Relevant bibliographies by topics / Industrial relations – Germany – History

Academic literature on the topic 'Industrial relations – Germany – History'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Industrial relations – Germany – History"

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Leaman, J. "Industrial Relations in West Germany." German History 6, no. 3 (July 1, 1988): 328–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/6.3.328a.

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Epkenhans, Michael. "Military-Industrial Relations in Imperial Germany, 1870-1914." War in History 10, no. 1 (January 2003): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/0968344503wh270oa.

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Kuliś, Jakub. "Transitions in the Way Germans and Polish-German Relations Were Presented in the Primary Schools of the Polish People’s Republic." Historia scholastica 8, no. 1 (August 2022): 79–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/006/2022-1-004.

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The aim of the article is to show the changes in the perception of Germans and Polish-German relations in the education of the People’s Republic of Poland. This problem is related to the changes in the domestic politics of post-war Poland and both German states. The paper is devoted to the evolution of the perception of Poland’s western neighbor from the post-war period to the end of the Polish People’s Republic, i.e. until 1989. The study presents the beginnings of the anti-German narration, caused by war trauma, which has intensified since 1949 due to pressure which has been exerted by communist government. The next part shows in which places the end of Stalinism and the takeover of power by Władysław Gomułka softened the perception of Federal Republic of Germany. The next phase was opened by the recognition of the western border of Poland by the Federal Republic of Germany on December 7, 1970. This event entailed a gradual liberalization of the recognition of the German problem in the curricula. Undoubtedly, this tendency deepened in the decade of Edward Gierek’s rule due to the problems of the Polish People’s Republic with the repayment of foreign debt, partly also in West Germany. In the early 1980s, the establishment of The Independent and Self-Governing Trade Union Solidarność brought a new quality. Thanks to them the methods of showing Germans (and Polish education as a whole) started a slowly evolution to eliminate the communist propaganda. The school subjects which received the most attention were history, German language, Polish language and geography, because during these lessons the issues related to Germany were most often discussed. The work was created on the basis of selected textbooks and curricula.
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Hoffrogge, Ralf. "Voluntarism, Corporatism and Path Dependency: The Metalworkers’ Unions Amalgamated Engineering Union and IG Metall and their Place in the History of British and German Industrial Relations." German History 37, no. 3 (June 15, 2019): 327–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghz037.

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Abstract Germany and Britain have served as models of either corporatist or voluntarist industrial relations. The more recent typology of ‘varieties of capitalism’ then identified Britain as a model case of a ‘liberal market economy’ while Germany was portrayed as a (state) ‘co-ordinated market economy’. The mainstream of German-language labour history also tells this success story. Some research on the evolution of co-determination has portrayed its subject as a long-standing trait of German capitalism, with predecessors dating back as far as 1848. With its focus on the history of two key trade unions in core industries of Britain and Germany, the British metalworkers’ union the Amalgamated Society of Engineers / Amalgamated Engineering Union and the German Metal Workers’ Union / IG Metall, this article questions both exceptionalism and continuity. It argues that a path dependency exists in the structure of both unions and the industrial relations around them—but that this never came close to a linear evolution of voluntarism or corporatism. On closer examination, the history of both unions includes localist as well as centralist practices. From the 1890s both unions were part of collective bargaining with strong employers’ associations; especially after 1945 both were open to corporatist compromises. For West Germany only, such a compromise was found in the early 1950s, and not before, while in Britain that same compromise was attempted but failed during the crucial years between 1965 and 1979. Therefore, to quote Stefan Berger, this article argues that ‘similarities between the British and the German labour movements have been underestimated’.
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Petzina, Dietmar. "The Economic Dimension of the East–West Conflict and the Role of Germany." Contemporary European History 3, no. 2 (July 1994): 203–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000771.

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A survey of the economic problems in East–West relations during the era of the Cold War is of particular interest from the German perspective. First, no other Western industrial country played a comparable role in the economic relations with East European countries; and secondly, East–West trade, especially the economic contacts with the German Democratic Republic (GDR), became an outstanding feature of German Ostpolitik under the conditions of the divided country. It appears to be an acceptable proposition to say that this form of West Germany economic and trade policy was the equivalent of the militarily defined US policy towards the Soviet Union, in so far as the famous dictum of the former Federal Chancellor Willy Brandt, that the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) was ‘an economic giant and a political dwarf only partly corresponded to reality. It therefore seems appropriate to discuss the economic dimension of the East–West conflict in the context of German interests and policies – not to the exclusion of all else, but with a certain priority.
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Dietrich, Donald, and Walter Fröhlich. "Wilhelm Emanuel von Ketteler,Rerum Novarum, and industrial relations in Germany." European Legacy 1, no. 3 (May 1996): 1096–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848779608579534.

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Berger, Stefan. "German Trade Unions, Their History, and the Use of Memory." Labor 18, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 144–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-9061563.

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This article summarizes the results of the work of a commission of the German Trade Union Confederation, Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB), on the memory cultures of social democracy and trade unionism in Germany and highlights its recommendations on how to strengthen the public memory of the achievements of trade unionism in German society. It argues that the contemporary memory cultures are highly deficient and in need of a major boost in order to make trade unionism fit for the struggles of the twenty-first century. Memory will be a crucial resource for trade unions, as it gives them a “practical past” with which to operate in the presence with a view to strengthening and protecting workers’ rights in the future.
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Mckitrick, Frederick L. "An Unexpected Path to Modernisation: The Case of German Artisans during the Second World War." Contemporary European History 5, no. 3 (November 1996): 401–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300003933.

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On 10 July 1950, at the celebrations marking the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the Wiesbaden Chamber of Artisans (Handwerkskammer), its president Karl Schöppler announced: ‘Today industry is in no way the enemy of Handwerk. Handwerk is not the enemy of industry.…’ These words, which accurately reflected the predominant point of view of the post-war chamber membership, and certainly of its politically influential leadership, marked a new era in the social, economic and political history of German artisans and, it is not too much to say, in the history of class relations in (West) Germany in general. Schöppler's immediate frame of reference was the long-standing and extremely consequential antipathy on the part of artisans towards industrial capitalism, an antipathy of which his listeners were well aware.
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Blackbourn, David, and Geoff Eley. "The Peculiarities of German History: Bourgeois Society and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Germany." Labour / Le Travail 19 (1987): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142836.

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Zahn, Rebecca. "Finding New Ways of “Doing” Socio-Legal Labor Law History in Germany and the UK: Introducing a “Minor Comparativism”." German Law Journal 21, no. 7 (October 2020): 1378–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2020.79.

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AbstractLabor law scholars have been receptive to socio legal methods, going beyond doctrinal legal sources and looking to other disciplines including industrial relations, sociology, and history. This Article revisits the development of socio legal labor law scholarship in Germany and the UK in order to understand the different approaches within the context of two different legal and academic cultures, and considers how a comparison can provide new insights at a time when the discipline is in a state of flux. In particular, this Article focuses on how history can provide an entrée into different ways of comparing labor law and labor relations systems. It seeks to start a methodological debate on “how to do” labor law history within the context of the discipline’s socio legal origins. In a final section, it uses insights from history and comparative law in order to develop a new methodology—a “minor comparativism”—which unearths the processes and influences underpinning the historical development of labor law which have hitherto escaped the legal record. Such an approach enables scholars to reassess traditional narratives—a worthwhile endeavor at a time when the future role of labor law in regulating work is under scrutiny.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Industrial relations – Germany – History"

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Brébion, Clément. "Vocational training and industrial relations in France and Germany." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0166.

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Cette thèse de doctorat est un recueil de trois essais en économie du travail. Ils analysent de manière comparative des institutions centrales des économies française et allemande. Les chapitres estiment successivement l'ampleur des discriminations à l'égard des représentants du personnel, l'effet de l'apprentissage sur l'insertion professionnelle et l'impact des subventions offertes pour développer ce type de formation. Les principaux résultats sont analysés à la fois du point de vue de la France et de l'Allemagne et offrent des conclusions sur les récentes évolutions institutionnelles des deux pays.Le premier chapitre de cette thèse analyse les trajectoires salariales des représentants du personnel allemands. Cette étude apporte un nouvel éclairage sur le fonctionnement de la négociation dans ce pays. Nous montrons qu'il existe en Allemagne une discrimination stratégique à l'égard des représentants du personnel. Dans le secteur manufacturier, les salariés élus au comité d’entreprise bénéficient d’un surplus de revenus du fait de leur statut. Inversement, dans le secteur des services, la prise de fonction a un effet négatif sur les salaires. Dans les deux secteurs, l'ampleur de ces impacts sur l’évolution annuelle des salaires est d’ 1 à 2 points de pourcentage. Nous montrons en outre que ce sont les représentants syndiqués et politiquement impliqués qui reçoivent la majeure partie de la prime (négative ou positive) dans les deux secteurs. Pour eux, l'ampleur de l'impact est proche de 3 pp. Ces résultats mettent en évidence une détérioration de la qualité de la coopération entre partenaires sociaux dans le pays.Le chapitre 2 compare l’effet des études en apprentissage sur l’insertion professionnelle, en France et en Allemagne, entre 1998 et 2013. Il montre que, dans les deux pays, les apprentis réussissent mieux en sortie d’études secondaires ou supérieures que les étudiants de la voie scolaire standard. Cela est vrai tant à court qu'à moyen terme. En termes de taux de chômage l’année suivant la sortie d’études, le bénéfice est environ 6.75 p.p. plus fort en France qu’en Allemagne. L’analyse causale fournit les résultats principaux. Nous montrons que l’apprentissage favorise les élèves en difficulté scolaire qui quittent l'école à la fin de leurs études secondaires en France. Ce n’est pas le cas en Allemagne. L'explication de ce résultat est double. Tout d'abord, les étudiants de la voie scolaire standard en Allemagne réussissent bien mieux que leurs homologues français. Ensuite, le départ de l’entreprise de formation suite à l’obtention d’un diplôme en apprentissage est près de deux fois plus fréquent en France. Les apprentis non conservés bénéficient cependant du bon signal de leur diplôme sur le marché externe, ce qui n'est pas le cas de leurs homologues allemands. Enfin, à la sortie du supérieur, dans les deux pays, l’apprentissage n’améliore pas l’insertion professionnelle.Le chapitre 3 évalue l'impact d'une importante subvention - l'Indemnité Compensatrice Forfaitaire - offerte aux employeurs d'apprentis en France et qui a été régionalisée entre 2005 et 2014. Au moment de sa régionalisation, elle représentait un quart des dépenses publiques consacrées à l'apprentissage. L'analyse montre que la subvention favorise les stratégies de rotation de la main d’œuvre. Ainsi, on mesure une élasticité limitée mais significativement négative du nombre d'apprentis embauchés aux coûts de formation. Sa valeur est de -0,22. Toutefois, l'impact se fait surtout sentir au niveau de la marge intensive (les entreprises formatrices accueillant davantage d'apprentis) plutôt qu'au niveau de la marge extensive (de nouvelles entreprises qui commenceraient à former). Cela suggère qu’en réponse à une hausse de la prime à l’embauche, les entreprises formeraient au-dessus de leurs besoins en compétences
This PhD thesis is a collection of three essays in labour economics. In a comparative fashion, they analyse key institutions of the French and German political economies. The chapters successively estimate the size of discrimination towards works councilors, the effect of apprenticeship training on labour integration and the impact of subsidies offered to develop this form of training. The main results are analysed from both the perspectives of France and Germany and present conclusions on the recent institutional trajectories of the two countries.The first chapter of this PhD thesis proposes an analysis of wage trajectories of German works councilors. This outcome, I claim, offers a good way to analyse the functioning of bargaining in the country. I find proofs that some strategic discrimination towards works councilors takes place in Germany. In the manufacturing sector, being elected to the works council causes a rise in labour income. Conversely, in the private service sectors, entering office negatively impacts wages. In both sectors, the size of these impacts on yearly pay rise is of about 1 to 2 pp. I further show that unionized and politically inclined councilors receive most of the (negative or positive) premium in both sectors. For them, the size of the impact is close to 3 pp. These results emphasize a decline in the quality of cooperation in the countryChapter 2 compares how well apprenticeship training helps open the door to the labour market in France and Germany between 1998 and 2013. It shows that, on average, apprentices do better in both countries than standard students upon completion of secondary or higher education. This is true both on the short- and medium-run. In terms of the unemployment rate in the year after education, the difference between the two countries is equivalent to about 6.75 pp more for France. Turning to causal claims, I find that apprenticeships advantage low school achievers leaving school upon completion of secondary education in France. The opposite applies in Germany. Explanation for this result is twofold. First, standard students (i.e. the control group) in Germany do much better than their counterparts in France. Second, mobility upon graduation is about double in France but non-retained graduates still benefit from the good signal of their diploma on the external market which is not the case of their German counterparts. I finally find no causal impact of the track on the integration of student’s exiting school after higher education. Chapter 3 evaluates the impact of a large hiring credit – the Indemnité Compensatrice Forfaitaire – offered to employers of apprentices in France and which got regionalized between 2005 and 2014. At the time of its regionalization, it accounted for about a quarter of all public money spent on apprenticeships. The analysis shows that the subsidy fosters turnover strategies. Thus, I find a limited but significantly negative elasticity of the number of apprentices hired to training costs. The point estimate is -0.22. The impact however mostly plays at the intensive margin (training firms taking on more apprentices) rather than at the extensive margin (new firms entering the system). This suggests that training firms may respond to subsidies by training over their needs in skills. Confirming this interpretation, I find that the elasticity of mobility upon graduation to training cost is negative and equal to -0.40
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Leitz, Christian. "The economic relations between Nazi Germany and Franco Spain, 1936-1945." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4b43eb26-a59b-4b94-ad66-1f00dafc2ba5.

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During the course of the Spanish Civil War Nazi Germany's intervention on behalf of General Francisco Franco and his fellow insurgents became increasingly dominated by economic considerations. National Socialist policies vis-à-vis Nationalist Spain developed into a programme of large-scale economic exploitation. Under the command of Hermann Goring two companies were founded in Spain in late July 1936 (HISMA) and in Berlin in early October 1936 (ROWAK) to take control not only of National Socialist supply operations for Franco but also of the whole economic relationship between Nazi Germany and Nationalist Spain. During the course of the civil war HISMA/ROWAK managed to alter the trading pattern between Spain and Germany away from mainly fruit imports towards a substantial increase in raw material supplies. As British companies controlled most of the pyrite and iron ore mines of Spain and were therefore directly affected by Franco's redirection of ore exports to Germany, this development was challenged by the British government. The Nazi regime was only partly successful in reducing non-German economic influence in Spain. Aware of the temporary nature of Franco's dependence on German war matériel, Hermann Goring initiated the MONTANA project in 1937 to build up a German-owned mining empire in Spain. While the purchase of Spanish mines by HISMA/ROWAK was reluctantly accepted by Franco in late 1938, the Nazi regime was left with very little time to proceed even further with its economic "colonization" of Spain. The outbreak of war in September 1939 put an effective halt to German-Spanish economic relations until the defeat of France in summer 1940 led to a reopening of rail links to Spain. Subsequent - unsuccessful - negotiations on a Spanish entry into the war were dominated by economic considerations. From 1941 onwards an increasing trade and clearing imbalance developed in favour of Spain. Germany was desperate to import certain goods from Spain, particularly wolfram ore, a vital raw material for German armaments producers. Yet, the Allied economic warfare campaign in Spain led to huge price increases and during the period 1942 to 1944 the Nazi regime found itself forced to export growing amounts of war matériel to Spain. The Allied invasion of France in 1944 finally led to the effective end of German-Spanish trade relations, although both regimes tried to maintain them until Hitler's final defeat.
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Coupe, Stuart Andrew. "Apartheid in South African industrial relations, 1955-1980." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.386449.

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Rampeltshammer, Luitpold. "Globalization and industrial relations the pharmaceutical industry in Germany and the United Kingdom." Frankfurt, M. New York, NY Campus-Verl, 2007. http://d-nb.info/988789558/04.

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Lewis, Stephen Haynes. "Filling the Political Vacuum: The United States and Germany, 1944-1946." W&M ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625625.

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Schrauf, Marcus H. "An examination of the evolution of the industrial relations systems in Germany and South Africa with special reference to the functionality of Chapter V of the South African Labour Relations Act (66 of 1995)." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53261.

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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After decades of its struggle against the apartheid policy and system, and after the victory in the first democratic elections in 1994, the pre-1994 co operation within the alliance of the African National Congress (ANC), the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the South African Communist Party (SACP) created the framework of reference for the legal infrastructure of a new Industrial Re[ations ([R) system in which trade unions, employers and government would act together in a spirit of tripartism. The legal infrastructure of the new IR system was thus aligned with the new politica[ dispensation and in compliance with the new Constitution (200 of 1993) with its overarching aim as the correction of the imbalances of the past by ensuring both, a climate supportive of growth and the pursuit of social equity for all South Africans. However, in the wake of the 1994 elections, more and more ideo[ogical differences have arisen within the Alliance, also fostered by South Africa's unequal income distribution, the [ow life expectancy, the [ow literacy rates, high infant mortality, one of the highest H[V/Aids infection rates among the black population and its strong investor - unfriendly climate, all affecting effective policy making. [n particular, the ANC's 'shift to the right' with its Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) strategy for macroeconomic development is alienating it from its alliance partners. Nevertheless, a new package of labour legislation was structured around the core of the individual contract of employment, resting in common law, with the Basic Condition of Employment Act (75 of 1997) setting minimum standards, and the new Labour Relations Act (66 of 1997) providing the framework for a collective bargaining system. The new Labour Relations Act integrates co operation in the [R system by enabling trade unions and employers to establish and regulate formally their relationships for the purpose of collective bargaining and creating machineries for the resolution of disputes of interest on the one side, and an employee - employer relationship based on rights vested in the parties in an enterprise, domestic context on the other. Provisions for a certain form of codetermination by, and participation of workers in the taking of decisions by management on the shop floor are legally entrenched in Chapter V - Workplace Forums - of the Labour Relations Act. Chapter V of the Labour Relations Act (66 of 1995) stipulates the requirements for the establishment of a Workplace Forum and defines and regulates its functions. If the definition and structure of such a Workplace Forum as contained in the respective schedule of the Act are compared with the German Betriebsverfassungsgesetz of 1952 and 1972, numerous similarities can be observed, and a quasi - adoption and incorporation of the German act as a blueprint for Chapter Vof the South African act can be assumed. However, whereas in Germany co-determination and the 8etriebsvedassungsgesetz of 1952 and 1972 have evolved naturally over the years, workers participation in South Africa through a Workplace Forum appears to be a mere legal creation, conceived on the drawing board for the new legislation, without any particular tradition and an effective place in the IR system. Additionally, questions raised in connection with its constitutionality leaves the quasiimported provisions of Chapter V in a doubtful light. I n analogy to the German Verfassungsklage of 1976 against the then new Mitbestimmungsgesetz, the focus of this study falls on a hypothetical test whether the provisions of Chapter V would be in accord with the new South African Constitution (200 of 1993), and also the constitution of their 'importing country', namely Germany. Several grey areas exist in which the Constitutional Courts of both countries would most probably have to declare some provisions as unconstitutional, the most important one being that, since the establishment of a Workplace Forum is linked only to the initiative of an existing representative union, the Freedom of Association of the individual is impaired.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Na dekades van weerstand teen die sisteem van die apartheidsbeleid, en na die oorwinning in die eerste, demokratiese verkiesing van 1994, het die samewerking binne die alliansie van die African National Congress (ANC), die Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) en die South African Communist Party (SACP) die raamwerk vir die struktuur van 'n nuwe Nywerheidsverhoudingsstelsel waarbinne vakbonde, werkgewers en die regering in 'n gees van tripartisme kan saamwerk, die lig laat sien. Die regtelike infrastruktuur van die nuwe nywerheidsverhoudingsstelsel was dus met die nuwe politiese sisteem in ooreenstemming en ook voldoende aan die vereistes van die nuwe Konstitusie (200 van 1993). Die alomvattende doel van die Konstitusie was om die sosiale wanbalans van die verlede te korrigeer en 'n klimaat te skep wat ekonomiese groei en die strewe na sosiale gelykheid vir alle Suid-Afrikaaners moontlik sal maak. In die tydperk na die verkiesing het egter meer en meer ideologiese verskille binne die Alliansie ontstaan, ook veroorsaak deur Suid Afrika se ongelyke inkomsteverdeling, 'n lae lewensverwagting, 'n lae vlak van lettervaardighede, 'n hoe graad van kindersterflikheid, een van die hoogste Vigs statistieke vir die swart bevolking en 'n onvriendelike klimaat vir buitelandse investering wat all die effektiewe beleidsskepping beinvloed. Besonders die ANC se 'verskuiwing na regs' met sy Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) strategie vir makroekonomiese ontwikkeling vervreemd die organisasie van sy bondgenote. Dit nieteenstande het 'n nuwe pakket van arbeidswetgewing ontstaan. Die kern van die pakket is die individuele kontrak van indiensneming wat in die algemene reg veranker is, maar wat deur die Wet op Basiese Diensvoorwaardes (75 van 1997) met 'n getal van minimum standaarde en vereistes gemodifiseer word, met die Wet op Arbeidsverhouding (66 van 1995) wat vakbonde en werkgewers met 'n raamwerk vir die proses van kollektiewe bedinging voorsien. Die nuwe Wet op Arbeidsverhoudinge maak voorsiening vir die samewerking tussen vakbonde en werkgewers om hulle verhouding vir die doel van onderhandelinge te formaliseer en ook meganisme vir die beslegting van belangedispute, en ook regsdispute wat uit die regte van die partye in die direkte werksplek vloei. Voorsiening vir 'n sisteem van werkersdeelname en medebestemming in die besluitneming van bestuur word in Hoofstuk V - Werkplekforums - van die Wet op Arbeidsverhoudinge gemaak. Hoofstuk V van die Wet op Arbeidsverhoudinge bepaal die vereistes, reguleer die stigting en defineer die funksies van 'n Werkplekforum. As 'n vergelyking van die definisies vir, en die struktuur van so 'n Werkplekforum soos voorgeskryf in die skedule vir Hoofstuk V met die Duitse Betriebsverfassungsgesetz van 1952 en 1972 gemaak word, kan daar baie ooreenstemming met die wet gevind word. Dit Iyk ook dat baie komponente van die Duitse wet oorgeneem en as 'n bloudruk vir Hoofstuk V gebruik en daarin geintegreer is. In analogie met die Duitse Verfassungsklage van 1976 teen die destydse nuwe Mitbestimmungsgesetz val die klem in die studie op 'n hipotetiese toets of die voorwaardes van Hoofstuk V met die vereistes van die nuwe Suid Afrikaanse Konstitusie (200 van 1993) voldoen, en ook die van die konstitusie van hulle 'importeeringsland', naamlik Duitsland. Daar bestaan sekere grys areas in Hoofstuk V waarin die konstitusionele howe van altwee lande hoogswaarskynlik sommige voorwaardes as botsend met hulle onderskeidelike konstitusies sou vind. Die mees belangrikste daarvan is die voorwaardes dat, aangesien 'n Werkplekforum net deur 'n verteenwoordigende vakbond mag gestig word, die Verenigingsvreiheid van die individu aangetas word.
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Leon, Juan Andres Andres. "Citizens of the Chemical Complex: Industrial Expertise and Science Philanthropy in Imperial and Weimar Germany." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11295.

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This dissertation is a social and cultural history of chemical industrialists and their role in the development of both science and capitalism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It focuses on the case of Germany, where many chemists became some the most powerful industrial leaders during this period. Since the late nineteenth century, chemistry in Germany constituted a cosmos radiating from the large industrial sites, of which the academic discipline was just the tip of the iceberg. The chemical Industry supported a formidable scientific research system, and industrial chemists rose to the highest social circles, from which they exerted unique forms of activism. In particular, science philanthropy provided chemical industrialists with a point of entry to elite German society. Their status as scientists, combined with their manufacturing social backgrounds, led to an inclination towards supporting scientific research through direct participation and political lobbying, with less emphasis on the financial donations common in American philanthropy. Crucially, this support extended beyond chemistry, to other applied sciences and even apparently non-industrial pursuits such as astronomy. In these other fields, they sought to replicate the industrial support system that existed in chemistry, while opening the opportunity to participate directly in their amateur scientific interests. I contend that these non-financial forms of support for science played an important role during the radical changes in twentieth-century Germany, including war, hyperinflation, extreme economic cycles, and the increasing political polarization of the Weimar era.
History of Science
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Moses, Julia Margaret. "Industrial accident compensation policies, state and society in Britain, Germany and Italy, 1870-1925." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609115.

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Hale, Carol Anne. "German-Soviet military relations in the era of Rapallo." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59388.

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This study examines German-Soviet military relations between 1917 and 1922 and demonstrates the involvement of the Reichswehr in the Treaty of Rapallo. Since early 1919, the Reichswehr cultivated entente with the Soviet Union in opposition to the German government and in violation of the Treaty of Versailles, both to regain its military preeminence and to recapture Germany's power-political position in Europe. The Reichswehr attempted to draw German industry into relations with the Soviet state in order to secure the manufacture of military machinery and support troop training. By 1922, the foundation for collaboration between German industry, the Reichswehr and the Soviet Union/Red Army had been laid. The Treaty of Rapallo, concluded by government officials that were privy to the activities of the Reichswehr, removed the threat of a western consortium against the Soviet Union, and ensured the growth of the Reichswehr's alliance with the Soviet state.
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Jones, C. L. "Industrial relations in the Northumberland and Durham coal industry : 1825 - 1845." Thesis, University of Sunderland, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.353592.

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The prime aim of this work is to examine the industrial relations of the Northumberland and Durham Coal Industry in the period 1825 - 1845. In order to do so comprehensively several different themes are examined. The North-eastern coalfield had a history of m~n~ng enterprises dating back to monastic and other medieval ecclesiastical ventures. It had witnessed expansion and development under the monopolistic Grand Alliance of aristocratic owners in the eighteenth-century. And in the second quarter of the nineteenth-century it presented a multifaceted pattern of ownership varying from some of the largest territorial magnates in the two counties to partnership~composedof representatives of the mercantile, industrial, professional and squirearchic elites of the area. The regularly-expanding labour force was initially composed of a localised aristocracy of skilled labour, who developed strong bonds of occupational solidarity, loyalty and craft-pride. They also had a strong sense of occupational status. Attitudes and beliefs developed within the workplac~ pervaded community relationships and structures) and gave them a cohesive and essentially insular character in which local traditions and folk-lore and bucolic leisure activities continued to predominate. The pitmen had a history of combination and industrial action dating back to the mid-eighteenth-century and their trade unions were craft-orientated, moderate and community-based. Disputes reflected the men's concern with status and privileges, which from the 1820's were being threatened by the employers attempts to rationalise the production processes and reduce costs. In the period under consideration there were two major strikes (1831-2 and 1844): the second involving the national trade union, the Miners' Association of Great Britain and Ireland. Strikes affected the whole community and the pit populations responded with a degree of solidarity which made the enforcement of law and order difficult. The history of the pitmen's trade unions, and their relationship with the coal owners has not been considered in detail since 1923. Using newly-available source material this work will assess the situation using as its basis the pitmen's own perceptions of the situation, to provide a framework in which to analyse their relationship with the employers.
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Books on the topic "Industrial relations – Germany – History"

1

Visions of modernity: American business and the modernization of Germany. New York: Oxford University Press, 1994.

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1958-, Chick Martin, ed. Governments, industries, and markets: Aspects of government-industry relations in the UK, Japan, West Germany, and the USA since 1945. Aldershot, Hants, England: Elgar, 1990.

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Stråth, Bo. The organisation of labour markets: Modernity, culture, and governance in Germany, Sweden, Britain, and Japan. London: Routledge, 1996.

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Gescheiterte Sozialpartnerschaft-- gefährdete Republik?: Industrielle Beziehungen, Arbeitskämpfe und der Sozialstaat : Deutschland und Frankreich im Vergleich (1918-1933/39). München: Oldenbourg, 2010.

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Arbeitswelt Kirche: Mitbestimmung und Arbeitsbeziehungen kirchlicher Beschäftigter in der Weimarer Republik. Frankfurt: Lang, 1999.

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Lowell, Turner, ed. Negotiating the new Germany: Can social partnership survive? Ithaca: ILR Press, 1997.

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The politics of containment: The role of business in shaping the welfare state and labor markets in Germany. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2012.

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1930-, Mommsen Wolfgang J., Husung Hans-Gerhard, and German Historical Institute in London., eds. The Development of trade unionism in Great Britain and Germany, 1880-1914. London: German Historical Institute, 1985.

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Sweeney, Dennis. Work, race, and the emergence of radical right corporatism in imperial Germany. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 2009.

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Joseph, Melling, and McKinlay Alan 1957-, eds. Management, labour, and industrial politics in modern Europe: The quest for productivity growth during the twentieth century. Cheltenham, UK: E. Elgar, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Industrial relations – Germany – History"

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Plumpe, Werner. "Industrial Relations in the GDR: A Mere Footnote to German Economic History?" In German Economic and Business History in the 19th and 20th Centuries, 333–58. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51860-6_13.

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Plumpe, Werner. "Capital and Labor: Concepts and Practice of Industrial Relations in the Twentieth Century." In German Economic and Business History in the 19th and 20th Centuries, 283–303. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51860-6_11.

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Müller-Vogg, H. "Federal Republic of Germany." In Industrial Relations in Europe, 75–99. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003335290-4.

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Auer, Peter. "1. Institutional Stability Pays: German Industrial Relations under Pressure." In Negotiating the New Germany, edited by Lowell Turner, 15–32. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501744891-004.

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Guth, Stefan. "History by Decree? The Commission of Historians of the German Democratic Republic and the People’s Republic of Poland 1956–1990." In Germany, Poland, and Postmemorial Relations, 43–63. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137052056_3.

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Fraser, W. Hamish. "The Industrial Relations of Depression, 1921–33." In A History of British Trade Unionism 1700–1998, 152–76. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27558-8_7.

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Plumpe, Werner. "Germany as an Industrial Country 1945–2008." In German Economic and Business History in the 19th and 20th Centuries, 239–80. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51860-6_10.

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Krotz, Ulrich. "Historical Construction, International Relations Theory, and Foreign Policy." In History and Foreign Policy in France and Germany, 24–40. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230353954_3.

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Shire, Karen. "5. Bargaining Regimes and the Social Reorganization of Production: The Case of General Motors in Austria and Germany." In Workplace Industrial Relations and the Global Challenge, edited by Jacques Bélanger, P. K. Edwards, and Larry Haiven, 137–56. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501733369-008.

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Pelling, Henry. "The Industrial Relations Act and The Social Contract, 1970–9." In A History of British Trade Unionism, 283–300. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-09550-6_14.

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Conference papers on the topic "Industrial relations – Germany – History"

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Bokach, S. B. "SOCIAL RELATIONS IN THE PROCESS OF LAW CODIFICATION IN GERMANY." In RUSSIAN LEGAL SYSTEM: HISTORY, MODERNITY, DEVELOPMENT TRENDS. Amur State University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/lsr.2020.1.

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Tischer, Matthias. "Musikgeschichte der DDR: Ein Pilotprojekt zur digitalen Musikvermittlung." In Jahrestagung der Gesellschaft für Musikforschung 2019. Paderborn und Detmold. Musikwissenschaftliches Seminar der Universität Paderborn und der Hochschule für Musik Detmold, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.25366/2020.106.

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Thirty years after the so-called ‚Wende‘, a fundamental and comprehensive study of the musical history of the GDR - encompassing both the music itself and the political and cultural contexts (i.e. the musical relations) - still represents a desideratum. The same is true for a long-term comparative music history of the divided Germany, for which the our project develops some essential prerequisites. The research project presented here is an informed cultural-historical analysis of the musical discourse of the GDR under the auspices of the Cold War. It is not about a revised version of national history only, because despite a relatively strong national and regional self-centredness of the musical life of the GDR, it can hardly be understood without the political and cultural references to the Soviet Union, the Federal Republic of Germany and the neighbouring European states.
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Edlichko, Anzhela I. "CODIFICATION OF THE ORTHOEPIC NORMS OF THE GERMAN LANGUAGE: HISTORY AND CURRENT SITUATION." In 49th International Philological Conference in Memory of Professor Ludmila Verbitskaya (1936–2019). St. Petersburg State University, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/9785288062353.07.

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The article discusses the development of the lexicographic codification of pronunciation norms of German. It gives an overview of the orthoepic norm, its varieties and inherent features, relations between the norm and standard of pronunciation. Pronouncing dictionaries since the end of the 19th century have been studied as primary sources, some phonetic phenomena are also illustrated with the explanatory dictionaries of earlier periods. The lexicographic codification of the pronunciation norms in historical retrospect is briefly analyzed: from exaggerated articulation of actors in Germany to actual sound phenomena using in the pronunciation of professional radio and television announcers, which includes the pronouncing features of authentic oral media communication. Special attention is paid to the problem of codification of the orthoepic standard in different types of dictionaries in light of the pluricentricity of German, due to lack of empirical analyses. The article also represents the current orthoepic dictionaries, which include information about the sounds of three standards of German in Germany, Austria and Switzerland. Study of their structure and content features made it possible to identify some advantages and disadvantages. As a result of the study, the author concludes with changing approaches to the codification of pronunciation norms, such as transformation of the metalanguage, expansion of the empirical base, use of contemporary sociophonetic methods in its analysis, some structural and content changes in the dictionaries. These modifications are shown to be connected with the change of the lexicographic paradigm and the turn from monocentricity to pluricentricity due to sociocultural and sociolinguistic factors. Refs 24.
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Камкин, Александр. "Россия и Германия — история взаимодействия в сфере науки и культуры." In Россия — Германия в образовательном, научном и культурном диалоге. Конкорд, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/de2021/013.

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This article describes various aspects of interaction and dialogue between Russia and Germany in sphere of science and culture. The ties between the two countries have many forms and a long history. Reforms by Peter the Great gave a huge input to German-Russian relations intensification in this sphere. In XVIII–XIX centuries Russia became a new home for hundreds of thousands German colonists, scientists, generals, public servants. Five of six first presidents of RAS hade German origin. A special accent is given in this article to analysis of mutual enrichment of Russian and German philosophy in context of German classic philosophy acceptance in Russia and later acceptance of Russian Slavophils’ ideas by German conservative thinkers in the beginning of XX century.
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Platt, N. A. "Optical Mass Production In A First Generation Manufacturing Base. Potentials and Limitations !" In Optical Fabrication and Testing. Washington, D.C.: Optica Publishing Group, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1364/oft.1980.fwa4.

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The fabrication of Optical Elements began as an Art rather than a Science and has tended to remain so throughout its history. With demands of high quantity and quality, the fabrication procedures are under constant standardisation to approve upon yet cost-effective material, machinery and manpower. Rollei Singapore (Pte) Ltd. (RS), a subsidiary of Rollei, Franke & Heidecke, West Germany, has grown into a mass manufacturer of high precision optical, optomechanical and photographic components/equipment in Singa­pore since 1970 with the majority of designs licensed by Carl Zeiss, West Germany. The author projects Singapore's industrial structure and economic policies. He spot-lights RS for history, general policies, scope, spread and its versatility in a first generation manufacturing base. The effect of major features, to that effect, viz., machinery and equipment used, technologies applied and control techniques observed are dilated. Particular stress is laid on applied modem cost-effective techniques of manufacturing processes ensuring reproduceability and reliability through the State of Art.
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VEVERA, Victor Adrian, and Sorin TOPOR. "THE COMMUNICATIONAL DIMENSION OF DIGITAL DIPLOMACY." In SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH AND EDUCATION IN THE AIR FORCE. Publishing House of “Henri Coanda” Air Force Academy, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19062/2247-3173.2021.22.12.

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Diplomacy has emerged in interstate relations as a mechanism that facilitates the achievement of state objectives, with the task of promoting and protecting state sovereignty. It has had to be reinvented with every important discovery in world history and with every substantial change in the field of communication. The fourth industrial revolution changed the whole panoply of interpersonal and interstates relations, having an important effect on the way international relations unfolded. The emergence of 24/7 news networks, social networks, blogs and streaming has led diplomacy to enter a new stage of its transformation and adaptation to the realities of the contemporary world, giving rise to the so-called digital diplomacy. In this article cyber diplomacy is described from its communicational dimension point of view underlining its importance for assuring national interest of states.
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Camba, Jorge D., Ana Cosin, and Manuel Contero. "An Evaluation of Formal Strategies to Create Stable and Reusable Parametric Feature-Based 3D Models." In ASME 2014 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2014-37859.

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In this paper, we present a comparative review of publicly available and professionally accepted CAD modeling strategies and best practices for history-based parametric design that focus on reusability: Delphi’s horizontal modeling, explicit reference modeling, and resilient modeling. Some aspects considered in our study include the rationale to avoid the creation of unnecessary feature interdependencies, the sequence and selection criteria for those features, and the effects of parent/child relations on model reuse. We provide a preliminary evaluation of these strategies using a simple industrial CAD model. We analyze the internal structure of the models by comparing the robustness, flexibility, and complexity of the parametric representation. Finally, we provide a set of general guidelines to identify the best modeling strategy based on the characteristics of the design.
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Xia, J. L., and T. Ahokainen. "Mathematical Modeling of Transient Flow and Heat Transfer in Gas Stirred Molten Steel." In ASME 2001 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2001/htd-24330.

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Abstract Transient two phase flow and heat transfer in a gas-stirred steel ladle are numerically investigated. An Eulerian two fluid approach is used. The drag, lift and turbulent dispersion forces are taken into account for the interface interactions. Different interface heat transfer correlations such as Ranz-Marshall and Hughmark relations are used to examine the influence of heat transfer between gas-liquid interface on the flow. The flow pattern, the histories of both gas and molten steel temperatures, and the thermal stratification history are presented. Results show that gas injection can homogenize thermal field and result in a thermal stratification of about 2 °C only (not complete homogenization). The different heat transfer correlations examined for the bubble-liquid interface have negligible impact on the flow and thermal fields. Predictions are compared with experimental data measured in an industrial ladle and a reasonable agreement is achieved.
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Uderbayeva, Nurgul K., Aknur Kadirbek, and Jaroslav Kultan. "Review of the effectiveness of new information technologies in the era of global digital technologies." In Sustainable and Innovative Development in the Global Digital Age. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcsebm.jglm1102.

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The dynamic development of the economy in society is of great help in solving problems with the internal and international conditions of the development of a global country. Currently, the continuous and rapid development of information technologies in the economy is due to the quality of this knowledge system. As you know, the development of digital information technologies is due to the systematic and continuous quality education of secondary schools and higher educational institutions. That is, in the case of the development of information technologies, humanity can change, simplify life in society, introducing into history any innovative developments, in whatever industry they may be. Undoubtedly, the digital economy, which has become the core of today's topic of industrialization in accordance with the requirements of the digital era of new information technologies, is one of the leading mechanisms in the development of socio-social, industrial relations, various services and innovations at a characteristic level, in the management of infrastructure facilities with a new civilizational trend, i.e. in improving the social quality of life of the population. This article examines the effectiveness of the use of digital information technologies in educational fields.
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Wrana, Jan, and Agnieszka Fitta-Spelina. "Return to a coherent city: on the example of Lublin." In Virtual City and Territory. Barcelona: Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.8088.

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This article discusses a very important and current problem of the loss of integrity in Lublin. It also contains suggestions for the improvement of present situation and preventing the problem in the future. The paper is a continuation of research conducted by J. Wrana as part of habilitation thesis entitled “The role and importance of architecture in the process of integrating the spatial structure of the city – on the example of Lublin”. One of the methods of integrating urban spatial structure is conscious creation of architectural forms, and their increasing significance in the formation of “synergy” relations. The binder of “re-integration” city could be the “integration architecture” - buildings of high quality, socially attractive features, located in the important nodal points, which improve the consistency of the environment. Supplementing the city with such facilities greatly increases its aesthetics, also associated with consistency. Their functions are not only the classic ones (services, education, etc.) as in various ways, they also influence city landscapes. They complete street frontages, integrate campuses and housing estates, create composition axes, integrate surroundings, and enrich the services. The authors focus on the example of Lublin – a centuries-old city with rich and fascinating history, nowadays dealing with its post-industrial heritage and facing spatial problems. The city is regaining its lost integrity through architecture: it has become a place where a number of noteworthy integrating projects have been realised. The examples of integration architecture in Lublin are, among others: Centre for the Meeting of Cultures “Theatre in Construction” and Eastern Innovation Centre of Architecture (Lublin University of Technology).
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Reports on the topic "Industrial relations – Germany – History"

1

Allan, Duncan, and Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.

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The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.
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