Journal articles on the topic 'Industrial relations – Europe, Western – History'
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Ebbinghaus, Bernhard. "The Siamese Twins: Citizenship Rights, Cleavage Formation, and Party-Union Relations in Western Europe." International Review of Social History 40, S3 (December 1995): 51–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113604.
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Prophecies of doom for both working-class party and labor unions have gained popularity in the Western industrial democracies over the last two decades. The “old” Siamese twins, working-class party and labor unions, have a century-long history of their combined struggle to achieve political and industrial citizenship rights for the working class. Both forms of interest representation are seen as facing new challenges if not a crisis due to internal and external changes of both long-term and recent nature. However, despite these prophecies political parties and union movemehts have been differently affected and have responded in dissimilar ways across Western Europe. The Siamese twins, party and unions, as social institutions, their embeddedness in the social structure, and their linkages, were molded at an earlier time with long-term consequences. Hence, we cannot grasp today's political unionism, party-union relations and organized labor's capacity for change, if we do not understand the social and political conditions under which the organization of labor interests became institutionalized. An understanding of the origins and causes of union diversity helps us to view the variations in union responses to current challenges.
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Emmer, P. C. "Capitalism Mistaken? The Economic Decline of Surinam and the Plantation Loans, 1773–1850; A Rehabilitation." Itinerario 20, no. 1 (March 1996): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021501.
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Has Europe grown rich because it expanded overseas? According to recent scholarship the answer must be no. During the period between 1500 and 1750 Europe's economy did not provide its inhabitants with a per capita income that was significantly higher than that in other parts of the world. Europe – and only the Western part of it – started to become richer after the Industrial Revolution from 1750 onwards. This far most attempts at linking the expansion of Europe to the Industrial Revolution have failed.
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Pearson, M. N. "The Thin End of the Wedge Medical Relativities as a Paradigm of Early Modern Indian–European Relations." Modern Asian Studies 29, no. 1 (February 1995): 141–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012658.
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The Rise of the West, the creation of the Third World, the beginnings of disparity between Asia and Europe, or whatever other phrase is used, is obviously the great event of world history; hence the attempts to explain and date it, going back to the time when the Rise was actually beginning in the later eighteenth century. The literature is vast, complex and mostly of high quality. Some of it is concerned with causation—how did ‘the West’ get ahead, why did ‘Asia’ fall back or perhaps just stay the same? Others are interested in trying to date the beginnings of inequality—when can we see the beginnings of dominance, where did this occur and in which sectors of human life was this first to be seen? The first matter is, of course, the more important for an historian. It has been argued that, in the most general way, the fundamental cause of the beginnings of inequality is the series of changes in western Europe, and at first in England, known collectively as the Industrial Revolution. I will use this term as a shorthand for these collective changes, which Marshall Hodgson called the ‘Great Western Transmutation.’ Put most crudely, western Europe advanced and changed in a paradigmatic way, while Asia did not. At the most, Asia kept doing what it had been doing for centuries; Europe changed basically.
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P., B. D., and Ian Birchall. "Bailing out the System: Reformist Socialism in Western Europe: 1944-1985." Labour / Le Travail 21 (1988): 334. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143018.
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Tantivejakul, Napawan. "Nineteenth century public relations: Siam's campaign to defend national sovereignty." Corporate Communications: An International Journal 25, no. 4 (July 26, 2020): 623–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ccij-11-2019-0134.
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PurposeThis research aims to identify the use of the public relations (PR) methods implemented by King Rama V and his administration to counter the threat to Siam of imperialism in the late 19th century. It also seeks to demonstrate the interplay of the communication strategies used in international diplomacy to enhance Siam's visibility among major European nations.Design/methodology/approachThis is a historical study using both primary and secondary sources. It is a development of the national PR history methodology using a descriptive, fact-based and event-oriented approach.FindingsThe main findings are that (1) a PR strategy drove international diplomacy under the administration of Siam's monarch incorporating strategies such as governmental press relations activities; (2) the strategy in building Siam's image as a civilized country was successfully communicated through the personality of King Rama V during his first trip to Europe; (3) with a close observation of the public and press sentiments, the outcome of the integrated PR and diplomatic campaigns was that Siam defended its sovereignty against British and French imperialists’ pressures and was therefore never colonized.Research limitations/implicationsThis research adds to the body of knowledge of global PR history by demonstrating that PR evolved before the 20th century in different countries and cultures with different historical paths and sociocultural, political and economic contexts.Originality/valueThis study from an Asian nation demonstrates that PR was being practiced in the late 19th century outside the Western context, prior to the advent of the term. It is a rare example of PR being developed as a part of an anti-colonization strategy.
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Musgrave, Elizabeth. "Pottery Production and Proto-Industrialisation: Continuity and Change in the Rural Ceramics Industries of the Saintonge Region, France, 1250 to 1800." Rural History 9, no. 1 (April 1998): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793300001412.
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The Upper Saintonge region of western France was one of the primary production centres for the supply of exotic pottery to Britain and northern Europe between the thirteenth and the eighteenth centuries. The principal manufacturing sites were rural workshops in the parishes neighbouring La Chapelle-des-Pots, on the wooded, limestone plateau north east of Saintes and some fifty kilometres down the river Charente from the maritime port of La Rochelle. The expansion of rural industries, producing for extra-regional markets, was a Europe-wide phenomenon between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries. The theory of proto-industrialisation has been used to explain this process. It has been argued that regionally-dense, rural industries grew up as urban merchants sought cheap production methods to profit from growing overseas demand for manufactured goods, especially textiles and metals. By the later eighteenth or nineteenth centuries, the participation of large numbers of country people in industrial work altered traditional regional demographic and agrarian regimes, resulting in population growth, land-holding fragmentation and the creation of mercantile profit. This provided labour, finance and motive for a ‘second phase’ in the transition from feudal to capitalist economic relations in some regions of Europe and fully-developed industrialisation in others.
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Knotter, Ad, and David Mayer. "Introduction." International Review of Social History 60, S1 (October 9, 2015): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859015000450.
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AbstractThis introduction presents the main topics and analytical concerns of the contributions to this Special Issue about ethnicity and migration in coalfield history in a global perspective. From the nineteenth century the development of industrial and transport technologies required the supply of coal-based energy in every part of the world. Nineteenth- and early twentieth-century globalization, including colonialism, would not have been possible without coal. Coalmining operations were launched in all world regions, and to enable exploitation mine operators had to find, mobilize, and direct workers to the mining sites. This quest for labour triggered a series of migration processes (both from nearby and far away) and resulted in a broad array of labour relations (both free and unfree). This introduction points to the variety of constellations analysed in the different contributions to this Special Issue. These cover cases from Africa (Nigeria, Zimbabwe), Asia (China, Japan), the Americas (USA, Brazil), Turkey, the Soviet Union, and western Europe (France, Germany), and a broad range of topics, from segregation, forced labour, and subcontracting to labour struggles, discrimination, ethnic paternalism, and sport.
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Chernikova, T. V. "Crimean-Ottoman Factor in the Socio-Cultural System of Russia in Early Modern Times." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 5 (November 11, 2020): 115–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-5-74-115-148.
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Abstract: The article gives a description of the sociocultural organization of Russia and the peculiarities of its geopolitical position in the system of international relations of the early modern period. Questions were raised about the reasons for the rapid territorial expansion of the Russian state in the second half of the 15-17 centuries, as well as its high competitiveness in foreign policy both in relations with its western neighbors and in the eastern direction.For the states of Western Europe with the beginning of their modernization, modern age has come, however “Muscovy” in the 15-17 centuries remained a medieval country. At the same time, it not only did not share the fate of many eastern powers with a traditional way, which turned into the 17th-19th centuries in the colony and semi-colony, but also, on the contrary, it led a successful colonial expansion and demonstrated externally the almost synchronous trends in state building that were inherent in the Western European countries.The author believes that the patrimonial structure of the sociocultural system of the Russian state in the 15-17 centuries contributed to the mobilization of internal material and human resources, coupled with an early superficial “Europeanization” (regular borrowing the military, technical, and cultural experience of modernizing Western Europe), ensured Russia's competitiveness in the world. Since the emergence of the united Moscow state, Russia has developed as a land empire.However, the strategic national task of Russia was not to preserve the medieval patrimony, but to create the prerequisites for its modernization. Amid the socio-economic development, which is characteristic of all countries with a patrimonial structure, that could have started only by transferring the center of Russian extensive agriculture to the southern fertile lands. This would free part of the population of the non-chernozem center for trade and industrial activities. But the transfer of the agrarian center to the south was restrained by the constant military danger from the Wild Field, which was part of the Horde, and then the Crimean Khanate, backed until the end of the 18 century by the Ottoman Empire, perceiving the Black Sea with its “inland lake”. As a result, the struggle for the Black Sea and Crimea to become a part of Russia, as well as the overcoming the patrimonial order, becomes a matter of civilizational success or failure of Russia in the context of world history.
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Adas, Michael. "Comparative History and the Colonial Encounter: the Great War and the Crisis of the British Empire." Itinerario 14, no. 2 (July 1990): 35–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009992.
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In his recent work on the Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, Paul Kennedy stresses the importance of Great Britain's colonial empire in establishing its credentials as the most imposing ofthe great powers in the decades before the First World War. Britain not only possessed ‘the greatest empire the world had ever seen’, but its status as the great global power appeared to be enhanced by the fact that in the last three decades of the nineteenth century ‘it had added 4.25 million miles and 66 million people to the empire’. Other key ‘indicators of British strength’ marshalled by Kennedy include overseas fleets, naval bases and cable stations, which were inextricably bound up with its farflung colonial enterprises. Though empire is essential to Britain's great power status, in Kennedy's argument it has almost nothing to do with the steady decline in British power in the period before the Great War and, at an accelerating pace, throughout the twentieth century. He alludes in places to imperial crises and commitments as key contributors to Britain's perilously overextended position both before and after the war. He also concedes that resistance by colonized peoples, whether in the form of ‘tribal unrest’ or ‘western-educated lawyers and intellectuals seeking to create mass parties’ was somewhat troublesome, but ‘less threatening’ than developments within Europe itself. In Kennedy's view, Britain's retreat from imperial and global power (and, for that matter, that of France as well) can best be understood by charting the decline, relative to that of the other great powers, of its economic base, both industrial and commercial, and its incapacity, due to that decline, to meet the ever-expanding and more costly military commitments that its leaders viewed as essential to the maintenance of its positions as a great power.
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Mashevskyi, O. "UKRAINE IN EUROPEAN HISTORICAL PROCESSES. REVIEW OF THE MONOGRAPH MANUSCRIPT: Vidnianskyi, S. (Ed.). (2020). Ukraine in the History of Europe of the 19th – Early 21st Century: Historical Essays. A Monograph. Kyiv: Instite of History of Ukraine of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 145 (2020): 85–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.145.15.
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The chronological boundaries of the collective monograph cover a long historical period, which extends to the era of European Modernism and continues to the modern (current) history of European Postmodernism. The key thesis of the team of authors of the monograph is the idea of systemic belonging of Ukraine to European civilization as its component, which interacts with other parts of the system. The first chapter of the peer-reviewed collective monograph "European receptions of Ukraine in the XIX century" shows the reflection of the Ukrainian problem in the German-language literature of the first half of the XIX century, taking into account new archival document, the development of Ukraine’s relations with other Slavic peoples is traced, and the peculiarities of Ukrainian-Bulgarian relations are considered as a separate case study. An interesting paragraph of the collective monograph devoted to cultural, educational and scientific cooperation of Dnieper Ukraine with European countries. This information illustrates well how the Industrial Revolution radically changed the face of the planet, brought new scientific experience that gave room for the development of the capitalist system, and with them, the Industrial Revolution brought social problems, environmental disasters that still cannot be solved. Thomas Malthus (1766-1834) formulated the "iron law of wages", according to which workers can receive only a living wage. The second chapter of the collective monograph "The Ukrainian Question and Ukraine in the European History of the Twentieth Century" presents an integrated narrative of Ukrainian national history in the light of the European history of the two world wars and their consequences. The First World War, or the Great War, undoubtedly became a turning point in European history and, accordingly, in the national histories of European countries. The historical experience of the Ukrainian national liberation struggle of the Ukrainian people for the right to European development is covered in the paragraph of the collective monograph "Ukrainian Diplomatic Service 1917-1924". The vicissitudes of Stalin's industrialization and collectivization and their impact on the Ukrainian SSR's relations with European states in the 1920s and 1930s are highlighted in terms of continuity of ties with Europe. A separate regional example of the situation is covered on the example of the history of Transcarpathia on the eve of World War II. The third chapter of the collective monograph "Independent Ukraine in the European integration space" highlights the features of Ukraine's current positioning in Europe. After the collapse of the USSR, ideological obstacles to the development of globalization were overcome. The American political scientist F.Fukuyama in his work "The End of History" concluded the final victory of liberal ideology. This section of the peer-reviewed collective monograph also highlights the position of the international community on the Crimean referendum in 2014, analyzes the policy of Western European countries on the Ukrainian-Russian armed conflict on the example of the policy of Germany, France and Austria. The research result is a separate model of reality, which is reproduced with the help of a certain perception and awareness of the historian. In this sense, the author's team of the monograph has achieved the goal of creating a meaningful narrative that highlights the place of Ukraine at different stages of modern and postmodern European history. From the point of view of the general perception of the narrative offered to the reader, the authors of the collective monograph managed to harmonize individual stylistic features in a conceptually unified text, the meanings of which will be interesting to both professional historians and students and the general readership.
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Nazarova, Irina A. "THEORETICAL ANALYSIS OF THE EVOLUTION OF MONETARY SYSTEMS OF RUSSIA IN EXTREME MILITARY-POLITICAL CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE FIRST HALF OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY (IN CONNECTION WITH THE 80TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE BEGINNING OF THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR)." Russian Economic Journal, no. 6 (December 22, 2021): 102–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.33983/0130-9757-2021-6-102-117.
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The author of the article, addressed to those who teach and study in higher education economic theory, the history of economic thought and the socio-economic history of Russia, proceeds from the premise that changes in the socio-economic system of the country during the period of change in the dominant technological order actualize the development of the theory of money and the study of various stages of historical evolution of the domestic monetary economy (Russian monetary systems). In this context, an analysis of those periods of this evolution in the first half of the twentieth century, when the credit ruble becomes an extraordinary resource of the «war economy», unfolds. The article also examines the peculiarities of monetary circulation during the operation of the gold standard system and during the period of gold «leaving» to the state reserve fund. The author puts forward a hypothesis according to which the changes taking place in the monetary system in connection with the demonetization of gold are the accumulation of prerequisites for the transition to a post-industrial economic system.
Inclusion in the analysis of the events of the global military-political history of 1914–1917 and 1941–1945, i.e. events of the First and Second World Wars, helps to reveal the real basis on which a special type of economic relations was formed — the phenomenon of «war economy». The article identifies the key factors of instability in the twentieth century — industrial, monetary and world crises. The study of the peculiarities of the development of the crisis in peacetime and in the conditions of a «military-inflationary economy» in the works of prominent Russian economists deepens the understanding of the structural deformation of the national economy.
It is shown that the «price revolution», which characterizes the explosive growth of inflation, has become a vivid manifestation of the world economic instability during the development of extreme military-political events in Russia and in the countries of Western Europe. Attention is drawn to the fact that the «price revolution» in the conjuncture theory of M.I. Tugan-Baranovsky and the works of Z.S. Katsenelenbaum was considered as a function of qualitative changes that took place in the economic system as a result of the expansion of the sphere of money circulation during the transition from natural production to industrial production. The «price revolution» manifested itself with the greatest force in the conditions of the «war economy». The destruction of the national economy was accompanied by the development of «golden» inflation, indicating a chronic commodity deficit.
The author argues that the size of the accumulation of gold in 1920–1945, the emergence of large banks — custodians of the gold and foreign exchange reserves of the countries — members of the monetary unions — largely influenced the results of the competition between the three leading currencies (franc, pound and dollar), claiming to be the world leader. The conclusion is argued that the accumulation of gold and foreign exchange reserves in the conditions of the «war economy» accelerated the formation of a new monetary and financial «map» of the world in the second half of the twentieth century.
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HYMAN, RICHARD. "Industrial Relations in Western Europe: An Era of Ambiguity?" Industrial Relations 33, no. 1 (January 1994): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-232x.1994.tb00324.x.
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Bloom, Martin. "Managing industrial change in Western Europe." International Affairs 64, no. 1 (1987): 139–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621546.
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Diebold, William, François Duchêne, and Geoffrey Shepherd. "Managing Industrial Change in Western Europe." Foreign Affairs 67, no. 1 (1988): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043700.
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Tarock, Adam. "Iran‐western Europe relations on the Mend." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 26, no. 1 (May 1999): 41–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530199908705677.
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Elchaninov, Anatoly. "On the Great Silk Road—the Ice Silk Road—the road of peace and economic cooperation." InterCarto. InterGIS 25, no. 2 (2019): 330–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35595/2414-9179-2019-2-25-330-344.
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The project on the organization of trade relations between China and other countries arose in the second half of the II century BC. The caravan road connecting East Asia with the Mediterranean in the ancient time and to the Middle Ages was used, first of all, for export of silk from China. Therefore in 1877 the German geographer F.F. von Richtgofen called this route giving the chance for establishment of business contacts, cultural dialogue, promoting to mutual enrichment of large civilizations,—“A Silk Road”. By XV century the overland Silk Road fell into decay, sea trade and navigation began to develop. At the present stage of its development the mankind realized need of restitution of the interstate and international interaction inherent in the period of existence of the Great Silk Road. At the XXIV session of the UNESCO General conference in 1987 the project on complex studying of the Great Silk Road was developed. This international project worked according to two large programs of UNESCO: “The environment surrounding the person, resources of the ground and sea” and “The culture and the future”. In the next years development of the idea of reconstruction and expansion of the opportunities put in the ancient times in the Great Silk Road continued. In 2013 the Chinese President Xi Jinping put forward the concept of “A New Silk Road” under the slogan “One Belt – One Road” including the “Economic Belt of the Silk Road” and “Sea Silk Road of the XXI Century” projects. The strategy of “A New Silk Road” included the project of development of the Northern Sea Route. The Northern Sea Route—the major navigable main passing across the seas of Arctic Ocean, connecting the European and Far East ports and also mouths of the navigable Siberian rivers into the unified transport system of the Arctic. The history of the Northern Sea Route began with the first voyages of the Pomors. Development, studying and the description of sea routes of the Russian Arctic continued further. Development of the Arctic navigation promoted the beginning of the industrial development of natural resources of the region. The large-scale industrial development of the Arctic territories began in the 1930s. During the Great Patriotic War of 1941–1945 ice breakers played a large role in conducting of northern convoys. The existing ports were specially converted, new polar stations are built and also additional airfields are developed. In post-war years the Arctic navigation gained further development thanks to the commissioning of icebreaking vessels of new classes. The map of the Northern Sea Route on which the objects built in the 1930–1940s are shown is presented in the article. In July, 2017 during the visit to Russia the chairman Xi Jinping with the president V.V. Putin reached the important agreement on development and use of the Arctic Sea Route and creation of the Ice Silk Road, the sea way uniting North America, East Asia and Western Europe. Within the project of “The Ice Silk Road” tankers with production of Yamal LNG for the first time in the history went the Arctic Sea Route without icebreaking maintenance in the summer of 2018 and arrived from the Arctic port Sabbeta to the Chinese port Jiangsu Zhudong. By these flights the beginning of the regular supply of LNG across the Northern Sea Route is opened.
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Gardawski, Juliusz, and Rafał Towalski. "The comparative analysis of the industrial relations systems in Europe." International Journal of Management and Economics 56, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 42–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ijme-2020-0003.
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Abstract This article aims to quantify the institutional similarities between industrial relations systems in 11 Central and Eastern European countries (CEE11), on the one hand and each of the four models of capitalism in Western Europe identified by Amable [2003], on the other hand. The comparative analysis was performed on the basis of six variables. Three of them represent inputs or institutional determinants of industrial relations. Another three variables represent outputs or the labor market performance. For each variable, the similarity coefficients between CEE11 countries and four reference EU15 economies representing Western European models of capitalism were calculated. Based on these coefficients, the hexagons of similarity were built. The analyses led us to some general observations. In 2005, most of the countries in the region developed industrial relations systems similar to the continental model, what can be interpreted as a strategy to meet the requirements imposed on these countries in the process of European integration. After accession, most of the countries abandoned “social partnership” ship and started the cruises to the Anglo-Saxon model.
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Vickers, John, and Vincent Wright. "The politics of industrial privatisation in Western Europe: An overview." West European Politics 11, no. 4 (October 1988): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402388808424706.
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Zulehner, Paul Michael. "Western Europe: secularisation light." Journal of the Belarusian State University. Sociology, no. 2 (June 30, 2020): 129–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2521-6821-2020-2-129-132.
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This article presents a biographical approach to the history of the changes in the theoretical appraisal of the secularisation concept, grounding on personal relations of the author with its two major theoreticians: Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann. The theory of secularisation is gradually presented as unsuitable for interpreting the ideological/religious dimension of the liberal cultures of Western Europe. It states, that what is currently interpreted as secularisation is in fact the dissolution of imposed fateful ideological monopolies. The result is the development of not mono-colored/secular, but ideologically multicoloured/pluralistic societies. The group of the atheised and of consistently believing and practicing Christians are typologically on the fringes of the society, while the largest groups are the skeptics, the insecure, but also the privately-religious. The question is raised about coping strategies of contemporary people, living in the inconsistent world of constant collusion of the secular and the religious realities.
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Soulsby, Anna, Graham Hollinshead, and Thomas Steger. "Crisis and change in industrial relations in Central and Eastern Europe." European Journal of Industrial Relations 23, no. 1 (March 2017): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680117693686.
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This article introduces the Special Issue on industrial relations in Central and Eastern Europe since the financial and economic crisis. Already dependent economically on funding from the west and lacking the robust industrial relations institutions traditional in much of Western Europe, countries in the region were particularly vulnerable. However, there are important cross-national differences, and the strategies of key actors have significantly affected the outcomes.
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Alm, Martin. "American-European Relations in U. S. World History Textbooks, 1921-2001." American Studies in Scandinavia 44, no. 2 (September 1, 2012): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v44i2.4918.
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This article studies U.S. views of the historical relationship between the U.S. and Europe as conceived during the 20th century. This is examined through U.S. World history text books dating from 1921 to 2001. The textbooks view relations within a general teleological narrative of progress through democracy and technology. Generally, the textbooks stress the significan ce of the English heritage to American society. From the American Revolution onwards, however, the U.S. stands as an example to Europe. Beginning with the two world wars, it also intervenes directly in Europe in order to save democracy. In the Cold War, the U.S. finally acknowledges the lea ding role it has been assigned in the world. Through its democratic ideals, the U.S. historically has a spe cial relationship with Great Britain and, by the 20th century, Western Europe in general. An American identity is established both in conjunction with Western Europe, by emphasizing their common democratic tradition, and in opposition to it, by stressing how the Americans have developed this tradition better than the Europeans, creating a more egalitarian and libertarian society. There is a need for Europe to become more like the U.S., and a Europe that does not follow the American lead is viewed with suspicion.
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Hall, Peter. "The future of cities in Western Europe." European Review 3, no. 2 (April 1995): 161–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700001459.
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The cities of Western Europe are profoundly affected by major global forces, which affect both the competitive advantage of different cities and the location of activities between cities and suburbs. These forces will impinge differentially on the main levels of the urban hierarchy; it is useful to distinguish between global cities, regional cities, older industrial cities and county-level cities.
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Schmidt, Gustav. "The Conduct of East–West Relations during the 1980s." Contemporary European History 1, no. 2 (July 1992): 203–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004446.
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More than 20 years ago, Philip Windsor proposed a succinct explanation of the East–West divide: ‘… the Cold War began with the deliberate Soviet decision to cut Europe in two and in reacting the Western powers took a deliberate decision to cut Germany in two.’ For the following two decades from 1969 to 1989, the formula ‘Peace and stability through partition” (U. Nerlich;J. Joffe) reflected widespread satisfaction with the territorial status quo in Europe. However, substantial disagreements (as L. Freedman observes p. 5) with established security policies, defence doctrines and armed forces' structures both in NATO and the Warsaw Pact (WP) might be taken as evidence that ‘Europe was on the verge of an historic change’. In respect of the state of public opinion, NATO ministers in early March 1988 declared the need gradually to overcome the unnatural division of Europe
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Hyman, Richard. "Trade Unions in Western Europe since 1945." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 7, no. 1 (February 2001): 147–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890100700115.
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Tobia, Simona. "Introduction: Europe Americanized? Popular reception of Western Cold War propaganda in Europe." Cold War History 11, no. 1 (February 2011): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2011.545593.
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Gozzi, Gustavo. "History of International Law and Western Civilization." International Community Law Review 9, no. 4 (2007): 353–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187197407x261386.
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AbstractThis paper discusses the origins 19th-century international law through the works of such scholars as Bluntschli, Lorimer, and Westlake, and then traces out its development into the 20th century. Nineteenth-century international law was forged entirely in Europe: it was the expression of a European consciousness and culture, and was geographically located within the community of European peoples, which meant a community of Christian, and hence "civilized," peoples. It was only toward the end of the 19th century that an international law emerged as the expression of a "global society," when the Ottoman Empire, China, and Japan found themselves forced to enter the regional international society revolving around Europe. Still, these nations stood on an unequal footing, forming a system based on colonial relations of domination. This changed in the post–World War II period, when a larger community of nations developed that was not based on European dominance. This led to the extended world society we have today, made up of political systems profoundly different from one another because based on culture-specific concepts. So in order for a system to qualify as universal, it must now draw not only on Western but also on non-Western forms, legacies, and concepts.
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Pastore, Jose. "Industrial Relocation and Labour Relations: The Case of Central and Eastern Europe." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 23, Issue 1 (March 1, 2007): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2007003.
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Industrial relocation is one of the main concerns of industrial relations practitioners, policy-makers, union leaders and researchers in general. For many companies the critical choice is no longer between producing at home or abroad, but rather between cutting costs or losing market share. One of the ways to increase competitiveness is to move east. By facilitating company relocation, the Central and Eastern European countries are guaranteeing the future of companies facing competition in Germany, France, Italy, and other European countries. But relocation often involves the loss of jobs in the country of origin and job creation in the countries of destination as well as many changes in industrial relations practice of both sides. This paper focuses on the impact of the integration of eight former communist countries in the European Union in 2004. Data for 2004-2006 show that differences in terms of salaries and working conditions are related to changes in the industrial relations systems of Western Europe on the one hand, and Central and Eastern Europe on the other. The eastern countries are growing fast, but a high rate of unemployment has led to frustration and dissatisfaction in most of the new Member States. In the Western countries, to avoid further company relocation to the eastern countries, pressure has been exerted on employees to make deep concessions in terms of salaries, bonuses, working time and other labour conditions. The paper explores the future prospects for these developments, as well as their repercussions for other emerging nations.
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Totrov, Yuri. "Western Intelligence Operations in Eastern Europe, 1945–1954." Journal of Intelligence History 5, no. 1 (June 2005): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/16161262.2005.10555109.
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Altmann, Franz‐Lothar. "Economic reconstruction in Southeast Europe: A western view." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 1, no. 1 (January 2001): 114–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683850108454624.
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Nuenlist, Christian. "The quiet man: Dean Rusk and Western Europe." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 6, no. 3 (December 2008): 263–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14794010802547968.
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Vorkunova, O., A. Khotivrishvili, A. Tsvyk, and M. Shpakovskaya. "Sino-European Relations in Greater Eurasia." World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 12 (2020): 96–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-12-96-104.
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The article considers the phenomenon of European-Chinese cooperation in the context of the transformation of Eurasia as an international region. Particular attention is paid to the development of China’s relations with the countries of Eastern and Central Europe and the Western Balkans; the features of China’s interaction with the countries of Southern Europe are revealed. The paper provides an analysis of factors influencing the correlation and struggle between new trends in the process of the innovation space formation in Eurasia. The role of Europe and China in the development of new transit routes across and around Eurasia is being studied. Its features include a combination of land and sea routes. Europe and China are synergistic within financial, industrial, and e-commerce complementarities. The article investigates the role of Chinese trade and investment in Europe with a particular focus on intensity of the latter toward the industrial heart of Europe: Germany and the Visegrad 4 countries. It highlights the German–Central-Eastern European Manufacturing Core as one of the most competitive industrial bases of Sino-European cooperation. Deepening Sino-European ties across Eurasia, leveraged by new technologies, give the continent integrity in global geo-economic terms. The paper assesses the current evolution of EU – China relations, which expanded greatly in geographic terms and diversity. The article seeks to explain that the interaction between China and Europe has social, economic, and even political dimensions, with potentially long-term implications for the structure of world affairs. Europe and China are the largest entities in Eurasia and in the international system, apart from the United States. The authors conclude that Sino-European reunification is contributing to a new phase in the transformation of Eurasia and to its rising significance in global political and economic governance.
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Oznobishcheva, G. "Russia and Western Europe: When the Ways Diverge?" World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2012): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-5-80-92.
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In the Institute of World Economy and International Relations RAS the panel discussion session "European Dialogues" took place. The subject of the meeting was "Russia and the West: When Did the Ways Diverge?" The journal presents the reports of А.B. Zubov, Dr. Sci. (History), Professor of MGIMO-University (Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs), and N.I. Basovskaya, Dr. Sci. (History), Professor of Russian State University for the Humanities, as well as the discussion that took place. In this discussion the IMEMO staff members participated: A.G. Arbatov, Academician of RAS; V.G. Baranovskii, Academician of RAS; G.I. Machavariani; S.V. Utkin, Cand. Sci. (Political Science), as well as O.Yu. Potemkina, cand. Sci. (History), Institute of Europe RAS, and H.-W. Steinfeld, representative of Norwegian radio and television (NRK). The meeting was conducted by V.G. Baranovskii, Deputy Director of IMEMO, Academician of RAS and N.K. Arbatova, Head of Department in IMEMO, Dr. Sci. (Political Science).
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Broadberry, Stephen. "Regional and Industrial Growth Patterns in 20th-Century Western Europe." Scandinavian Economic History Review 58, no. 1 (March 2010): 80–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03585520903516379.
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Czarzasty, Jan, Sławomir Adamczyk, and Barbara Surdykowska. "Looking for European solutions. Trade unions in Central and Eastern Europe striving for cross-border solidarity." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 26, no. 3 (July 10, 2020): 307–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258920933117.
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This article deals with the dilemmas faced by trade unions from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) in the context of their relations with western European (EU-15) unions and the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC). The issue of cross-border solidarity is re-examined, taking into account its historical meanings as well as current developments under the pressures of globalisation and EU integration. The article analyses key factors affecting East–West trade union relations – different views within the ETUC, discontinuities in European social dialogue, challenges faced by European works councils and the uncertain future of transnational company agreements. Major dilemmas CEE unions cope with vis-à-vis their western counterparts are outlined. The question of how to achieve a common interest platform for trade unions from Central and Eastern Europe and from western Europe is raised, followed by a suggestion that ‘downward convergence’ in industrial relations is bringing the two regions closer.
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van de Kaa, Dirk J. "European migration at the end of history." European Review 1, no. 1 (January 1993): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700000429.
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European countries are introducing increasing barriers to immigration. With the gradual abolition of border controls within Western Europe, a uniform agreement is needed such as outlined in the Schengen accord which makes full allowance for genuine refugees. The pressure to accept immigrants from Eastern Europe will be very strong.
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Bevan, G. "Fabric washing in Western Europe." Review of Progress in Coloration and Related Topics 27, no. 1 (October 23, 2008): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-4408.1997.tb03769.x.
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Hjerm, Mikael. "National Sentiments in Eastern and Western Europe*." Nationalities Papers 31, no. 4 (December 2003): 413–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599032000152933.
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In a world of presumed nation-states nation has been, and still is, an intrinsic part of political legitimization. The claim of nationality has played an important role in such legitimization for the last two centuries. More than this, it has also constituted a fundamental collective entity for an individual's understanding of who they are in relation to those who are perceived as not sharing the nationality. This is nothing new, but in an era of globalization we are witnessing the rebirth of nationalism and nationality (Castells, 1997), where the power struggle over the political agenda will increasingly be about the struggle for the right to identity and the risks of exclusion from the national community. Even if this is the case it stands clear that everyday nationalism and nationalist struggles take different forms in different parts of the world.
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Pamuk, Şevket. "Economic History, Institutions, and Institutional Change." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 3 (July 26, 2012): 532–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812000475.
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Until recently the discipline of economic history was concerned mostly with the Industrial Revolution and the period since. A large majority of the research and writing focused on Great Britain, western Europe, and the United States. There has been a striking change in the last three decades. Economic historians today are much more interested in the earlier periods: the early modern and medieval eras and even the ancient economies of the Old World. They have been gathering empirical materials and employing various theories to make sense of the evolution of these economies. Equally important, there has been a resurgence in the studies of developing regions of the world. Global economic history, focusing on all regions of the world and their interconnectedness since ancient times, is on its way to becoming a major field of study. Even the Industrial Revolution, the most central event of economic history, is being studied and reinterpreted today not as a British or even western European event but as a breakthrough resulting from many centuries of interaction between Europe and the rest of the world.
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Abulafia, David. "Islam in the History of Early Europe." Itinerario 20, no. 3 (November 1996): 9–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300003958.
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Virtually every account of European history after the fall of the Roman Empire identifies ‘Europe’ with Christian civilisation, echoing, consciously or otherwise, the universalist claims of the Byzantine emperors, the popes and the western Roman emperors. Yet it is also the case that Islam possessed a European presence from the eighth century onwards, first of all in Spain and the Mediterranean islands, and later, from the mid-fourteenth century, in the Balkans, where the Turks were able rapidly to establish an empire which directly threatened Hungary and Austria. The lands ruled by Islam on the European land mass have tended to be treated by historians as European only in geographical identity, but in human terms part of a victorious and alien ‘oriental’ civilisation, of which they were provincial dependencies, and from which medieval Spanish Christians or modern Greeks and Slavs had to liberate themselves. Yet this view is fallacious for several reasons. In the first place, there is a valid question about our use of the term ‘civilisation’, which Fred Halliday has expressed as follows:‘Civilisations’ are like nations, traditions, communities – terms that claim a reality and authority which is itself open to question, and appeal to a tradition that turns out, on closer inspection, to be a contemporary creation.
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Nosova, Bogdana. "Anne Applebaum’s Strategy of Telling the History of International Relations in Central and Eastern Europe." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 14 (December 29, 2021): 93–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2021.1.6.
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The text aims to present the strategy used by Anne Applebaum to bring the history of Central and Eastern Europe closer to western audiences. In the article, the author was presented as a journalist and public intellectual who developed an original way of speaking and writing about the past of Central and Eastern Europe. She has been portrayed as a kind of mediator who attempts to explain the essence and sources of the diverse identities and narratives that have formed among the nations and cultures of Central and Eastern Europe. Selected assessments of her activity, formulated by historians as well as public opinion leaders, were also presented.
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Streeck, Wolfgang. "National Diversity, Regime Competition and Institutional Deadlock: Problems in Forming a European Industrial Relations System." Journal of Public Policy 12, no. 4 (October 1992): 301–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00005596.
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ABSTRACTThe neo-corporatist experiments of the 1970s were attempts to preserve the labor-inclusiveness of post-war European political economies in increasingly adverse domestic and international conditions. Since their demise in the early 1980s, industrial relations in Western Europe are characterized by high divergence between national systems combined with rising interdependence among national economies, creating a growth potential for inter-regime competition. Endeavors to provide the Internal Market with a Social Dimension are attempts to make the externalities of national industrial relations systems governable in a supra-national industrial order. The odds against European-level political reconstruction of industrial relations appear overwhelming.
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Wedderburn, Lord. "Deregulation and Labour Law In Britain and Western Europe." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 4, Issue 4 (December 1, 1988): 191–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl1988018.
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van der Meer, Peter H. "What makes workers happy: Empowerment, unions or both?" European Journal of Industrial Relations 25, no. 4 (December 21, 2018): 363–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680118817683.
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Does the negative effect of union membership on job satisfaction, as shown in Anglophone countries, also hold for Continental Western Europe? Given the differences in industrial relations, I hypothesize that the effect will be different. I also test hypotheses about the effect of empowerment on job satisfaction, which might explain the negative union effect, and broaden the analysis to include pay satisfaction. Analyses of European Social Survey data show that the negative union effect does not exist for Continental Western Europe and that this can be explained by empowerment of employees.
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Wrigley, E. Anthony. "Reconsidering the Industrial Revolution: England and Wales." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 49, no. 1 (June 2018): 9–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01230.
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In the mid-sixteenth century, England was a small country on the periphery of Europe with an economy less advanced than those of several of its continental neighbors. In 1851, the Great Exhibition both symbolized and displayed the technological and economic lead that Britain had then taken. A half-century later, however, there were only minor differences between the leading economies of Western Europe. To gain insight into both the long period during which Britain outpaced its neighbors and the decades when its lead evaporated, it is illuminating to focus on the energy supply. Energy is expended in all productive activities. The contrast between the limitations inherent to organic economies dependent on the annual round of plant photosynthesis for energy and the possibilities open to an economy able to make effective use of the vast quantity of energy available in coal measures is key both to the understanding of the lengthy period of Britain’s relative success and to its subsequent swift decline.
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Lis, Catharina, Hugo Soly, and Lee Mitzman. "“An Irresistible Phalanx”: Journeymen Associations in Western Europe, 1300–1800." International Review of Social History 39, S2 (August 1994): 11–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000112921.
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The paths of historical research resemble the forces in the sea. As some topics surface and rise to ever greater heights, others may be dragged to the depths of silence and cease to affect the beating of the waves. In most western European countries, research on journeymen has suffered this second fate. Along with the decline in interest in guild-based economies, the issue of whether pre-industrial journeymen associations were predecessors (or perhaps adumbrations) of modern trade unions, which had inspired widespread debate during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, faded from the agenda following World War II. This trend does not mean that the new generation of social historians has blithely ignored disputes involving journeymen. Nevertheless, many authors designate such events as crowd movements or view them as obvious forms of traditional resistance.
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MENDRAS, MARIE. "The French Connection: An Uncertain Factor in Soviet Relations with Western Europe." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 481, no. 1 (September 1985): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285481001003.
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France's long relationship with the Soviet Union has varied according to the political climate. The crucial factors in the French-Soviet relationship are the state of U.S.-Soviet affairs and Moscow's objectives in Western Europe. Mendras reviews the history of French-Soviet relations from the de Gaulle years. By the early 1970s, she argues, détente with the United States and the recognition of postwar borders in central Europe reduced the instrumentality and priority of France in Soviet policy. In the 1980s, as their relations with the United States deteriorated, the Soviets took a renewed interest in France. But the Socialist government in Paris, more critical of the USSR than were its predecessors, has developed a policy that the Soviets denigrate as “Europeanist” and “Atlantist” and no longer truly independent. Although recent events have made the French leadership more receptive to the Soviet Union, bilateral relations will remain essentially a diplomatic ritual.
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Critchlow, James. "Western Cold War Broadcasting." Journal of Cold War Studies 1, no. 3 (September 1999): 168–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039799316976841.
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In the 1940s and 1950s, Western governments turned to radio as the most effective means of countering the Soviet information monopoly. U.S. and West European radio stations attempted to provide listeners with the kind of programs they might expect from their own radio stations if the latter were free of censorship. For most of these listeners in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the broadcasts were their only contact with the outside world. The importance of the foreign radio programs was confirmed not only by audience estimates, but also by the considerable efforts the Communist regimes made to jam the transmissions. Given the importance of foreign broadcasting for the political life of the Soviet bloc, it is remarkable that these broadcasts have received scant scholarly attention in the Western countries that sponsored them. The three books reviewed here help to fill that gap.
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Ganser, Daniele. "The CIA in Western Europe and the abuse of human rights." Intelligence and National Security 21, no. 5 (October 2006): 760–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684520600957712.
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Thiem, Alrik. "Conditions of intergovernmental armaments cooperation in Western Europe, 1996–2006." European Political Science Review 3, no. 1 (February 25, 2011): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773910000251.
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Defence cooperation between Western European countries has increased considerably since the end of the Cold War. An analytical distinction can be made between political and economic cooperation, the latter having been neglected by political scientists. This study advances the debate on economic cooperation by identifying sources of variation in the European Union (EU)-15 countries’ membership rate in cooperative armamentsforaaimed at restructuring the demand side of European defence from 1996 to 2006. By combining six models from three different schools of thought, the risk of confirmation bias through intra-paradigmatic reasoning is reduced. At the same time, fuzzy-set analysis opens up the space for data-driven combination effects. Two distinct combinations form sufficient paths leading to high rates of membership. Most importantly, intentions to create collective defence technological and industrial benefits combine with trust in partners’ ability and integrity to form an essential combination of conditions for governments to pursue cooperation on armaments.
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Carley, Mark. "Board-level employee representation in Europe." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 4, no. 2 (May 1998): 281–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425899800400209.
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This article examines briefly the nature of employee representation on company boards, its extent in western Europe and the revival of the European Company Statute which has once again brought this form of indirect worker participation to the fore. The article goes on to outline some of the main findings of recent research by the author into board-level representation in five countries (Finland, Germany, Greece, Ireland and the Netherlands), highlighting areas of diversity and of convergence.