery. "Theatre as a Weapon: Workers' Theatre in the Soviet Union, Germany and Britain 1917-1934." Labour / Le Travail 22 (1988): 358. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143095.

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41

Silvia, Stephen J. "The Alliance for Jobs: Social Democracy’s Post-Keynesian/Process-Oriented Employment Creation Strategy." German Politics and Society 17, no. 1 (March 1, 1999): 84–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503099782486905.

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A Texas wag once remarked, “Oilmen are like cats. You can’t tell from the sound of them whether they’re fighting or making love.” German industrial relations are not much different. In the heat of collective bargaining, the Federal Republic’s “social partners” (that is, trade unions and employers’ associations) frequently exchange vitriolic barbs in public, while simultaneously engaging in pragmatic, professional negotiations behind closed doors.
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42

Tampke, Jurgen, and Roger Fletcher. "Revisionism and Empire. Socialist Imperialism in Germany 1897-1914." Labour History, no. 52 (1987): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27508833.

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43

Zunz, Olivier, Hartmut Keil, and John B. Jentz. "German Workers in Industrial Chicago, 1850-1910: A Comparative Perspective." Labour / Le Travail 16 (1985): 298. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142534.

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44

Kupriyanov, Viktor, and Galina Smagina. "The Foundation and the First Decades of the Activity of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences in the Works of Russian and Foreign Historians of Science. Part 2." Science Management: Theory and Practice 3, no. 4 (December 29, 2021): 227–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/smtp.2021.3.4.20.

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The article is devoted to the critical analysis of the foreign historiography of the foundation of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences. The authors focus on German and Anglo-American historiographic traditions. The authors analyze the works of M. Posselt, V. Stieda, A. Vucinich, S. Werrett, M. Gordin and others. The article shows the the development of approaches to the highlighting of the problem of the foundation of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences. The Western historiography was initially dominated by German historians of science who were mostly interested in the role of foreigners (primarily Germans) in the history of the foundation of the Academy of Sciences. The authors of the article show that German historians followed the approach developed in Russian pre-revolutionary historiography. However, both British and American historians of science worked within this approach in the 1950–1970s. In this regard, the authors of the article draw attention to the interpretation of the history of Russian science by A. Vucinich and show its relations to the positivist historiography. An important result of the study concerns the identification of the fact that transformation in the Western historiography of the foundation of the Academy of Sciences was associated with new posmodern methodological strategies in cultural studies and in sociology. Theauthors show that contemporary Anglo-American historians tend to use the social analysis of M. Foucault, N. Elias and other influential contemporary sociologists, which significantly enriches the historiography of the foundation of the Academy of Sciences.
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45

McDougall, Glen, and Helga Grebing. "The History of the German Labour Movement: A Survey." Labour / Le Travail 20 (1987): 285. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142890.

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46

Allen, Christopher S. "Ideas, Institutions and the Exhaustion ofModell Deutschland?" German Law Journal 5, no. 9 (September 1, 2004): 1133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200013122.

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[Editors’ Note: This is the fourth consecutive article published in German Law Journal since July 2004 that is dedicated to the ongoing debate over the fate and prospects of the German model of Capitalism, welfare policy and corporate governance. The 22 July 2004 acquittals of all six defendants in the criminal proceedings against former Mannesmann CEO, Klaus Esser; Deutsche Bank's CEO (Vorstandssprecher) and then Member of Mannesmann's supervisory board, Josef Ackermann, and other members of Mannesmann's Supervisory Board have, once more, highlighted to German, European and International observers the particular features of law and politics in “Germany Inc.”, “Rhenish Capitalism”, or “Rhineland Capitalism”. As begun in the aftermath of Josef Ackermann's inthronization at the head of Deutsche Bank in May 2002 (exactly two years and two months before his acquittal before theLandgerichtDüsseldorf) and Ackermann's subsequent transformation of the Board's control structure,German Law Journalhas published several contributions to the ongoing changes in German corporate governance and its embeddedness within the specific German economic and legal system (seehttp://www.germanlawjournal.com/article.php?id=156). In the Journals July issue, Peter Kolla, a law student of Osgoode Hall Law School of York University in Toronto, meticulously traced the background debates to the closely observed criminal proceedings in the Mannesmann aftermath (http://www.germanlawjournal.com/article.php?id=460), and in our August issue, Jürgen Hoffmann, Professor of Sociology in Hamburg, surveyed the current interdisciplinary debate over the future fate of so-called Rhineland Capitalism and reconstructed Germany's recent history in an international context of globalization and privatisation (http://www.germanlawjournal.com/article.php?id=485). Also in the August issue, Max Rolshoven, writing his Ph.D. in law at the University of Münster, offered a first assessment of the acquittals in the Mannesmann case (http://www.germanlawjournal.com/article.php?id=480). In the article, published here, Professor Christopher Allen of the University of Georgia further deepens this inquiry from an economic point of view, while placing the contemporary debate over the possible end of Rhineland capitalism in the historical context of Germany's development in the 20th Century. The Editors ofGerman Law Journalare very pleased and honored to be able to provide for a further forum for this important debate, bringing together lawyers, economists, political scientists and sociologists, for a much needed exploration of the historical and political origins as well as of the legal framework of Germany's much critizised and, at the same time, ardently praised system of corporate governance and industrial relations. We invite our readers to contribute to this debate, which has so far found too little resonance in Germany itself.The Editors.]
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47

Stokes, Lawrence D., and Roger Fletcher. "Bernstein to Brandt: A Short History of German Social Democracy." Labour / Le Travail 24 (1989): 321. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143289.

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48

Kipping, Matthias. "Inter-Firm Relations and Industrial Policy: The French and German Steel Producers and Users in the Twentieth Century." Business History 38, no. 1 (January 1996): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00076799600000001.

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49

SCHILLING, HEINZ. "Calvinist and Catholic cities – urban architecture and ritual in confessional Europe." European Review 12, no. 3 (July 2004): 293–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798704000286.

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Urban history, at least in Germany, has mainly concentrated on the Medieval and Reformation cities on the one hand and Industrial and Contemporary cities on the other. However, recent debates among Early Modernists have produced the view that ‘confessionalization’, that is the formation of three or four modern church systems based on specific confessions of faith, was one of the most influential factors in producing the fundamental changes that occurred between 1550 and 1650 in Europe. This had a huge effect on the cities of Europe and their inhabitants. This paper compares Catholic and Protestant cities in Europe around 1600 with regard to their specific architecture and their religious and civic rituals. Rites and other religious functions or institutions have always been an important part of urban life. Lewis Mumford refers to religious funeral rites in his magisterial analysis of urban life in a universal perspective: ‘The city of the dead antedates the city of the living. In one sense, indeed the city of the dead is the forerunner, almost the core, of every living city.’ In Europe, the relationship between the Church and the towns or cities was especially close and, in a sense, fundamental because of the medieval history of the European towns and the structure and profile of pre-modern European societies in general. We start with a brief overview of these preconditions for urban life during Europe's confessional period, and then go on to take a closer look at the confessional city itself.
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50

Kakovkina, Olha, and Yehor Kachur. "Great connections of a small town: Novomoskovsk in the international economic relations of Ukraine in the 1950s – 1980s." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 4, no. 2 (July 20, 2022): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26210425.

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The purpose of the article is to define the place of Novomoskovsk in the international economic relations of Ukraine in the 1950s – 1980s, and main participants of these relations at the city level, directions, content and features. Research methods: historical-chronological, historical-genetic, comparative, descriptive. Main results. the article reveals the importance of Novomoskovsk, Dnipropetrovsk region, one of the small cities in the development of international economic relations of Ukraine as a part of the USSR. It is defined that the main factor that determined the place of Novomoskovsk in the international economic relations is the Novomoskovsk Pipe Plant activity. The role of the plant in these relations consisted of the production for export, business trips abroad, their admission to study and exchange experiences. The USSR, Ukraine in particular with its powerful industrial complex, played an important role in the reconstruction, formation, and development of the metallurgical industry in the countries of “people’s democracy” in Europe, Asia, countries whose governments were loyal to the USSR. The Novomoskovsk Pipe Plant and its employees contributed to the construction and operation of the first metallurgical complexes in Bulgaria and China. Since 1963, the enterprise has been one of the leaders in Ukraine and the USSR in the production of large diameter pipes for main gas and oil pipelines, which has strengthened its presence in the execution of export orders. The relations of the plant were not limited to the countries of the socialist camp, but also included countries with market economies. These relations were particularly influenced by political and ideological factors, as shown by the example of the USSR’s relations with West Germany, France and Japan. The Novomoskovsk Pipe Plant served as a base for holding international UN seminars on the training of metallurgical specialists, and its employees participated in international exhibitions, presenting the plant’s products. The course of the Cold War and international crises led to the appearance of a peculiar phenomenon of the Soviet era – the inclusion of production in propaganda campaigns, which were joined by groups of enterprises. From the side of the pipe plant, these were rallies in support (of Algeria, Cuba, Vietnam, etc.) and commitments on additional working days, increased production rates, early deadlines for implementation of plans, and the deduction of products in favor of support facilities. The importance of industrial relations for the development of the non-productive sphere is emphasized: contacts with foreigners in the city during business trips served as a window to the world, contributed to the expansion of worldview. In addition, with the help of people’s diplomacy there were formed trustworthy relationships between nations and people, which promoted the positive international image of the USSR in the best way possible. Practical significance: the results of the research can be used to form the theme of scientific research on regional, Ukrainian, world history of the second half of the 20th century implied into the practice of teaching relevant disciplines in higher education institutes, used to create / update museum exhibitions in Novomoskovsk. Scientific novelty: a significant part of published and unpublished sources on the topic of international economic relations of Novomoskovsk is generalized and processed for the first time, some of the sources are introduced into scientific circulation firstly and are interpreted considering the latest research on the history of the Cold War. Type of article: research.
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