Academic literature on the topic 'Industrial relations – Europe, Western – History'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Industrial relations – Europe, Western – History.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Industrial relations – Europe, Western – History"
1
Ebbinghaus, Bernhard. "The Siamese Twins: Citizenship Rights, Cleavage Formation, and Party-Union Relations in Western Europe." International Review of Social History 40, S3 (December 1995): 51–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113604.
Full textAbstract:
Prophecies of doom for both working-class party and labor unions have gained popularity in the Western industrial democracies over the last two decades. The “old” Siamese twins, working-class party and labor unions, have a century-long history of their combined struggle to achieve political and industrial citizenship rights for the working class. Both forms of interest representation are seen as facing new challenges if not a crisis due to internal and external changes of both long-term and recent nature. However, despite these prophecies political parties and union movemehts have been differently affected and have responded in dissimilar ways across Western Europe. The Siamese twins, party and unions, as social institutions, their embeddedness in the social structure, and their linkages, were molded at an earlier time with long-term consequences. Hence, we cannot grasp today's political unionism, party-union relations and organized labor's capacity for change, if we do not understand the social and political conditions under which the organization of labor interests became institutionalized. An understanding of the origins and causes of union diversity helps us to view the variations in union responses to current challenges.
2
Emmer, P. C. "Capitalism Mistaken? The Economic Decline of Surinam and the Plantation Loans, 1773–1850; A Rehabilitation." Itinerario 20, no. 1 (March 1996): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021501.
Full textAbstract:
Has Europe grown rich because it expanded overseas? According to recent scholarship the answer must be no. During the period between 1500 and 1750 Europe's economy did not provide its inhabitants with a per capita income that was significantly higher than that in other parts of the world. Europe – and only the Western part of it – started to become richer after the Industrial Revolution from 1750 onwards. This far most attempts at linking the expansion of Europe to the Industrial Revolution have failed.
3
Pearson, M. N. "The Thin End of the Wedge Medical Relativities as a Paradigm of Early Modern Indian–European Relations." Modern Asian Studies 29, no. 1 (February 1995): 141–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012658.
Full textAbstract:
The Rise of the West, the creation of the Third World, the beginnings of disparity between Asia and Europe, or whatever other phrase is used, is obviously the great event of world history; hence the attempts to explain and date it, going back to the time when the Rise was actually beginning in the later eighteenth century. The literature is vast, complex and mostly of high quality. Some of it is concerned with causation—how did ‘the West’ get ahead, why did ‘Asia’ fall back or perhaps just stay the same? Others are interested in trying to date the beginnings of inequality—when can we see the beginnings of dominance, where did this occur and in which sectors of human life was this first to be seen? The first matter is, of course, the more important for an historian. It has been argued that, in the most general way, the fundamental cause of the beginnings of inequality is the series of changes in western Europe, and at first in England, known collectively as the Industrial Revolution. I will use this term as a shorthand for these collective changes, which Marshall Hodgson called the ‘Great Western Transmutation.’ Put most crudely, western Europe advanced and changed in a paradigmatic way, while Asia did not. At the most, Asia kept doing what it had been doing for centuries; Europe changed basically.
4
P., B. D., and Ian Birchall. "Bailing out the System: Reformist Socialism in Western Europe: 1944-1985." Labour / Le Travail 21 (1988): 334. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143018.
Full text
5
Tantivejakul, Napawan. "Nineteenth century public relations: Siam's campaign to defend national sovereignty." Corporate Communications: An International Journal 25, no. 4 (July 26, 2020): 623–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ccij-11-2019-0134.
Full textAbstract:
PurposeThis research aims to identify the use of the public relations (PR) methods implemented by King Rama V and his administration to counter the threat to Siam of imperialism in the late 19th century. It also seeks to demonstrate the interplay of the communication strategies used in international diplomacy to enhance Siam's visibility among major European nations.Design/methodology/approachThis is a historical study using both primary and secondary sources. It is a development of the national PR history methodology using a descriptive, fact-based and event-oriented approach.FindingsThe main findings are that (1) a PR strategy drove international diplomacy under the administration of Siam's monarch incorporating strategies such as governmental press relations activities; (2) the strategy in building Siam's image as a civilized country was successfully communicated through the personality of King Rama V during his first trip to Europe; (3) with a close observation of the public and press sentiments, the outcome of the integrated PR and diplomatic campaigns was that Siam defended its sovereignty against British and French imperialists’ pressures and was therefore never colonized.Research limitations/implicationsThis research adds to the body of knowledge of global PR history by demonstrating that PR evolved before the 20th century in different countries and cultures with different historical paths and sociocultural, political and economic contexts.Originality/valueThis study from an Asian nation demonstrates that PR was being practiced in the late 19th century outside the Western context, prior to the advent of the term. It is a rare example of PR being developed as a part of an anti-colonization strategy.
6
Musgrave, Elizabeth. "Pottery Production and Proto-Industrialisation: Continuity and Change in the Rural Ceramics Industries of the Saintonge Region, France, 1250 to 1800." Rural History 9, no. 1 (April 1998): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793300001412.
Full textAbstract:
The Upper Saintonge region of western France was one of the primary production centres for the supply of exotic pottery to Britain and northern Europe between the thirteenth and the eighteenth centuries. The principal manufacturing sites were rural workshops in the parishes neighbouring La Chapelle-des-Pots, on the wooded, limestone plateau north east of Saintes and some fifty kilometres down the river Charente from the maritime port of La Rochelle. The expansion of rural industries, producing for extra-regional markets, was a Europe-wide phenomenon between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries. The theory of proto-industrialisation has been used to explain this process. It has been argued that regionally-dense, rural industries grew up as urban merchants sought cheap production methods to profit from growing overseas demand for manufactured goods, especially textiles and metals. By the later eighteenth or nineteenth centuries, the participation of large numbers of country people in industrial work altered traditional regional demographic and agrarian regimes, resulting in population growth, land-holding fragmentation and the creation of mercantile profit. This provided labour, finance and motive for a ‘second phase’ in the transition from feudal to capitalist economic relations in some regions of Europe and fully-developed industrialisation in others.
7
Knotter, Ad, and David Mayer. "Introduction." International Review of Social History 60, S1 (October 9, 2015): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859015000450.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis introduction presents the main topics and analytical concerns of the contributions to this Special Issue about ethnicity and migration in coalfield history in a global perspective. From the nineteenth century the development of industrial and transport technologies required the supply of coal-based energy in every part of the world. Nineteenth- and early twentieth-century globalization, including colonialism, would not have been possible without coal. Coalmining operations were launched in all world regions, and to enable exploitation mine operators had to find, mobilize, and direct workers to the mining sites. This quest for labour triggered a series of migration processes (both from nearby and far away) and resulted in a broad array of labour relations (both free and unfree). This introduction points to the variety of constellations analysed in the different contributions to this Special Issue. These cover cases from Africa (Nigeria, Zimbabwe), Asia (China, Japan), the Americas (USA, Brazil), Turkey, the Soviet Union, and western Europe (France, Germany), and a broad range of topics, from segregation, forced labour, and subcontracting to labour struggles, discrimination, ethnic paternalism, and sport.
8
Chernikova, T. V. "Crimean-Ottoman Factor in the Socio-Cultural System of Russia in Early Modern Times." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 5 (November 11, 2020): 115–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-5-74-115-148.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: The article gives a description of the sociocultural organization of Russia and the peculiarities of its geopolitical position in the system of international relations of the early modern period. Questions were raised about the reasons for the rapid territorial expansion of the Russian state in the second half of the 15-17 centuries, as well as its high competitiveness in foreign policy both in relations with its western neighbors and in the eastern direction.For the states of Western Europe with the beginning of their modernization, modern age has come, however “Muscovy” in the 15-17 centuries remained a medieval country. At the same time, it not only did not share the fate of many eastern powers with a traditional way, which turned into the 17th-19th centuries in the colony and semi-colony, but also, on the contrary, it led a successful colonial expansion and demonstrated externally the almost synchronous trends in state building that were inherent in the Western European countries.The author believes that the patrimonial structure of the sociocultural system of the Russian state in the 15-17 centuries contributed to the mobilization of internal material and human resources, coupled with an early superficial “Europeanization” (regular borrowing the military, technical, and cultural experience of modernizing Western Europe), ensured Russia's competitiveness in the world. Since the emergence of the united Moscow state, Russia has developed as a land empire.However, the strategic national task of Russia was not to preserve the medieval patrimony, but to create the prerequisites for its modernization. Amid the socio-economic development, which is characteristic of all countries with a patrimonial structure, that could have started only by transferring the center of Russian extensive agriculture to the southern fertile lands. This would free part of the population of the non-chernozem center for trade and industrial activities. But the transfer of the agrarian center to the south was restrained by the constant military danger from the Wild Field, which was part of the Horde, and then the Crimean Khanate, backed until the end of the 18 century by the Ottoman Empire, perceiving the Black Sea with its “inland lake”. As a result, the struggle for the Black Sea and Crimea to become a part of Russia, as well as the overcoming the patrimonial order, becomes a matter of civilizational success or failure of Russia in the context of world history.
9
Adas, Michael. "Comparative History and the Colonial Encounter: the Great War and the Crisis of the British Empire." Itinerario 14, no. 2 (July 1990): 35–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009992.
Full textAbstract:
In his recent work on the Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, Paul Kennedy stresses the importance of Great Britain's colonial empire in establishing its credentials as the most imposing ofthe great powers in the decades before the First World War. Britain not only possessed ‘the greatest empire the world had ever seen’, but its status as the great global power appeared to be enhanced by the fact that in the last three decades of the nineteenth century ‘it had added 4.25 million miles and 66 million people to the empire’. Other key ‘indicators of British strength’ marshalled by Kennedy include overseas fleets, naval bases and cable stations, which were inextricably bound up with its farflung colonial enterprises. Though empire is essential to Britain's great power status, in Kennedy's argument it has almost nothing to do with the steady decline in British power in the period before the Great War and, at an accelerating pace, throughout the twentieth century. He alludes in places to imperial crises and commitments as key contributors to Britain's perilously overextended position both before and after the war. He also concedes that resistance by colonized peoples, whether in the form of ‘tribal unrest’ or ‘western-educated lawyers and intellectuals seeking to create mass parties’ was somewhat troublesome, but ‘less threatening’ than developments within Europe itself. In Kennedy's view, Britain's retreat from imperial and global power (and, for that matter, that of France as well) can best be understood by charting the decline, relative to that of the other great powers, of its economic base, both industrial and commercial, and its incapacity, due to that decline, to meet the ever-expanding and more costly military commitments that its leaders viewed as essential to the maintenance of its positions as a great power.
10
Mashevskyi, O. "UKRAINE IN EUROPEAN HISTORICAL PROCESSES. REVIEW OF THE MONOGRAPH MANUSCRIPT: Vidnianskyi, S. (Ed.). (2020). Ukraine in the History of Europe of the 19th – Early 21st Century: Historical Essays. A Monograph. Kyiv: Instite of History of Ukraine of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 145 (2020): 85–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.145.15.
Full textAbstract:
The chronological boundaries of the collective monograph cover a long historical period, which extends to the era of European Modernism and continues to the modern (current) history of European Postmodernism. The key thesis of the team of authors of the monograph is the idea of systemic belonging of Ukraine to European civilization as its component, which interacts with other parts of the system. The first chapter of the peer-reviewed collective monograph "European receptions of Ukraine in the XIX century" shows the reflection of the Ukrainian problem in the German-language literature of the first half of the XIX century, taking into account new archival document, the development of Ukraine’s relations with other Slavic peoples is traced, and the peculiarities of Ukrainian-Bulgarian relations are considered as a separate case study. An interesting paragraph of the collective monograph devoted to cultural, educational and scientific cooperation of Dnieper Ukraine with European countries. This information illustrates well how the Industrial Revolution radically changed the face of the planet, brought new scientific experience that gave room for the development of the capitalist system, and with them, the Industrial Revolution brought social problems, environmental disasters that still cannot be solved. Thomas Malthus (1766-1834) formulated the "iron law of wages", according to which workers can receive only a living wage. The second chapter of the collective monograph "The Ukrainian Question and Ukraine in the European History of the Twentieth Century" presents an integrated narrative of Ukrainian national history in the light of the European history of the two world wars and their consequences. The First World War, or the Great War, undoubtedly became a turning point in European history and, accordingly, in the national histories of European countries. The historical experience of the Ukrainian national liberation struggle of the Ukrainian people for the right to European development is covered in the paragraph of the collective monograph "Ukrainian Diplomatic Service 1917-1924". The vicissitudes of Stalin's industrialization and collectivization and their impact on the Ukrainian SSR's relations with European states in the 1920s and 1930s are highlighted in terms of continuity of ties with Europe. A separate regional example of the situation is covered on the example of the history of Transcarpathia on the eve of World War II. The third chapter of the collective monograph "Independent Ukraine in the European integration space" highlights the features of Ukraine's current positioning in Europe. After the collapse of the USSR, ideological obstacles to the development of globalization were overcome. The American political scientist F.Fukuyama in his work "The End of History" concluded the final victory of liberal ideology. This section of the peer-reviewed collective monograph also highlights the position of the international community on the Crimean referendum in 2014, analyzes the policy of Western European countries on the Ukrainian-Russian armed conflict on the example of the policy of Germany, France and Austria. The research result is a separate model of reality, which is reproduced with the help of a certain perception and awareness of the historian. In this sense, the author's team of the monograph has achieved the goal of creating a meaningful narrative that highlights the place of Ukraine at different stages of modern and postmodern European history. From the point of view of the general perception of the narrative offered to the reader, the authors of the collective monograph managed to harmonize individual stylistic features in a conceptually unified text, the meanings of which will be interesting to both professional historians and students and the general readership.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Industrial relations – Europe, Western – History"
1
Murhem, Sofia. "Turning to Europe : A New Swedish Industrial Relations Regime in the 1990s." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis : Univ.-bibl. [distributör], 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-3737.
Full text
2
Beckfield, Jason. "The consequences of regional political and economic integration for inequality and the welfare state in Western Europe." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3183488.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Sociology, 2005.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-08, Section: A, page: 3111. Adviser: Arthur S. Alderson. Title from dissertation home page (viewed Oct. 5, 2006).
3
Gregson, Sarah School of Industrial Relations & Organisational Behaviour UNSW. "Foot soldiers for capital: the influence of RSL racism on interwar industrial relations in Kalgoorlie and Broken Hill." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Industrial Relations and Organisational Behaviour, 2003. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/19331.
Full textAbstract:
The historiography of Australian racism has principally "blamed" the labour movement for the existence of the White Australia policy and racist responses to the presence of migrant workers. This study argues that the motivations behind ruling class agitation for the White Australia policy have never been satisfactorily analysed. To address this omission, the role of the Returned and Services League of Australia (RSL) in race relations is examined. As an elite-dominated, cross-class organisation with links to every section of society, it is argued that the RSL was a significant agitator for migrant exclusion and white unity in the interwar period. The thesis employs case studies, oral history and qualitative assessment of various written sources, such as newspapers, archival records and secondary material, in order to plot the dynamics of racist ideology in two major mining centres in the interwar period. The results suggest that, although labour organisations were influenced by racist ideas and frequently protested against the presence of migrant workers, it was also true that mining employers had a material interest in sowing racial division in the workplaces they controlled. The study concludes that labour movement responses to migrant labour incorporated a range of different strategies, from demands for racist exclusion to moves towards international solidarity. It also reveals examples of local and migrant workers living, working, playing and striking together in ways that contradict the dominant view of perpetual tension between workers of different nationalities. Lastly, the case studies demonstrate that local employers actively encouraged racial division in the workplace as a bulwark against industrial militancy.
4
Settis, Bruno. "Il “contratto sociale” fordista : le relazioni industriali dall’America taylorismo all’Europa del miracolo economico." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019IEPP0016.
Full textAbstract:
La thèse porte sur la complexe évolution des théories et pratiques des relations industrielles, depuis les années trente jusqu'à la croissance économique de l’après-guerre. “Fordisme” est le mot d’ordre qu’on fait habituellement correspondre aux relations entre l’entreprise, le travail et le gouvernement dans cette période ; d’une façon plus générale, il est associé au contrat social qui est censé résulter de la structure de la production de masse elle-même, et à son prétendu cercle vertueux avec la consommation de masse. Dans ce sens plus large, le Fordisme a été souvent couplé, parfois superposé, à la macroéconomie keynésienne, au dirigisme économique, à l’état social. La thèse essaye donc de démêler et remettre en question ce concept de “Fordisme”, soi-disant simple, en traçant son histoire à multiples facettes et sa circulation internationale. Ainsi, elle engage une discussion générale des conflits entre le management et le mouvement ouvrier et se concentre sur trois études de cas : l’histoire de la doctrine des “relations humaines” d’Elton Mayo, entre ses origines en Australie et ses mises en oeuvre en Europe ; l’évolution du système de surveillance chez Fiat à Turin, à partir de la fin du fascisme jusqu’aux années soixante ; l’expérience du juriste Gino Giugni en tant qu’étudiant à Madison, Wisconsin, et par la suite en tant que traducteur en Italie des théories états-uniennes du mouvement ouvrier et des relations industrielles, entre les années cinquante et les années soixanteThe dissertation deals with the complex evolution of theories and practices of industrial relations between the interwar years and postwar growth. “Fordism” is the catchword usually associated with relations between the corporation, labor and government in this period and, more generally, with the supposed social compact arising from the very structure of mass production and its supposed virtuous circle with mass consumption. In this wider sense, Fordism has often been coupled, sometimes overlapped, with Keynesian macroeconomics, government economic interventionism, and the welfare state. The dissertation attempts to disentangle and discuss this supposedly simple notion of “Fordism” by tracing its manifold history and international circulation. Therefore, it involves a wide discussion of the conflict between labor and management in the mass production industries, and a focus on three case studies: the history of Elton Mayo’s “human relations” doctrine, from its origins in Australia to its applications in Europe; the evolution of the surveillance system at Fiat factories in Turin, from the last years of the Fascist regime to the late 1960s; labor scholar Gino Giugni’s experience as a student at Madison, Wisconsin, and later as a translator of American theories of the labor movement and of industrial relations, in the 1950s and 1960s
5
EBBINGHAUS, Bernhard. "Labour unity in union diversity : trade unions and social cleavages in Western Europe, 1890-1989." Doctoral thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5260.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 14 May 1993Examining board: Prof. Gøsta Esping-Andersen, EUI, Florence (supervisor) ; Prof. Hans-Peter Blossfeld, Universität Bremen (co-supervisor) ; Dr. Colin Crouch, Trinity College, Oxford ; Prof. Walter Korpi, University of Stockholm ; Prof. Charles Tilly, New School for Social Research, New York ; Dr. Jelle Visser, Universiteit von Amsterdam
First made available online 12 June 2015.
6
LUCARELLI, Sonia. "Western Europe and the breakup of Yugoslavia : a political failure in search of a scholarly explanation." Doctoral thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5300.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 3 July 1998Examining Board: Prof. Fulvio Attinà (University of Catania); Prof. Knud Erik Jørgensen (University of Aaarhus); Prof. Roger Morgan (Supervisor); Prof. Jan Zielonka (European University Institute)
First made available online 04 July 2017
On June 26, 1991, after some 46 years without a war in Europe, violent conflict erupted in the territory of what used to be the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. It took more than four years of atrocities before a peace agreement was finally negotiated in Dayton, Ohio, in November 1995. This book provides a detailed analysis of the response of Western Europe to the disintegration of Yugoslavia. The account pays particular attention to the behaviour of the major Member States of the European Community (later Union), such as France, Britain, and Germany, in two crucial moments of debate and decision-making: the diplomatic recognition of Slovenia and Croatia in 1991, and the debate on the desirability and form of a possible military intervention in the warring country. By combining three theoretical approaches to the study of international politics - neorealism, neoliberal institutionalism, and liberal intergovernmentalism - Lucarelli provides a theoretically informed analysis of the main forces behind Western Europe's response to the Yugoslav wars. Conclusions are drawn on the major characteristics of Western Europe's management of the conflict, the interplay of international and domestic factors behind the behaviour of Western European states, the relative explanatory power of each of the three theoretical perspectives and their common research tradition, and the perspective of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. The book's reconstruction and evaluation of conflict management in ex-Yugoslavia, its attention to the influence of the European integration process on the foreign policy of its Member States, and its use and assessment of International Relations theoretical tools, should make it of topical interest for a wide range of scholars interested in both international and European political affairs.
7
OBADIĆ, Ivan. "In pursuit of stability : Yugoslavia and Western European economic integration, 1948–1970." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/47304.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 14 July 2017Examining Board: Prof Federico Romero, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof Pavel Kolář, European University Institute; Prof Josip Glaurdić, University of Luxembourg; Prof Tvrtko Jakovina, University of Zagreb
This thesis examines the origins and evolution of Yugoslav policy towards Western European integration from the early 1950s until the signing of the first Yugoslav–EEC Trade Agreement in 1970. It examines the emerging role of Western Europe in the Yugoslav foreign and internal politics within the larger context of the Cold War and development of European integration. Increased trade relations with the EEC and the domestic introduction of the 1965 Economic Reform proved vital in persuading Belgrade to become the first socialist country to establish diplomatic and trade relations with the Community in 1968. The thesis argues that these relations became of increasing relevance to the economic and, ultimately, political stability of Yugoslavia. Besides the basic foreign (trade) policy concepts towards the EEC, this study focuses on the perceptions of the Western European integration process among the political elite by addressing the following research questions: How did Yugoslav policymakers react to the Western European integration process? What impact did the success of the EEC have on Yugoslav foreign policy and internal differences among the political elite? In what way did the League of Communists of Yugoslavia rationalize their cooperation with the EEC? What did it mean for the internal coherence of the LCY and for Yugoslavia’s pronounced cooperation with the developing countries? The overarching question is how and why already in the 1960s the EEC became such an important external factor, crucial for the economic development and stability of Yugoslavia. By analysing the complex interaction between the external factors and internal dynamics of Yugoslavia and their impact on Belgrade´s policy towards the EEC, this study provides an explanation of the underlying long-term structural problems of the economy that determined the Yugoslav diplomatic and economic responses to the creation and evolution of the EEC until the breakup of the country.
Chapter ‘Conclusion' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'A troubled relationship : Yugoslavia and the European economic community in détente' (2014) in the journal ‘European review of history’
8
MEARDI, Guglielmo. "Trade union activists, East and West : devergence and convergence in the Italian and Polish plants of multinational companies." Doctoral thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5290.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 12 November 1999Examining board: Prof. Colin Crouch (EUI - Supervisor); Prof. Jolanta Kulpińska (Uniwersytet Łódzki); Prof. Marino Regini (Università di Milano); Prof. Michel Wieviorka (EHESS Paris - co-supervisor)
First made available online 18 September 2017
9
WHITLING, Frederick. "The western way : academic diplomacy : foreign academies and the Swedish institute in Rome, 1935-1953." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14990.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 9 November 2010Examining Board: Prof. Antonella Romano (EUI), Supervisor Prof. Anthony Molho (EUI) Prof. Stephen L. Dyson (University at Buffalo, The State University of New York) Prof. Salvatore Settis (Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa)
First made available online on 14 January 2013.
The focus of this investigation lies on the dynamic of national interests versus international collaboration among the so-called foreign academies in Rome during the immediate post-war period in Italy. This is a study of individual, local and national representation and mentalities, as well as of national scholarly institutions. The study covers the period 1935-1953, and concerns scholarly interaction at five foreign academies in Rome - the Swedish Institute in Rome (SIR), the British School at Rome (BSR), the American Academy in Rome (AAR), the École française de Rome (EFR) and the Deutsches Archäologisches Institut Rom (DAIR) - all representing national academic structures and scholarly paradigms in relation to the study of antiquity and perceptions of common classical heritage and tradition. The investigation attempts to illuminate and contextualise the foreign academies in Rome, and has been inspired by the conspicuous general lack of assessment of the foreign academies beyond national ‘hagiographical’ histories, and by a need for self-reflective evaluation of the academies in historical context.
10
Bousmaha, Farah. "The impact of the negative perception of Islam in the Western media and culture from 9/11 to the Arab Spring." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/5677.
Full textAbstract:
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)While the Arab spring succeeded in ousting the long-term dictator led governments from power in many Arab countries, leading the way to a new democratic process to develop in the Arab world, it did not end the old suspicions between Arab Muslims and the West. This research investigates the beginning of the relations between the Arab Muslims and the West as they have developed over time, and then focuses its analysis on perceptions from both sides beginning with 9/11 through the events known as the Arab spring. The framework for analysis is a communication perspective, as embodied in the Coordinated Management of Meaning (CMM). According to CMM, communication can be understood as forms of interactions that both constitute and frame reality. The study posits the analysis that the current Arab Muslim-West divide, is often a conversation that is consistent with what CMM labels as the ethnocentric pattern. This analysis will suggest a new pathway, one that follows the CMM cosmopolitan form, as a more fruitful pattern for the future of Arab Muslim-West relations. This research emphasizes the factors fueling this ethnocentric pattern, in addition to ways of bringing the Islamic world and the West to understand each other with a more cosmopolitan approach, which, among other things, accepts mutual differences while fostering agreements. To reach this core, the study will apply a direct communicative engagement between the Islamic world and the West to foster trusted relations, between the two.
Books on the topic "Industrial relations – Europe, Western – History"
1
Jelle, Visser, ed. Trade unions in Western Europe since 1945. New York: Grove's Dictionaries, 2000.
Find full text
2
Carpenter, Mick. Management, work, and welfare in Western Europe: A historical and contemporary analysis. Cheltenham, UK: E. Elgar, 2000.
Find full text
3
Warmenhoven, Henri J. Western Europe. 6th ed. Guilford, Conn: Dushkin/McGraw-Hill, 1999.
Find full text
4
Muslims in western Europe. 2nd ed. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1995.
Find full text
5
Muslims in Western Europe. 3rd ed. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2004.
Find full text
6
Muslims in western Europe. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1992.
Find full text
7
Nielsen, Jørgen S. Muslims in Western Europe. 2nd ed. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1995.
Find full text
8
Stefan, Berger, and Compston Hugh 1955-, eds. Policy concertation and social partnership in Western Europe: Lessons for the 21st century. New York: Berghahn Books, 2002.
Find full text
9
Rebuilding Europe: Western Europe, America, and postwar reconstruction. London: Longman, 1992.
Find full text
10
Carmi, Joseph. The war of Western Europe against Israel. New York: Devora Publishing, 2003.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Industrial relations – Europe, Western – History"
1
Lovell, Malcom R. "Trade Union Trends in Western Europe." In Industrial Relations in Europe, 242–61. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003335290-11.
Full text
2
Tavitian, Roland. "Trade Union Trends in Western Europe." In Industrial Relations in Europe, 222–41. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003335290-10.
Full text
3
Kirchberger, Sarah. "Russian-Chinese Military-Technological Cooperation and the Ukrainian Factor." In Russia-China Relations, 75–100. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97012-3_5.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractArms transfers are an important indicator of the level of strategic trust between countries. During the past 70 years, relations between China and the Soviet Union/Russia have gone through phases that were characterized by dramatically different levels of military-industrial cooperation. This paper explores how the fallout from the Crimea crisis of 2014 has impacted the Russian-Chinese arms trade relationship against the backdrop of a history where Russia aimed to restrict arms transfers to China. It argues that the sanctions imposed on China after the Tiananmen massacre in 1989 and on Russia since early 2014 have had the combined unintended consequence of incentivizing closer Russian-Chinese arms-industrial cooperation than had ever existed before. Western ambiguity toward Ukraine after 2014 furthermore provided China with opportunities to profit from openings in Ukraine’s arms-industrial complex. The chapter starts with a historical overview of the Russian-Chinese arms trade relationship before analyzing the impact of Russian and Ukrainian transfers on China’s military modernization before and after 2014. The final part discusses how changed incentives since 2014 have fostered unprecedented Sino-Russian arms-industrial cooperation. This could solidify the developing Chinese-Russian military relationship and eventually lead toward a more equal relationship in joint arms development.
4
De Meulder, Bruno, Julie Marin, and Kelly Shannon. "Evolving Relations of Landscape, Infrastructure and Urbanization Toward Circularity: Flanders and Vietnam." In Regenerative Territories, 107–21. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78536-9_6.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractA great deal of the contemporary discourse around circularity revolves around waste—the elimination of waste (and wastelands) through recycling, renewing and reuse (3Rs). In line with industrial ecological thinking, the discourse often focuses on resource efficiency and the shift toward renewables. The reconstitution of numerous previous ecologies is at most a byproduct of the deliberate design of today’s cyclic systems. Individual projects are often heralded for their innovative aspects (both high- and low-tech) and the concept has become popularly embraced in much of the Western world. Nevertheless, contemporary spatial circularity practices appear often to be detached from their particular socio-cultural and landscape ecologies. There is an emphasis on performative aspects and far too often a series of normative tools create cookie-cutter solutions that disregard locational assets—spatial as well as socio-cultural. The re-prefix is evident for developed economies and geographies, but not as obvious in the context of rapidly transforming and newly urbanizing territories. At the same time, the notion of circularity has been deeply embedded in indigenous, pre-modern and non-Western worldviews and strongly mirrored in historic constellations of urban, rural and territorial development. This contribution focuses on two contexts, Flanders in Belgium and the rural highlands, the Mekong Delta and Ho Chi Minh City in Vietnam, which reveal that in spite of the near-universal prevalence of the Western development paradigm, there are fundamentally different notions of circularity in history and regarding present-day urbanization. Historically, in both contexts, the city and its larger territory formed a social, economic and ecological unity. There was a focus is on the interdependent development of notions of circularity in the ever-evolving relations of landscape, infrastructure and urbanization. In the development of contemporary circularity, there are clear insights that can be drawn from the deep understandings of historic interdependencies and the particular mechanisms and typologies utilized. The research questions addressed are in line with territorial ecology’s call to incorporate socio-cultural and spatial dimensions when trying to understand how territorial metabolisms function (Barles, Revue D’économie Régionale and Urbaine:819–836, 2017). They are as follows: how can case studies from two seemingly disparate regions in the world inform the present-day wave of homogenized research on circularity? How can specific socio-cultural contexts, through their historical trajectories, nuance the discourse and even give insights with regard to broadened and contextualized understandings of circularity? The case studies firstly focus on past site-specific cyclic interplays between landscape, infrastructure and urbanization and their gradual dissolution into linearity. Secondly, the case studies explicitly focus on multi-year design research projects by OSA (Research Urbanism and Architecture, KU Leuven), which underscore new relations of landscape, infrastructure and urbanization and emphasize the resourcefulness of the territory itself. The design research has been elaborated in collaboration with relevant stakeholders and experts and at the request of governmental agencies.
5
de Leonardis, Massimo. "The Historical Roots of the Atlantic Alliance Between Values and Interests." In NATO in the Post-Cold War Era, 23–44. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-06063-2_2.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractWhile certainly the Atlantic Alliance was a product of the Cold War, its historical and cultural foundations were much older. This chapter considers both the short-term path which in the early Cold War years brought to the Atlantic Pact and the long-term history of the relations between Europe and the United States, focusing in particular on the Anglo-American special relationship. The chapter also re-examines isolationism, arguing that since its origins the American nation envisaged for itself a future of world domination. After the Second World War, a marriage of convenience took place between the United States and most countries of Western Europe. The Preamble and art. 2 of the Atlantic Treaty of 1949 expressed the aspiration to building something more than a mere military alliance, but as a matter of fact, these provisions were never put into practice. Considering the values, these were never identical and the differences widened after the Cold War. However, from this point of view Europe and North America remain the geopolitical area in the world with the closest interests and affinities.
6
Tsai, Beth. "Film Festivals in Taiwan: Lurking on the Periphery." In Rethinking Film Festivals in the Pandemic Era and After, 211–30. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-14171-3_11.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis chapter investigates an ongoing geopolitical shift concerning the status of festivals in Taiwan—exemplified by the Taipei Film Festival and the Taipei Golden Horse Film Festival and Awards—and their future challenges instigated by the global pandemic. I consider film festivals in Taiwan to be lurking on the “periphery” and argue they should not be prescribed as secondary and unnoticed (in terms of prestige and influences). Instead, we need to identify the center (Western Europe and wealthy North America) versus the periphery paradigm in which the global festival circuit continued to reinforce power relations where mid- or lower-ranking film festivals had to wrestle with the hierarchy of status. This chapter begins by tracing how the pandemic preparedness in Taiwan allowed most Taiwanese film festivals to conduct business as usual. Yet this local advantage—abetted by the country’s history and political dissension with the People’s Republic of China (PRC)—is impeded by the collateral implications from disrupted festivals worldwide. The impacts of Covid-19 continue to further expose the unequal power relations within the globalized festival network, despite the survival and strife for the success of mid-level and regional film festivals.
7
Robinson, Cedric J. "The Social Origins of Materialism and Socialism." In An Anthropology of Marxism, edited by H. L. T. Quan and Avery F. Gordon, 18–59. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649917.003.0002.
Full textAbstract:
In this chapter, Robinson takes on what he sees as Marx’s fallacious assumption that socialism requires the existence of full-blown capitalism. Instead, Robinson explores the history of materialism and political economy in Europe in relation to late medieval Christianity and the Roman Church as a way to uncover other lineages of Western socialism. He traces the genealogy of materialism upon which Marx himself relied—drawing from German idealists and eighteenth century bourgeois ideas—and contrasts this with an alternative genealogy of modern materialist discourse (Aristotelianism, Dualism, Classical materialism, historical materialism). He shows how bourgeois resistance against the Church’s political order in the thirteenth century took the form of socialist communities. This socialist-oriented resistance was then repressed and co-opted by Church leaders before reappearing in the popular impulses of the French Revolution, eventually leading to Marx’s secular expression of socialism. Robinson argues that Marxism ignores this history of non-industrial socialism, accepting many assumptions of bourgeois historiography and leading him to assume that full industrial, bourgeois society is necessary to the establishment of socialism. This effaces the thirteenth century precedents to nineteenth century Western socialism.
8
Gumbrell-McCormick, Rebecca, and Richard Hyman. "Mapping the Terrain: Varieties of Industrial Relations and Trade Unionism." In Trade Unions in Western Europe, 1–28. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199644414.003.0001.
Full text
9
"International Trade Union Collaboration and the Prospects for European Industrial Relations." In Trade Unions and Politics in Western Europe, 133–48. Routledge, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203988657-7.
Full text
10
"Central Europe." In Christian-Muslim Relations. A Bibliographical History. Volume 9 Western and Southern Europe (1600-1700), 915–1019. BRILL, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004356399_008.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Industrial relations – Europe, Western – History"
1
Karabushenko, Pavel, and Ekaterina Gainutdinova. "The concept of Greater Eurasia and geopolitics." In East – West: Practical Approaches to Countering Terrorism and Preventing Violent Extremism. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcshss.dxyu5419.
Full textAbstract:
In modern international relations, the emphasis of dominance is beginning to shift more and more from the Western part of the political map of the world to the East. Countries that were previously in colonial dependence on the West (China, India) are beginning to challenge international leadership. Against this background, at the beginning of the XXI century, the concept of Greater Eurasia began to take shape and gradually develop, as a desire to acquire subjectivity and an attempt to establish a new hierarchy of geopolitical leadership. Geopolitical geometry plays an important role in the analysis of these processes, which delineates the Eurasian space in accordance with the currently available geopolitical strategies of the leading world powers. And in this geometry, the Caspian region is increasingly emerging, to which the properties of the axial region of Eurasia are increasingly being attributed. The axial region means a certain space that has an increased degree of attraction (economic, cultural, political), which determines the course of history and politics. As the political history of Eurasia shows, most often significant events and vast empires (Persia, Horde, Russia, etc.) arose precisely in the area of the so-called "Caspian Gate" connecting the expanses of Europe and Asia. This work analyzes the concept of Greater Eurasia through the prism of its geopolitical assessment and the role played in its development by its axial region – the Greater Caspian region.
Reports on the topic "Industrial relations – Europe, Western – History"
1
Allan, Duncan, and Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.
Full textAbstract:
The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.