Academic literature on the topic 'Industrial and organisational psychology (incl. human factors)'

Purpose The engagement and retention of older workers is a major concern for organisations and has been an increasing focus for human resource scholars internationally. Drawing on social exchange theory (SET), the purpose of this paper is to examine the conditions under which retention and engagement of older workers could be enhanced, together with the potential for perceptions of age discrimination to negatively influence these outcomes. Design/methodology/approach The study surveyed a large sample of New Zealand workers aged 55 years and over from across 28 New Zealand organisations of varying size and from a wide range of industrial sectors. A moderated-mediation model was proposed to examine the relationship between perceived organisational support (POS) and intention to leave, the mediating effect of job engagement in this relationship, and the moderating influence of perceived age discrimination on this mediation. Findings While POS was negatively related to workers’ intention to quit, job engagement partially mediated this relationship. Age discrimination moderated this mediation. As perceived age discrimination increased, the mediation of job engagement was weakened as POS had less influence on the job engagement of older workers. Research limitations/implications Implications for human resource management practice include the importance of providing organisational support for older workers along with protections from age bias and discrimination. Originality/value The study is one of the first to apply SET to the context of older workers, and has extended the SET literature through its examination of the role of employee engagement as a mediator of this relationship, and how perceived age discrimination, as a negative aspect of the work environment, can negatively impact these relationships.

Purpose – Drawn on social psychology theory of impression management (IM), the purpose of this paper is to assess the way Portuguese managers build their narratives in chairman’s statement (CS) to manage stakeholders’ perceptions on corporate image, in a period of time of scarce resources. Design/methodology/approach – The paper’s theoretical framework draws on elements of social psychology theory of IM developed by Leary and Kowalski (1990). Through the use of the two-component model of IM (impression motivation and impression construction) the 45 CSs of Portuguese non-finance companies were content analysed to understand how managers build their voluntary communication strategies. Findings – Results indicate that organisational outcome does not influence the adoption of IM strategies. But public visibility and consumer proximity are crucial factors in explaining them. Larger companies with high consumer proximity present themselves in a favourable way, but consistent with an overall reading of the annual report. These companies show a higher level of verbosity, consistent to the argument of retrospective rationality. Originality/value – The present study goes beyond Merkl-Davies et al. (2011) work and obtains insightful knowledge on the influence of goal relevance of impression in three different perspectives: company’s public visibility, company’s dependency from debtholders, and consumer proximity. Moreover, the analysis uses a period of scarce resources and a European Latin country, with no tradition in publishing CSs, but that recently has changed its financial reporting practices from an institutional code-law logic to an institutional common-law logic. A research setting like this has not been studied hitherto.

The significance of Human Resource (HR) practices in enlightening employee attitudes, such as work satisfaction, organizational commitment and job engagement, have been widely researched in the industrial and organizational psychology literature. However, the research has not uncovered contradicting findings about the connections between employee positive and negative behavioural outcomes in the case of organizational change. This research analyzes the impact of human resources management on employee’s behavioural outcomes of organizational change with variables such as organizational commitments, job performance, absenteeism, turnover of employees, employee productivity and workplace bullying in the Saudi Arabia manufacturing sector (e.g. power generation, telecommunications, natural gas exploration, and petrochemical sectors). It is widely acknowledged that the influence of HRM practices may produce a comparative advantage in the performance of organizations with the well-being of the employees. To find the relationship between the variables, the study incorporates descriptive research methodologies and quantitative analysis of a valid questionnaire is performed utilizing stratified and simple, random samples by HR managers and employees. For data interpretation, a questionnaire of self-administered data was collected from a sample of 300 in Saudi Arabia. Employee behavioural outcomes of HRM practices have a significant and positive relationship between Organizational Commitment, Job Performance, Absenteeism, and Employee Productivity. A negative direct relationship is found between employees’ negative behaviour regarding the use of workplace bullying and employee turnover. The instrument’s internal reliability was established to be 0.793. Followed by inferential evaluations, a significance-level T-Test assessment for the benefit of the manufacturing sector evaluates the Hypothesis Test for HRM practice. The study has some limitations. Although data were collected from various sectors in Saudi Arabia, the findings of the study have limited generalizability. Future studies could extend the analysis to include other workplaces. This is the study of the factors affecting the organizational change of employees’ positive and negative behaviour outcomes which impact organisational growth and employee wellbeing. This study will contribute to the development of the Saudi Arabian power generation, telecommunications, natural gas exploration, and petrochemical sectors sector, which may lead to maintaining this sector work effectively that will have a positive impact on the economy of Saudi society.

Orientation: Industrial and organisational psychology (IOP) researchers have shown their contribution to solving COVID-19 pandemic in the workplace through the enormous number of studies.Research purpose: This study intended to map IOP research related to the COVID-19 crisis to provide the research issues that have emerged and potential for future research.Motivation for the study: All the IOP levels (worker, team and organisation) were impacted by COVID-19, and they continuously change. Researchers must be careful in directing their research and avoid focusing on certain levels or problems.Research approach/design and method: A bibliometric visualisation analysis method was adopted in this study.Main findings: The bibliometric results showed that the prominent keywords in IOP research-related COVID-19 are ‘human(s)’, ‘COVID-19’, keywords related to subject characteristics and mental health. Six clusters on the map showed the prominent themes: mental health, health care workers as the research subject, specific workplace issues, digital technology, methodologies used, and country. Furthermore, in every cluster, the depth overview of study results is presented. The top issues were at the worker-level, while the organisational-level issues gained limited attention.Practical/managerial implications: For practitioners and managers, this study provides a complete picture of emerging issues during COVID-19 crisis ranging from causes, risk factors and solutions. For researchers, this study can provide insight for further research.Contribution/value-add: This study provides a comprehensive overview of the IOP issues related-COVID-19 that will be beneficial as the basis for policymaking and recommendations for future potential areas.

Introduction I believe that all of us have experienced most probably one of the most dramatic situations in modern day work life, namely Covid-19. It has impacted on all spheres of society, from Global, National, organisational and personal levels. This was evident in the recent articles received by AJER, many of them has a broad, or even a direct Covid-19 theme, specifically from an employee relations, leadership and human resource perspective. The AJER wants to provide a forum of learning opportunities, also during these challenging times for all those interested and involved in the management of human resources including practitioners, researchers, academics, trainers and educators as well as to policy makers in the private, public and semi-public sectors of South Africa (SA), Southern Africa, Africa and other countries. The direct impact on the journal was also felt, specifically with the availability of reviewers, as well as the slower than usual turnaround time of reviews. It is with this in mind that I want to invite all our readers who are interested and qualified to become part of the pool of reviewers of AJER. You can send an e-mail indicating your interest to me as Chief Editor (grobla@unisa.ac.za). 2020 content As mentioned in the introduction, AJER has adopted a more continental approach, and it is evident that there is a growing African interest, especially if one looks at the articles published in 2020. Although the papers from SA are still the majority, there were also articles from Kenya, Zimbabwe, and Nigeria. Four articles typically falls within the Industrial Psychology domain, with the first one determining the relationship exists between the state of the psychological contract and emotional intelligence, and whether emotional intelligence is a predicting variance of the state of the psychological contract. The second article from this category studied whether the socio-demographic variables of age, race, gender, marital status, educational level, years employed, employment status, and home language predict work engagement, psychological capital and turnover intention of teachers. Both these studies were conducted with a SA. In the third article, a measure of the maturity of the organisational leadership development process that is fit for use in southern Africa across the different levels of leadership, was developed and validated. The fourth study was conducted in Ghana, looking to determine the relationship between mental health and innovative behaviour among bank employees, as well as the effect of age on the mental health of the respondents. Two articles broadly focused on labour issues, with one investigating the impact of setting minimum wages in the environment and culture sector as an appropriate wage strategy intervention policy under the South Africa’s Expanded Public Works Programme. The other article sought to unveil the factors behind the precariat who soldier on despite challenges faced at the workplace with specific reference to the agricultural and hospitality industries in Zimbabwe. One article focused on union matters and typical human resource management respectively. The union related article investigated the challenges female union members encounter while seeking or assuming labour union leadership positions in Kenya. In the forum section, an article was placed that examined the linkage between the Nigerian Declaration Project and the levels of commitment to industrial peace among the employers’ associations, labour unions and government agencies in Nigeria. Closing remarks I believe we are now nearing a point where we are becoming a true Continental publication, and we are therefore inviting submissions from all over Africa. Africa-related themes are especially encouraged in the context of the dire need to develop indigenous theory and understanding of people management in the African context. Authors are further invited to contribute to the academic as well as industry discourse related to the impact of Covid-19 on the work force and work force practises. You are urged to look long term, by investigating and recommending possible actions to mitigate the impact, not only of the current pandemic, but any major crisis and disruption that might impact the work environment in future.

Introduction Daffodil Day, usually held in spring, raises funds for cancer awareness and research using this symbol of hope. On that day, people who donate money to this good cause are usually given a yellow daffodil pin to wear. When I lived in Auckland, New Zealand, on the last Friday in August most people walking around the city centre proudly wore a cheerful yellow flower. So many people generously participated in this initiative that one almost felt obliged to join the cause in order to wear the ‘uniform’ – the daffodil pin – as everyone else did on that day. To donate and to wear a daffodil is the social expectation, and operating in social environment people often endeavour to meet the expectation by doing the ‘appropriate things’ defined by societies or communities. After all, who does not like to receive a beam of acceptance and appreciation from a fellow daffodil bearer in Auckland’s Queen Street? States in international society are no different. In some ways, states wear ‘uniforms’ while executing domestic and foreign affairs just as human beings do within their social groups. States develop the understandings of desirable behaviour from the international community with which they interact and identify. They are ‘socialised’ to act in line with the expectations of international community. These expectations are expressed in the form of international norms, a prescriptive set of ideas about the ‘appropriate behaviour for actors with a given identity’ (Finnemore and Sikkink 891). Motivated by this logic of appropriateness, states that comply with certain international norms in world politics justify and undertake actions that are considered appropriate for their identities. This essay starts with examining how international norms can be spread to different countries through the process of ‘state socialisation’ (how the countries are ‘talked into’ wearing the ‘uniform’). Second, the essay investigates the idea of ‘cultural match’: how domestic actors comply with an international norm by interpreting and manipulating it according to their local political and legal practices (how the countries wear the ‘uniform’ differently). Lastly, the essay probes the current international normative community and the liberal values embedded in major international norms (whether states would continue wearing the ‘uniform’). International Norms and State Socialisation: Why Do States Wear the ‘Uniforms’? Norm diffusion is related to the efforts of ‘norm entrepreneurs’ using various platforms to convince a critical mass of states to embrace new norms (Finnemore and Sikkink 895-896). Early studies of norm diffusion tend to emphasise nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) as norm entrepreneurs and advocates, such as Oxfam and its goal of reducing poverty and hunger worldwide (Capie 638). In other empirical research, intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) were shown to serve as ‘norm teachers,’ such as UNESCO educating developing countries the value of science policy organisations (Finnemore 581-586). Additionally, states and other international actors can also play important roles in norm diffusion. Powerful states with more communication resources sometimes enjoy advantages in creating and promoting new norms (Florini 375). For example, the United States and Western European countries have often been considered as the major proponents of free trade. Norm emergence and state socialisation in a normative community often occurs during critical historical periods, such as wars and major economic downturns, when international changes and domestic crises often coincide with each other (Ikenberry and Kupchan 292). For instance, the norm entrepreneurs of ‘responsible power/state’ can be traced back to the great powers (mainly the United States, Great Britain, and the Soviet Union) and their management of international order at the end of WWII (see Bull). With their negotiations and series of international agreements at the Cairo, Tehran, Yalta, and Potsdam Conference in the 1940s, these great powers established a post-World War international society based on the key liberal values of international peace and security, free trade, human rights, and democracy. Human beings are not born to know what appropriate behaviour is; we learn social norms from parents, schools, peers, and other community members. International norms are collective expectations and understanding of how state governments should approach their domestic and foreign affairs. States ‘learn’ international norms while socialising with a normative community. From a sociological perspective, socialisation summarises ‘how and to what extent diverse individuals are meshed with the requirement of collective life’ at the societal level (Long and Hadden 39). It mainly consists of the process of training and shaping newcomers by the group members and the social adjustment of novices to the normative framework and the logic of appropriateness (Long and Hadden 39). Similarly, social psychology defines socialisation as the process in which ‘social organisations influence the action and experience of individuals’ (Gold and Douvan 145). Inspired by sociology and psychology, political scientists consider socialisation to be the mechanism through which norm entrepreneurs persuade other actors (usually a norm novice) to adhere to a particular prescriptive standard (Johnston, “Social State” 16). Norm entrepreneurs can change novices’ behaviour by the methods of persuasion and social influence (Johnston, “Treating International Institutions” 496-506). Socialisation sometimes demands that individual actors should comply with organisational norms by changing their interests or preferences (persuasion). Norm entrepreneurs often attempt to construct an appealing cognitive frame in order to persuade the novices (either individuals or states) to change their normative preferences or adopt new norms. They tend to use language that can ‘name, interpret and dramatise’ the issues related to the emerging norm (Finnemore and Sikkink 987). As a main persuasive device, ‘framing’ can provide a singular interpretation and appropriate behavioural response for a particular situation (Payne 39). Cognitive consistency theory found in psychology has suggested the mechanism of ‘analogy’, which indicates that actors are more likely to accept new ideas that share some similarities to the extant belief or ideas that they have already accepted (see Hybel, ch. 2). Based on this understanding, norm entrepreneurs usually frame issues in a way that can associate and resonate with the shared value of the targeted novices (Payne 43). For example, Finnemore’s research shows that when it promoted the creation of state science bureaucracies in the 1960s, UNESCO associated professional science policy-making with the appropriate role of a modern state, which was well received by the post-war developing countries in Latin America, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia (Finnemore 565-597). Socialisation can also emanate actors’ pro-norm behaviour through a cost-benefit calculation made with social rewards and punishments (social influence). A normative community can use the mechanism of back-patting and opprobrium to distribute social reward and punishment. Back-patting – ‘recognition, praise and normative support’ – is offered for a novice’s or member’s cooperative and pro-norm behaviour (Johnston, “Treating International Institutions” 503). In contrast, opprobrium associated with status denial and identity rejection can create social and psychological costs (Johnston 504). Both the reward and punishment grow in intensity with the number of co-operators (Johnston 504). A larger community can often create more criticism towards rule-breakers, and thus greatly increase the cost of disobedience. For instance, the lack of full commitment from major powers, such as China, the United States, and some other OECD countries, has arguably made global collective action towards mitigating climate change more difficult, as the cost of non-compliance is relatively low. While being in a normative environment, novice or emerging states that have not yet been socialised into the international community can respond to persuasion and social influence through the processes of identification and mimicking. Social psychology indicates that when one actor accepts persuasion or social influence based on its desire to build or maintain a ‘satisfying self-defining relationship’ to another actor, the mechanism of identification starts to work (Kelman 53). Identification among a social group can generate ‘obligatory’ behaviour, where individual states make decisions by attempting to match their perceptions of ‘who they are’ (national identity) with the expectation of the normative community (Glodgeier and Tetlock 82). After identifying with the normative community, a novice state would then mimic peer states’ pro-norm behaviour in order to be considered as a qualified member of the social group. For example, when the Chinese government was deliberating over its ratification of the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety in 2003, a Ministry of Environmental Protection brief noted that China should ratify the Protocol as soon as possible because China had always been a country ‘keeping its word’ in international society, and non-ratification would largely ‘undermine China’s international image and reputation’ (Ministry of Environmental Protection of PRC). Despite the domestic industry’s disagreement with entering into the Protocol, the Chinese government’s self-identification as a ‘responsible state’ that performs its international promises and duties played an important role in China’s adoption of the international norm of biosafety. Domestic Salience of International Norms: How Do States Wear the ‘Uniforms’ Differently? Individual states do not accept international norms passively; instead, state governments often negotiate and interact with domestic actors, such as major industries and interest groups, whose actions and understandings in turn impact on how the norm is understood and implemented. This in turn feeds back to the larger normative community and creates variations of those norms. There are three main factors that can contribute to the domestic salience of an international norm. First, as the norm-takers, domestic actors can decide whether and to what extent an international norm can enter the domestic agenda and how it will be implemented in policy-making. These actors tend to favour an international norm that can justify their political and social programs and promote their interests in domestic policy debates (Cortell and Davis, “How Do International Institutions Matter?” 453). By advocating the existence and adoption of an international norm, domestic actors attempt to enhance the legitimacy and authority of their current policy or institution (Acharya, “How Ideas Spread” 248). Political elites can strengthen state legitimacy by complying with an international norm in their policy-making, and consequently obtain international approval with reputation, trust, and credibility as social benefits in the international community (Finnemore and Sikkink 903). For example, when the UN General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), only four states – Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States – voted against the Declaration. They argued that their constitutional and national policies were sufficiently responsive to the type of Indigenous self-determination envisioned by UNDRIP. Nevertheless, given the opprobrium directed against these states by the international community, and their well-organised Indigenous populations, the four state leaders recognised the value of supporting UNDRIP. Subsequently all four states adopted the Declaration, but in each instance state leaders observed UNDRIP’s ‘aspirational’ rather than legal status; UNDRIP was a statement of values that these states’ policies should seek to incorporate into their domestic Indigenous law. Second, the various cultural, political, and institutional strategies of domestic actors can influence the effectiveness of norm empowerment. Political rhetoric and political institutions are usually created and used to promote a norm domestically. Both state and societal leaders can make the performative speech act of an international norm work and raise its importance in a national context by repeated declarations on the legitimacy and obligations brought by the norm (Cortell and Davis, “Understanding the Domestic Impact” 76). Moreover, domestic actors can also develop or modify political institutions to incorporate an international norm into the domestic bureaucratic or legal system (Cortell and Davis, “Understanding the Domestic Impact” 76). These institutions provide rules for domestic actors and articulate their rights and obligations, which transforms the international norm’s legitimacy and authority into local practices. For example, the New Zealand Government adopted a non-nuclear policy in the 1980s. This policy arose from the non-nuclear movement that was leading the development of the Raratonga Treaty (South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone) and peace and Green party movements across Europe who sought to de-nuclearise the European continent. The Lange Labour Government’s 1984 adoption of an NZ anti-nuclear policy gained impetus because of these larger norm movements, and these movements in turn recognised the normative importance of a smaller power in international relations. Third, the characteristics of the international norm can also impact on the likelihood that the norm will be accepted by domestic actors. A ‘cultural match’ between international norm and local values can facilitate norm diffusion to domestic level. Sociologists suggest that norm diffusion is more likely to be successful if the norm is congruent with the prior values and practices of the norm-taker (Acharya, “Asian Regional Institutions” 14). Norm diffusion tends to be more efficient when there is a high degree of cultural match such that the global norm resonates with the target country’s domestic values, beliefs or understandings, which in turn can be reflected in national discourse, as well as the legal and bureaucratic system (Checkel 87; Cortell and Davis, “Understanding the Domestic Impact” 73). With such cultural consistency, domestic actors are more likely to accept an international norm and treat it as a given or as ‘matter-of-fact’ (Cortell and Davis, “Understanding the Domestic Impact” 74). Cultural match in norm localisation explains why identical or similar international socialisation processes can lead to quite different local developments and variations of international norms. The debate between universal human rights and the ‘Asian values’ of human rights is an example where some Asian states, such as Singapore and China, prioritise citizen’s economic rights over social and political rights and embrace collective rights instead of individual rights. Cultural match can also explain why one country may easily accept a certain international norm, or some aspect of one particular norm, while rejecting others. For example, when Taiwanese and Japanese governments adapted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples into their local political and legal practice, various cultural aspects of Indigenous rights have been more thoroughly implemented compared to indigenous economic and political rights (Gao et al. 60-65). In some extreme cases, the norm entrepreneurs even attempt to change the local culture of norm recipients to create a better cultural match for norm localisation. For example, when it tried to socialise India into its colonial system in the early nineteenth century, Britain successfully shaped the evolution of Indian political culture by adding British values and practices into India’s social, political, and judicial system (Ikenberry and Kupchan 307-309). The International Normative Community: Would States Continue Wearing ‘Uniforms’? International norms evolve. Not every international norm can survive and sustain. For example, while imperialism and colonial expansion, where various European states explored, conquered, settled, and exploited other parts of the world, was a widely accepted idea and practice in the nineteenth century, state sovereignty, equality, and individual rights have replaced imperialism and become the prevailing norms in international society today. The meanings of the same international norm can evolve as well. The Great Powers first established the post-war international norms of ‘state responsibility’ based on the idea of sovereign equality and non-intervention of domestic affairs. However, the 1980s saw the emergence of many international organisations, which built new standards and offered new meanings for a responsible state in international society: a responsible state must actively participate in international organisations and comply with international regimes. In the post-Cold War era, international society has paid more attention to states’ responsibility to offer global common goods and to promote the values of human rights and democracy. This shift of focus has changed the international expectation of state responsibility again to embrace collective goods and global values (Foot, “Chinese Power” 3-11). In addition to the nature and evolution of international norms, the unity and strength of the normative community can also affect states’ compliance with the norms. The growing size of the community group or the number of other cooperatives can amplify the effect of socialisation (Johnston, “Treating International Institutions” 503-506). In other words, individual states are often more concerned about their national image, reputation and identity regarding norm compliance when a critical mass of states have already subscribed into the international norm. How much could this critical mass be? Finnemore and Sikkink suggest that international norms reach the threshold global acceptance when the norm entrepreneurs have persuaded at least one third of all states to adopt the new norm (901). The veto record of the United Nation Security Council (UNSC) shows this impact. China, for example, has cast a UNSC veto vote 17 times as of 2022, but it has rarely excised its veto power alone (Security Council Report). For instance, though being sceptical of the notion of ‘Responsibility to Protect’, which prioritises human right over state sovereignty, China did not veto Resolution 1973 (2011) regarding the Libyan civil war. The Resolution allowed the international society to take ‘all necessary measure to protect civilians’ from a failed state government, and it received wide support among UNSC members (no negative votes from the other 14 members). Moreover, states are not entirely equal in terms of their ‘normative weight’. When Great Powers act as norm entrepreneurs, they can usually utilise their wealth and influence to better socialise other norm novice states. In the history of promoting biological diversity norms which are embedded in the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), the OECD countries, especially France, UK, Germany, and Japan, have been regarded as normative leaders. French and Japanese political leaders employed normative language (such as ‘need’ and ‘must’) in various international forums to promote the norms and to highlight their normative commitment (see e.g. Chirac; Kan). Additionally, both governments provided financial assistance for developing countries to adopt the biodiversity norms. In the 2011 annual review of CBD, Japan reaffirmed its US$12 million contribution to assisting developing countries (Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity 9). France joined Japan’s commitment by announcing a financial contribution of €1 million along, with some additional funding from Norway and Switzerland (Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity 9). Today, biological diversity has been one of the most widely accepted international environmental norms, which 196 states/nations have ratified (United Nations). While Great Powers can make more substantial contributions to norm diffusion compared to many smaller powers with limited state capacity, Great Powers’ non-compliance with the normative ‘uniform’ can also significantly undermine the international norms’ validity and the normative community’s unity and reputation. The current normative community of climate change is hardly a unified one, as it is characterised by a low degree of consensus. Major industrial countries, such as the United States, Canada, and Australia, have not yet reached an agreement concerning their individual responsibilities for reducing greenhouse emissions. This lack of agreement, which includes the amount of cuts, the feasibility and usefulness of such cuts, and the relative sharing of cuts across various states, is complicated by the fact that large developing countries, such as China, Brazil, and India, also hold different opinions towards climate change regimes (see Vidal et al.). Experts heavily criticised the major global powers, such as the European Union and the United States, for their lack of ambition in phasing out fossil fuels during the 2022 climate summit in Egypt (COP27; Ehsan et al.). In international trade, both China and the United States are among the leading powers because of their large trade volume, capacity, and transnational network; however, both countries have recently undermined the world trade system and norms. China took punitive measures against Australian export products after Australia’s Covid-19 inquiry request at the World Health Organisation. The United States, particularly under the Trump Administration, invoked the WTO national security exception in Article XXI of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) to justify its tariffs on steel and aluminium. Lastly, norm diffusion and socialisation can be a ‘two-way path,’ especially when the norm novice state is a powerful and influential state in the international system. In this case, the novices are not merely assimilated into the group, but can also successfully exert some influence on other group members and affect intra-group relations (Moreland 1174). As such, the novices can be both targets of socialisation and active agents who can shape the content and outcome of socialisation processes (Pu 344). The influence from the novices can create normative contestation and thus influence the norm evolution (Thies 547). In other words, novice states can influence international society and shape the international norm during the socialisation process. For example, the ‘ASEAN Way’ is a set of norms that regulate member states’ relationships within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It establishes a diplomatic and security culture characterised by informality, consultation, and dialogue, and consensus-building in decision-making processes (Caballero-Anthony). From its interaction with ASEAN, China has been socialised into the ‘ASEAN Way’ (Ba 157-159). Nevertheless, China’s relations with the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) also suggest that there exists a ‘feedback’ process between China and ARF which resulted in institutional changes in ARF to accommodate China’s response (Johnston, “The Myth of the ASEAN Way?” 291). For another example, while the Western powers generally promote the norm of ‘shared responsibility’ in global environment regimes, the emerging economies, such as the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), have responded to the normative engagement and proposed a ‘Common but Differentiated Responsibilities’ regime where the developing countries shoulder less international obligations. Similarly, the Western-led norm of ‘Responsibility to Protect’, which justifies international humanitarian intervention, has received much resistance from the countries that only adhere to the conventional international rules regarding state sovereignty rights and non-intervention to domestic affairs. Conclusion International norms are shared expectations about what constitutes appropriate state behaviour. They are the ‘uniforms’ for individual states to wear when operating at the international level. States comply with international norms in order to affirm their preferred national identities as well as to gain social acceptance and reputation in the normative community. When the normative community is united and sizable, states tend to receive more social pressure to consistently wear these normative uniforms – be they the Geneva Conventions or nuclear non-proliferation. Nevertheless, in the post-pandemic world where liberal values, such as individual rights and rule of law, face significant challenges and democracies are in decline, the future success of the global normative community may be at risk. Great Powers are especially responsible for the survival and sustainability of international norms. The United States under President Trump adopted a nationalist ‘America First’ security agenda: alienating traditional allies, befriending authoritarian regimes previously shunned, and rejecting multilateralism as the foundation of the post-war global order. While the West has been criticised of failing to live up to its declared values, and has suffered its own loss of confidence in the liberal model, the rising powers have offered their alternative version of the world system. Instead of merely adapting to the Western-led global norms, China has created new institutions, such as the Belt and Road Initiatives, to promote its own preferred values, and has reshaped the global order where it deems the norms undesirable (Foot, “Chinese Power in a Changing World Order” 7). Great Power participation has reshaped the landscape of global normative community, and sadly not always in positive ways. Umberto Eco lamented the disappearance of the beauty of the past in his novel The Name of the Rose: ‘stat rosa pristina nomine, nomina nuda tenemus’ ('yesterday’s rose endures in its name, we hold empty names'; Eco 538). If the international community does not want to witness an era where global norms and universal values are reduced to nominalist symbols, it must renew and reinvigorate its commitment to global values, such as human rights and democracy. It must consider wearing these uniforms again, properly. 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"This thesis provides an empirical investigation of work engagement and positive accountability. The research was conducted within the context of the Australian mining industry using cross-sectional survey data. The research had two main focuses. The first was to bring further clarity to the concepts by drawing on well established theories of work to test their relationships with other variables. The second was the development and testing of the Work Engagement Scale (WES) and Positive Accountability Scale (PAS). The research presents work engagement as a motivational state characterised by vigor, dedication and absorption. Positive accountability was studied as a work environment construct that is embedded within the social structures of work. It was operationalised in terms of four core characteristics of the work environment: expectations, feedback, discipline, and salience. The results provided strong theoretical and empirical support for the reliability and construct validity of the WES and PAS. Their practical utility and nomological validity was demonstrated via substantial relationships with a range of important work-related variables."--Abstract.

In the last decade, workplace coaching has seen major growth as a result of globalisation in many countries and across various industries. With high and at times unaffordable costs associated with employing professional external coaches, and challenges and complicated process in recruiting professional coaches, there has been a need to put more emphasis on developing a pool of internal coaches within organisations. The majority of the empirical research in the literature has largely focused on the external form of coaching, and less attention has been given to the benefits of building internal coaching capacity. Additionally, the literature remains silent with regard to the benefits of creating a coaching culture that supports internal coaching programs. This research aims to find ways to build internal coaching capacity and to create coaching culture in organisations. Furthermore this study aims to understand the effect that coaching may have on employee behaviour in the times of change and restructure in organisations. This study made an original contribution to theory by developing a model of Positive Coaching Culture based on seven steps that organisations are suggested to take to move towards a culture that supports and promotes the implementation of internal coaching programmes. Four research questions posited for this study were as follows: RQ1: How is internal coaching differentiated from external coaching? RQ2 : What are the characteristics of an effective internal coaching program? RQ3: How do organisations create a coaching culture that supports effective coaching? RQ4: What effect can coaching have on behaviour during corporate restructure? From the methodological perspective, this study utilised a sequential exploratory mixed methods approach, with the first two phases putting specific emphasis on internal coaching and coaching culture then being supplemented with a third phase later, focusing on the effect of coaching on behaviour during corporate restructure. The main limitations of this study included small sample size in phase one and phase three of the study. Furthermore, the study was conducted in Australia and was limited to Australian rail organisations which may be cuase limitations with regards to the implication of findings to other industries and in other countries. Although, there were limitations in this research project, there is no evidence that they have seriously affected or compromised the findings The findings of this study revealed evidence suggesting that in order to build internal coaching capacity, organisations should consider shifting from the informal and unstructured forms of internal coaching programs into a formal, structured, systematic and consistent form of internal coaching. Furthermore, the findings suggest that in order to build successful internal coaching programs, the following factors are highly important: 1. coach-coachee relationship, 2. coach training and on-going development of internal coaches, and 3. initial planning and investment in creating a culture of coaching... iii

Sleep inertia is the temporary period of impairment to performance and alertness found upon waking. Due to the impairments associated with this phenomenon, sleep inertia is a safety risk for those who must perform tasks soon after waking. Emergency service personnel are one such cohort who can be impacted by sleep inertia due to the prevalent use of on-call and shift-work arrangements. These work arrangements place personnel in situations where they may be woken to respond to an emergency event. Due to the necessity to respond quickly to emergency events, a period of sleep inertia may occur while personnel are undertaking safety critical activities such as driving or performing skilled tasks as part of their role, potentially endangering themselves, colleagues, and the individuals they are attending to. Given the safety risk that sleep inertia poses for emergency service personnel, the broad objective of this thesis was to examine the causes, consequences, and potential safety measures for sleep inertia for emergency service personnel. This information could then be used to develop evidence-based sleep inertia management strategies for emergency service personnel. To accomplish this objective, this thesis used a mixed methods approach resulting in four separate studies to better understand the impact and management of sleep inertia on emergency service personnel.

The professional satisfaction is a multidimensional concept, generating countless research in certain branches of psychology, in the human resource management, and in performance management, and studying the relationship between the professional satisfaction and the performance in the workplace has a longstanding research tradition in the industrial and organisational psychology. In a synthetic presentation following the performed studies, some researchers reached the conclusion that the satisfaction is associated to the performance, effort, commitment and intention, and others suggested that the type of reward used by the employers has a strong influence over the performance-professional satisfaction relation. The contemporary man dedicates a vast part of his life to exercising their profession, and the work satisfaction becomes a very important aspect of the professional activity, with extensive consequences, both on the personal, and on the organisational level. Thus, the work satisfaction is an indicator that each employee relates to the organisation through. It can be influenced by individual factors - age, training level, qualification level, seniority in the organisation, climate - organisational policies, work conditions, concern for improving the working conditions or personality factors. In the context hereinabove, this study was performed to investigate both the employees' perceptions on the work satisfaction, and the relation between the recorded performance and the satisfaction at the workplace. The used researched method is the survey, and the research instruments consist of the questionnaires. In accordance with the purpose, objectives and proposed hypotheses for this study, we opted for a double research approach: both a qualitative approach, and a quantitative approach.