Journal articles on the topic 'Industria del alcohol'

Al analizar el sector azucarero y el etanol del Valle del Cauca se pretende demostrar que de seguir el precio internacional del azucar por encima de 16 centavos de dolar la libra, la industria azucarera contaria con mecanismos de coordinacion que le permitiran direccionar su produccion de cana de azucar hacia este eslabon de la cadena productiva por ser el que mayor margen de utilidad le produce, sin tener que aumentar la cantidad de hectareas sembradas de manera proporcional al incremento del azucar exportada. Cuestion que consolido al sector azucarero como uno de los dinamizadores de la economia colombiana, pero a la fecha ha obligado al gobierno a rebajar el porcentaje de alcohol carburante en la gasolina del 10 al 8% y crea dudas sobre el cumplimiento de los decretos que incrementan de manera sustancial el porcentaje de alcohol carburante para los motores de 2000 cms3

Objetivo: Determinar la relación entre el estrés laboral, la resiliencia y el consumo de alcohol en trabajadores de la industria. Metodología: Diseño descriptivo- correlacional. Muestreo probabilístico, aleatorio estratificado, se obtuvo una muestra de 224 participantes, estratificada en obreros (n =185) y administrativos (n = 39). Para las mediciones se utilizó el Inventario de Estrés Laboral, la Escala de Medición de la Resiliencia en Mexicanos, y el Cuestionario de Identificación de Trastornos debidos al Consumo de Alcohol. Resultados: El tipo de consumo de alcohol fue sensato 25.0%, dependiente 39.7% y dañino 35.3%. El estrés laboral se correlacionó positivamente con el consumo de Alcohol (rs=.191, p= .009), la resiliencia se correlacionó negativamente con el consumo dependiente de alcohol (rs= -.184, p= .013). Se observó una correlación negativa entre la resiliencia y la Intensidad de Estrés Laboral (rs= -.132, p= .049). El estrés laboral y la resiliencia mostraron efecto sobre el consumo dependiente alcohol (F=7.38, p= .001, R2=11.0%). Conclusiones: El estrés laboral y la resiliencia influyen en el consumo de alcohol. Estos resultados pueden ser una base para en el futuro diseñar y aplicar intervenciones de enfermería orientadas a disminuir el estrés, aumentar la resiliencia y reducir el consumo de alcohol en trabajadores.

La finalidad de la investigación es identificar la relación del clima y la incertidumbre laboral en el consumo de alcohol de los trabajadores, e identificar el efecto del clima y la incertidumbre laboral en el consumo de alcohol de los trabajadores. El clima laboral puede influir en el comportamiento de individuos y equipos de trabajo, considerando que la incertidumbre laboral emerge del clima laboral y es percibida como una amenaza al bienestar físico, psicológico y social. El consumo de alcohol de riesgo en población trabajadora constituye un problema de salud, social y económico. Estudio descriptivo correlacional en trabajadores obreros de industria maquiladora de ambos sexos, muestreo probabilístico aleatorio estratificado con muestra de 224 participantes. Se encontró correlación significativa entre el clima y la incertidumbre laboral con el consumo de alcohol y efecto significativo entre el clima y la incertidumbre laboral ya que actúan como variables predictoras del consumo de alcohol. Palabras clave: clima laboral, incertidumbre laboral, inseguridad laboral, consumo de alcohol.

El objectivo fue describir el consumo de alcohol en 129 trabajadores de una industria. La recolección de datos se realizó a través de los cuestionarios AUDIT y CECA. El mayor consumo fue en operarios masculinos con 31 años de edad, 9,8 años de escolaridad, 5 años de antigüedad laboral, casados, con consumo de 3 a 4 bebidas por ocasión (38,5%). Un consumo de 6 copas o más al mês se presentó en 32,7% de los operarios. La frecuencia de consumo mensual fue de 2 o 4 veces. 46,5% fueron considerados dependientes. Ocurrieron daños en 55% de los operarios y empleados. Los empleados refirieron consumo de alcohol en reuniones sociales con compañeros (63,6%). Los consecuencies del consumo fueron: cansancio físico (44,2%), problemas físicos (29,5%), disminución de rendimiento laboral (29,5%) y la disminución de reflejos (21,7%). Delante del mayor consumo de alcohol, los trabajdores perciben menores consecuencias respecto a este consumo. Los que refirieron el no consumo se encontraban en la etapa de precontemplación.

Una sala blanca o limpia es un área científicamente construida para trabajar en condiciones de asepcia, es así como las instalaciones nucleares, microelectrónicas, alimentarias, cosméticas, farmacias de formulación magistral, de terapia celular, las instalaciones de metrología, laboratorios de investigación tecnológica y las industrias farmacéuticas las utilizan. Específicamente en la industria farmacéutica, para garantizar las condiciones en los laboratorios donde se realizan las pruebas de esterilidad, se deben conocer los principales factores de control, operación y desinfección de las salas blancas, los cuales mantienen la concentración de partículas en niveles aceptables de contaminación. Factores como la presión y la recirculación interna del aire en la sala, sumados con la regulación de la temperatura, humedad y el control de la vestimenta del personal de trabajo son indispensables para una adecuada operación. Por su parte, desinfectantes a base de alcohol, fenol, cloro, amonio cuaternario, formaldehido, glutaraldehido, peróxido de hidrógeno y peráctidos son comúnmente utilizados para la desinfección de paredes, pisos y mesas de trabajo. Este trabajo contempla los principales factores de control, operación y desinfección de una sala blanca aplicados en un laboratorio de pruebas de esterilidad en la industria farmacéutica.

La oxidación de metano a metanol por medio de una forma directa, económica y con bajo gasto energético es un objetivo perseguido por la industria desde sus orígenes. El metano es el principal componente del gas natural, mientras que el metanol es combustible y materia prima en la industria química. En el presente artículo de revisión se presentan los resultados de trabajos realizados para lograr dicho proceso, identificando los aspectos más relevantes que se involucran. Se encontraron bajos valores de conversión de metano y selectividad a metanol debido, principalmente, a dos factores: el primero es la dificultad de activar el metano y, el segundo, poder controlar el proceso para evitar reacciones secuenciales de oxidación que generen otros productos. Para incrementar el rendimiento del proceso, es necesario optimizar las condiciones de síntesis de los materiales, incluyendo temperatura, tiempo y cargas del componente activo, lo cual influirá en el comportamiento físico y químico de los catalizadores. También es necesario controlar las variables del proceso de oxidación catalítica, como el tipo de material del reactor, flujos de alimentación, tiempos de permanencia de los gases dentro del reactor, y evitar así reacciones competitivas que disminuyan la selectividad al alcohol.

Resumen Este es un estudio cuantitativo que tuvo como objetivo analizar las tendencias y los patrones de comportamiento de las trabajadoras sexuales con nacionalidad brasileña en un sitio web español. La muestra consistió en 486 anuncios tomados del sitio web Pasion.com entre 2018-2019. Se realizó una descripción estadística de los perfiles anunciados, seguida de un análisis de contenido utilizando la estrategia de minería de datos y el desarrollo de modelos predictivos de Poisson para datos contables. Los anuncios se distribuyen principalmente en zonas turísticas costeras. El análisis de contenido reveló códigos sobre servicios sexuales ofrecidos y prácticas de riesgo relacionadas con la salud y la seguridad. Entre los comportamientos de riesgo, se encontraron términos que se refieren al sexo sin protección y al uso ilícito de drogas. Las preferencias de los clientes incluyen mujeres de piel parda menores de 20 años y mayores de 40 años que ofrecen servicio de lluvia dorada, alcohol y trabajan de forma independiente.

<p>Dentro del proceso de mejora continua de todas las industrias, con el fin de estar a la vanguardia y, más aún, siendo conocedores de todas las oportunidades de exportación e importación que hay hoy en día, la microbiología en la industria alcoholera genera grandes posibilidades de controlar pérdidas en su materia prima, optimizar el tiempo, comprender todo el ciclo durante la producción del alcohol y, en últimas y, teniendo en cuenta las variables, alcanzar una mayor calidad del producto final.</p><p>Por lo anterior, este artículo se centra en las técnicas de ayuda para obtener mayor rendimiento de la levadura en el proceso de fermentación, lo cual permitirá a los ingenieros encargados, conocer más a fondo el comportamiento de su materia prima; esto les facilitará encontrar el tratamiento y manejo adecuado, con el fin de mejorar la viabilidad de todo su clico y evitar o disminuir la contaminación, la cual es, finalmente, la que reduce la eficiencia de la materia prima, para el caso de la levadura.</p>

<p>Este artículo muestra el proceso realizado para la obtención de biodiesel mediante la reacción de transesterificación, a partir de aceite de cocina usado, etanol e hidróxido de potasio como catalizador. Se realizaron variaciones en la relación de alimentación aceite: alcohol y el tiempo de reacción para verificar el rendimiento. En primer lugar, se realizó una cromatografía de gases para verificar la composición del aceite empleado y una caracterización previa del mismo para evaluar sus propiedades físicas y químicas y, de esta manera, determinar si la materia prima era apropiada como insumo para la producción de ésteres etílicos (Biodiesel). Posteriormente, se llevaron a cabo los ensayos pertinentes en el laboratorio de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia, realizando variación en el tiempo de reacción y en la relación de alimentación aceite: alcohol y evaluando en cada uno de estos el rendimiento, mediante los respectivos balances de materia y cromatografía de gases, para así efectuar el análisis estadístico correspondiente, por el método de regresión lineal múltiple. Con la relación de alimentación aceite: alcohol óptimo, establecido por los balances de materia y cromatografía de gases, se realizó la respectiva reacción de transesterificación en la planta piloto de la Universidad Nacional Abierta y a Distancia. Finalmente, a la muestra obtenida de biodiesel en la planta piloto, se le realizaron las pruebas de caracterización para determinar si el producto obtenido cumplía con los rangos establecidos por la Norma Técnica Colombiana 5444.</p>

El presente artículo tiene como propósito ilustrar los resultados de la caracterización fisico-química de unas vinazas resultantes de la producción de etanol en una industria licorera, a partir del aprovechamiento de la caña de azúcar. Parámetros importantes son presentados para la determinación de la calidad y la evaluación de alternativas de tratamiento para este subproducto, como lo son la temperatura de ebullición, la densidad, entre otros, y parámetros de importancia para el tema de vertimientos líquidos, según la legislación colombiana, como lo son su pH y su curva de titulación.

<p align="left">El objetivo de este artículo es presentar una innovación tecnológica a pequeña escala de una planta piloto cuyo objetivo es la producción de ésteres etílicos o metílicos a partir de aceites egetales utilizados en la industria alimentaría para ser empleados como combustible en motores tipo Diesel y, de esta manera, generar alternativas de uso para dichos aceites reutilizados y, adicionalmente, generar nuevas opciones en biocombustibles que puedan reemplazar a los ésteres metílicos, ya que estos requieren para su obtención el uso de metanol, un producto que por lo general es de origen petroquímico y altamente tóxico.</p><p align="left">En esta planta se pueden evaluar aceites gastados de diferentes tipos y diverso origen o estudiar aceites provenientes de industrias alimentarías que generalmente son una mezcla de oleína de palma y aceite de soya y otras veces son aceites de palma hidrogenados o también mezclas de aceite gastado con aceite de palma refnado RBD (refnado, blanqueado y desodorizado).</p><p align="left">Los resultados obtenidos serán, la base del diseño y montaje de una planta piloto para la producción de biodiesel en lotes de 6 litros por hora aproximadamente, lo cual se evalúa bajo condiciones simuladas de carga y operación. Para tal fn, se diseñó e implementó un reactor “batch” con calentamiento y agitación mecánica, con controladores de temperatura, condensación y refujo total del alcohol, manteniendo una relación molar de 6:1 (alcohol/aceite), que es considerada la relación óptima en la esterifcación básica de acuerdo con varias publicaciones científcas. La temperatura de la reacción se fja en 60°C y presión atmosférica. La productividad de la reacción se determinó por cromatografía de gases, arrojando un porcentaje superior a 95% de esteres obtenidos.</p>

Thalassia testudinum es la planta marina de mayor abundancia en el litoral de La Habana y del Caribe en general, conocida comúnmente como praderas submarinas o hierba de tortuga. Entre los compuestos de interés que se pueden encontrar en esta especie sobresalen los polifenoles, los cuales son componentes estructurales de su pared celular y poseen propiedades funcionales y bioactivas como antioxidante, anti-inflamatorio, neuroprotector y hepatoprotector. Investigaciones previas evaluaron diversos métodos de extracción de compuestos bioactivos para esta especie, por lo que este trabajo tuvo como objetivo optimizar las condiciones de extracción del contenido de polifenoles totales. Para ello se utilizó el método de Box y Hunter y se evaluó el efecto de tres factores influyentes en la extracción de compuestos fenólicos (velocidad de agitación, relación material vegetal/% alcohol y concentración de etanol). Como variable respuesta se empleó el contenido de polifenoles totales determinada por el método de Folin-Ciocalteu. Los resultados del diseño proporcionaron como condiciones óptimas en las variables estudiadas las siguientes: 1/11.5 p:v, 60% de EtOH y 800 r.p.m., alcanzando rendimiento de polifenoles totales, igual a 25.60 mg/g de extracto seco; superior a las restantes condiciones de extracción para un extracto bioactivo con potencialidades de uso en la industria farmacéutica o nutracéutica.

Este proyecto de investigación tuvo como objeto central la identificación de la percepción del consumidor boyacense, en el sector de licores, y las condiciones en que se desarrolla este mercado en el departamento de Boyacá. Lo anterior con base en diecisiete productos, con marca individual, que comercializa la empresa Industria Licorera de Boyacá. Para el desarrollo de la investigación, se utilizó un enfoque de investigación mixto, a través del cual se establecieron las diferentes variables relacionadas con el comportamiento del consumidor, sobre los cuales, aplicando el enfoque cualitativo, se elaboró un protocolo de temas que fueron abordados mediante sesiones de grupo, a fin de contar con variables objetivas , como insumo, en la aplicación de un cuestionario bajo el enfoque cuantitativo. Entre los hallazgos de mayor relevancia se encontraron tres aspectos: existe un importante segmentode mercado ubicado en la zona rural, que no se está aprovechando por parte de la Industria de Licores, se identificó la necesidad de ofrecer un licor exclusivo para las mujeres ya que existe una tendencia de incremento de consumo en este segmento y finalmente se encontró que el mayor consumo de licor se da en el segmento de personas jóvenes, quienes prefieren tomar la cerveza por su costo más bajo.PALABRAS CLAVEConsumo de licor, Comportamiento del consumidor, Percepción de marca.ABSTRACTThis research project had as its object the identification of the boyacense consumer perception in the liquor industry, and the conditions under which the market develops in the department of Boyacá. This based on seventeen items, with single brand, that sells the company Liquor Industry of Boyaca. For the development of the investigation, a hybrid approach to research was used, through which the differentvariables related to consumer behavior, on which, using a qualitative approach, a protocol issues were addressed was developed were established by group sessions in order to have objective variables as inputs in a questionnaire under the quantitative approach. Among the most significant findings were found three aspects: there is asignificant market segment located in the rural area, which is not taking advantage by the Liquor Industry, the need to offer an exclusive liquor for women identified as there is a trend of increased consumption in this segment and finally it found that greater alcohol consumption occurs in the segment of young people, who prefer to take the beer for its lower cost. KEY WORDSLiquor consumption, consumer behavior, brand perception.

Los preservantes son sustancias químicas adicionadas a los productos cosméticos que se utilizan para evitar el riesgo de que se presente una contaminación microbiana en el producto y se pueda afectar la salud del consumidor. Estos han resuelto el problema de contaminación microbiana pero han generado una serie de riesgos para la salud humana y el ambiente, por lo cual surge la necesidad de utilizar preservantes alternativos a los tradicionales, los cuales declaran tener un una toxicidad menor. Se espera que estos ingredientes alternativos sí generen una ventaja sostenible en relación a los tradicionales. El objetivo principal del presente estudio fue realizar una caracterización de los preservantes tradicionales y alternativos utilizados en formulaciones cosméticas de cuidado personal con el fin de determinar cuáles son los riesgos asociados a su uso. A través de una investigación descriptiva se realizó la caracterización selección y evaluación de los mismos con base en la guía de sostenibilidad del Departamento del Medio ambiente de Alemania. Se determinaron 20 preservantes tradicionales y alternativos en la industria, de los cuales cuatro, (uno tradicional y tres alternativos), presentan una menor toxicidad en relación a la salud y el ambiente: el benzoato de sodio, el alcohol fenetílico, el caprilato de sorbitán y la hidroxiacetofenona.

El Campo Experimental Zacatecas (INIFAP) históricamente ha producido y almacenado vinos de sus viñedos; sin embargo, no se conoce su calidad enológica de estos vinos. En 2011 se evaluó la calidad de catorce vinos tintos Malbec producidos de 1976 a 2009 en este Campo. A las muestras se les determinó la acidez total y volátil, pH, contenido de alcohol, extracto seco, sólidos precipitados, pigmentos monoméricos y poliméricos y el color CIELAB. Las características fisicoquímicas de los vinos producidos en 1980, 1985 y 2009 estuvieron dentro del rango recomendado por la industria vinatera. Los datos sugieren que tanto las temperaturas máxima (~22 oC) y minima (~7 oC) así como la precipitación media del estado (22.9-29.7 mm) afectaron positivamente las características del vino. Por otro lado, varias muestras presentaron altos niveles de acidez volátil que sugiere contaminaciones por acetobacterias. Los vinos con un pH alto presentaron un color de mala calidad para un vino tinto. Se encontró una correlación significativa (r= 0.63, p< 0.05) entre los pigmentos poliméricos pequeños y el tiempo de añejamiento lo cual afectó el color del vino con excepción de las muestras producidas en 1980, 1985 y 2009. Dada las características enológicas de algunos vinos, es posible llevar a cabo su comercialización. Es importante llevar a cabo la caracterización química, aceptación sensorial y evaluar el efecto del ambiente sobre la calidad de los vinos producidos en Zacatecas.

Effect of three concentrations of sugar cane guarapo (Saccharum) and its impact on the physicochemical characteristics in the production of pineapple wine (Ananas comosus) Resumen Dentro de los procesos agroindustriales el vino es considerado como una alternativa viable para la industrialización de frutas, ya que estas materias primas poseen las características necesarias para poder inducir la fermentación alcohólica, además el jugo de caña por ser una fuente importante de sacarosa la misma que puede ser considerada para incluirla dentro de la industria vinícola. Por lo tanto, el objetivo de la presente investigación fue evaluar el efecto de tres concentraciones de guarapo de caña de azúcar (Saccharum) sobre las características físico-químicas en la elaboración de vino de piña (Ananas comosus), que se realizó en la Facultad de Ciencias Zootécnicas extensión Chone. Para la elaboración del vino de fruta se utilizó un DCA unifactorial con tres replicas, donde el factor en estudio fue reemplazar guarapo de caña al 15% (T1), 30% (T2), y 45% (T3), más un testigo T0 (100% mosto de piña). El proceso fermentativo fue evaluado en un periodo de 20 días, cuyas variables medidas fueron: pH, comportamiento de los S.S (actividad fermentativa), y conversión de alcohol. Los resultados obtenidos indicaron que el T3 obtuvo un pH de 3,81 a diferencia del T0 con un pH menor de 3,25. De acuerdo al comportamiento de los sólidos solubles en el T0 se observó S.S finales de 8,1°Brix, mientras que el T3 presento 6°Brix finales. La conversión del grado alcohólico en el T3 reflejó 10.7°GL siendo este el mayor promedio. Palabras clave: Fermentación; vinícola, guarapo de caña; vino. Abstract Within the agro industrial processes, wine is considered as a viable alternative for the industrialization of fruits, since these raw materials possess the necessary characteristics to be able to induce alcoholic fermentation, besides the cane juice for being an important source of sucrose the same as It can be considered to include it within the wine industry. Therefore, the objective of the present investigation was to evaluate the effect of three concentrations of sugar cane juice (Saccharum) on the physico-chemical characteristics in the elaboration of pineapple wine (Ananas comosus), which was carried out in the Faculty of Zootechnical Sciences extension Chone. For fruit wine elaboration, a unifactorial DCA with three replicates was used, where the factor under study was replacing cane sugar cane at 15% (T1), 30% (T2), and 45% (T3), plus a T0 control (100% pineapple must). The fermentative process was evaluated in a period of 20 days, whose measured variables were: pH, behavior of S.S (fermentative activity), and alcohol conversion. The results obtained indicated that T3 obtained a pH of 3.81 unlike T0 with a pH of less than 3.25. According to the behavior of the soluble solids in the T0, the final S.S of 8.1 ° Brix was observed, while the T3 presented the final 6 ° Brix. The conversion of the alcoholic strength in T3 reflected 10.7 ° GL, this being the highest average. Keywords: Fermentation; wine, cane juice; wine.

El cocaísmo, según la tesis que se desarrolla en este trabajo, es resultado de la deficiente alimentación de los pueblos de la región andina entre los que principalmente se ha desarrollado. Los argumentos que sirven de base a esta tesis son los siguientes: Durante el Imperio de los Incas, cuando el pueblo andino estaba muy bien alimentado, el hábito a la coca era casi desconocido, empleándose esta droga principalmente en el culto religioso. Los Incas prohibieron el uso de la coca, y los cultivos de esta planta, aparte de ocupar áreas muy restringidas, pertenecían exclusivamente al Inca y a los templos. Los datos sobre el cocaísmo antes del Imperio de los Incas son escasos, pero algunos revelan que los primeros gobernantes del Cuzco expulsaron a primitivos pueblos de coqueros a la región selvática. Es evidente que el hábito a la coca se difundió considerablemente después de la Conquista del Perú, y que el cultivo y comercio de esta droga adquirió proporciones mucho mayores a las que tuvo en la época de los Incas. La difusión del cocaísmo se originó en la misma época en que, debido a la guerra de conquista y cambio de organización del país, hubo una merma considerable de la agricultura y su producción, y prácticamente una destrucción casi completa de la primitiva industria ganadera de la región andina. Esta última según el testimonio de todos los cronistas, fué la principal riqueza de aquella región, y su destrucción fué causa de un catastrófico empobrecimiento nacional. Se señala en la misma época la aparición de vagabundos y mendigos en proporciones alarmantes. La mendicidad, el vagabundismo y la escasez de alimentos fueron fenómenos desconocidos durante el Imperio de los Incas. Además, algunos datos históricos revelan que el pueblo andino se sometió a la pobreza y a las privaciones de todo orden como medio de resistencia pasiva. La coca -droga que actúa como un narcótico de las sensaciones vitales, pues suprime el hambre, la fatiga de los organismos debilitados, la sed, el frío y las más elementales aspiraciones humanas - fué en estas circunstancias un factor indispensable para adaptar el organismo a tan deficientes y anómalas condiciones de vida. Esta droga ha actuado como un extraordinario auxiliar del pueblo andino durante cuatro siglos para sobrellevar la miseria más extremada. Las actuales investigaciones, de acuerdo a los datos que proporciona la historia, también demuestran la estrecha vinculación entre el cocaísmo y la miseria, en especial entre el cocaísmo y la alimentación insuficiente. En las regiones de mayor consumo de coca - de 2 a 4 Kgrs. anuales por habitante por término medio - la ración alimenticia diaria es de 767 grs. para el término medio de los habitantes; en las regiones donde el cocaísmo es menos intenso, donde se consume 1 a 2 Kgrs, de coca anuales por habitante, la ración alimenticia media es de 904 grs., por habitante; y en las regiones donde el cocaísmo es mínimo, 0.1 Kgr. de coca anual por habitante, la ración alimenticia es de 1096 grs. diarios por término medio. Las raciones alimenticias que prevalecen en las provincias de intenso cocaísmo, no proporcionan el mínimo de calorías indispensable compatible con la vida humana. El número de calorías de tales raciones es inferior a 2000, siendo el mínimo necesario para mantener a un campesino que trabaja, 3000 a 4000 calorías. La coca, por supuesto, carece por completo de valor nutritivo v energético. Puesto que en las regiones de intenso cocaísmo hay un exagerado consumo de alcohol, es muy probable que una parte del mínimo de calorías fisiológico sea proporcionado en ciertos casos por el alcohol. Puesto que esta substancia no es un alimento y es tan tóxica y peligrosa como la cocaína, sus efectos tóxicos sobre el organismo y sobre la herencia se suman a los de este alcaloide. En todas las regiones del Perú la alimentación es deficiente por su bajo contenido en proteínas y vitaminas, pero tal déficit es mucho mayor en las regiones cocaístas. La alimentación en estas últimas no solo es deficiente por su escaso valor energético, sino también por su deficiente contenido en proteínas, grasas y vitaminas, substancias que figuran en cantidades inferiores al mínimum fisiológico. El problema de las relaciones entre la alimentación y el cocaísmo se está agravando 011 forma alarmante y progresiva, pues se advierte en los últimos años, al mismo tiempo que una merma en la producción y consumo de alimentos, un considerable aumento en la producción y consumo de coca, que es casi de 200,000 a 500,000 Kgrs. anuales. Se observa al mismo tiempo un paralelo aumento de la producción y consumo de alcohol. Es urgente tornar medidas inmediatas para disminuir la producción de ambas substancias tóxicas y evitar el incremento de sus correspondientes toxicomanías. Se sugiere la conveniencia de reemplazar los cultivos de coca y de caña de azúcar destinada a la producción de aguardiente, por cultivos de plantas alimenticias. Todos los planes destinados a combatir el cocaísmo y el alcoholismo, y la producción de las drogas que los originan, deben marchar coordinadamente con planes para mejorar la producción de alimentos y la alimentación del habitante de los Andes, y con otras medidas indispensables para mejorar sus condiciones de vida y librarlo de las toxicomanías.

Esta pesquisa teve como propósito averiguar a estrutura do mercado de trabalho na atividade de cultivo de cana-de-açúcar, à luz das mudanças recentes ocorridas no setor sucroalcooleiro, levando-se em conta os principais estados produtores de cana. Para tanto, realizou-se uma análise estatística descritiva e uma análise de regressão linear simples, com base nos dados da PNAD, de 1997 a 2009. Como corolário, constatou-se que houve uma redução da informalidade no mercado de trabalho em questão, sendo que esta redução foi mais expressiva em Alagoas. Confirmou-se, também, mudanças recentes nas ocupações do setor, com acréscimos nas atividades técnicas, representadas por tratoristas e operadores de máquinas. Evidenciou-se que o mercado de trabalho do setor em questão tem sua dinâmica diretamente ligada aos fatores que ocorrem na cadeia produtiva do setor sucroalcooleiro como um todo.Palavras-Chave: Mercado de Trabalho, Tecnologia, Agronegócios e Produção de cana-de-açúcar.***Abstract:This research aims to verify the structure of sugarcane cultivation’s job market, considering the recent changes in this sector and the states with the major production. For that, descriptive and statistical analysis were made, as well as a simplified line regression analysis, based on the Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra de Domicílios - PNAD data, for the 1997-2009 period. As corollary, it was stated that there was a reduction in the informal jobs in the sugarcane production market, showing more expressivity in the state of Alagoas. Recent changes in the sector occupation were confirmed, as an increase in technical activities, represented by tractors and machinery operators. It was evidenced that this sector’s job market has its dynamics closely linked to the sugarcane production chain as a whole.Keywords: Job Market, Agribusiness, Technology, Sugarcane production.***Sumario:Esta investigación tuvo como objetivo investigar la estructura del mercado de trabajo en la actividad del cultivo de la caña de azúcar a la luz de los cambios recientes en el sector del azúcar y el alcohol, teniendo en cuenta los principales estados productores de caña de azúcar. Para ello, se realizó un análisis estadístico descriptivo y un análisis de regresión lineal simple basado en datos de la Encuesta Nacional de Hogares de 1997 a 2009. Como corolario, se encontró que hubo una reducción de la informalidad en el mercado laboral de que se trate, y esta reducción fue más significativa en Alagoas. Se confirmó, también, los cambios recientes en las ocupaciones de la industria, con actividades técnicas superiores, representados por los conductores de tractores y operadores de máquinas. Era evidente que el sector del mercado de trabajo en cuestión ha su dinámica directamente relacionada con factores que se producen en la cadena de producción de este sector en su conjunto.Palabras clave: mercado de trabajo, tecnología, los Negocios Agrícolas y la caña de azúcar de producción

La manufactura de frutas tropicales y la industria alimentaria de bebidas no alcohólicas en la provincia de Manabí-Ecuador, atraviesa por algunas restricciones como insuficiente abastecimiento de materias primas, débiles capacidades locales, deficientes prácticas de producción y transformación, poca innovación tecnológica y escaso acceso a mercados locales, nacionales e internacionales. Se buscó determinar en qué medida influye en la cadena de valor mencionada. Los instrumentos de investigación utilizados se aplicaron a una muestra de población perteneciente al Servicio de Rentas Internas del Ecuador, con el Código Industrial Internacional Unificado, de elaboración de bebidas no alcohólicas (C-11-110-4). Los resultados evidencian que la manufactura de frutas tropicales se relaciona en, alta y significativamente (0.782) con la cadena de valor de la industria alimentaria de bebidas no alcohólicas de igual manera el abastecimiento (0.491), procesos de transformación (0.606), formación del talento humano (0.597), innovación tecnológica (0.657) y canales de comercialización (0.59). Palabras clave: cadena de valor; industria alimentaria, abastecimiento materias primas; canales de comercialización, acceso a mercados. ABSTRACT The manufacture of tropical fruits and the food industry of non-alcoholic beverages in the province of Manabí-Ecuador, goes through some restrictions such as insufficient supply of raw materials, weak local capacities, poor production and processing practices, little technological innovation and poor access to local, national and international markets. It was sought to determine to what extent it influences the mentioned value chain. The research instruments used were applied to a sample of population belonging to the Internal Revenue Service of Ecuador, with the Unified International Industrial Code for the preparation of non-alcoholic beverages (C-11-110-4). The results show that the manufacture of tropical fruits is related in a high and significant way (0.782) to the value chain of the non-alcoholic food industry in the same way the supply (0.491), transformation processes (0.606), formation of the human talent (0.597), technological innovation (0.657) and marketing channels (0.59). Key words: value chain; food industry; raw materials supply; marketing channels; Market access.

The composition in terms of alcohols and polyols of 44 and 49 red wines (harvested in 1994 and 1995, respectively) produced in Comunidad Valenciana (Spain) from the grape varieties Cabernet Sauvignon, Tempranillo, Monastrell and Bobal was,analyzed. Discriminant analysis revealed differences among wines, and a clear separation of the samples (90 and 98%) was obtained. The most important compo nents in the differentation of the varieties studied were isoamyl alcohol for Cabernet Sauvignon, cis- 3-hexenol and isobutyl alcohol for Tempranillo, methanol and cis-3-hexenol for Monastrell, and 2,3- butanediol for Bobal. The classification obtained by elimination of the five less significant variables was similar to the one obtained using statistical treatment of all variables (with 84% and 90% in their respective harvests).

<p>El maíz se ha convertido en uno de los cereales más consumidos en el mundo. Es utilizado para la alimentación humana y animal y como materia prima en la producción de almidón industrial y alimenticio, en la elaboración de edulcorantes, dextrinas, aceite y otros productos derivados de su proceso de fermentación, como son el etanol, el alcohol industrial, el dióxido de carbono (CO2), diversos aminoácidos, antibióticos y plásticos, y como sustituto del petróleo y sus derivados que son recursos no renovables. Para la obtención de estos productos se lleva a cabo un proceso de molienda húmeda que comprende una serie de etapas importantes para la producción de almidón y sus derivados. Esta exploración se relaciona con el origen, estructura, procesamiento y aplicaciones del maíz y algunos de sus derivados.</p>

Con el fin de desarrollar procesos nuevos que pretendan aprovechar los residuos sólidos generados por las industrias de curtiembre, se abre paso a la posibilidad de recuperar las grasas generadas en la etapa de descarnado, ya que la grasa animal contiene principalmente ácidos grasos (linoleíco, mirístico, esteárico, palmítico y oleico) de un valor comercial que pueden ser extraídos y transformados en un subproductos de uso industrial, además de incrementar la rentabilidad de este tipo de empresas y reducir su impacto ambiental. Las carnazas, que son pedazos de piel con grasa adheridas a la misma, son separadas y se obtiene tres residuos: grasa, líquido y lodos, siendo el objeto de estudio la grasa sin considerar el resto de residuos. con la grasa recuperada se realizaron análisis físico-químicos (índice de saponificación, yodo, acidez y peróxido) y posteriormente ensayos de laboratorio que iniciaron con la transformación de la grasa a un alcohol, seguido de la sulfonación y por último la neutralización, pruebas que dan como resultado la formación de un tensoactivo a partir de este tipo de grasas.

El presente trabajo de investigación realizado en la Universidad Estatal de Milagro surgió ante la necesidad de establecer en qué nivel se está produciendo el consumo de drogas en los estudiantes de la institución, pues su uso ha aumentado considerablemente en los jóvenes, afectando su desarrollo biopsicosocial. Este estudio de tipo no experimental, observacional, descriptivo y transversal, señala como objetivo identificar cuáles son los tipos de drogas que se consumen, causas, efectos y factores asociados. Se efectuó un muestreo probabilístico para recopilar la información aplicándose una encuesta a 959 estudiantes de ambos sexos en las carreras de: Educadores de Párvulos, Diseño Gráfico, Comunicación Social, Psicología, Enfermería, Turismo, Gestión Empresarial, Contador Público Autorizado, Ingeniería: Comercial, Marketing, Industrial y en Sistemas. Las drogas legales consumidas son Alcohol 53.1%, Tabaco11.3% e ilegales Marihuana11.4%; poniéndose de manifiesto que la violencia familiar, falta de comunicación, rendimiento académico deficiente, depresión originan su utilización; muchos estudiantes desconocen que el consumir drogas produce deterioro físico y mental. Encontrándose que tanto hombres como mujeres consumen Alcohol desde la pubertad causada por la curiosidad. Es necesario entonces fomentar la práctica de estilos de vida saludables para ayudar a disminuir el consumo de drogas.

Este trabajo tiene como objetivo principal obtener etanol mediante fermentación alcohólica aplicando procesos biotecnológicos; debido a su alto contenido en azucares se emplea el mosto de uva como sustrato y la levadura Saccharomyces cerevisiae como agente biológico para completar la fermentación, debido a que, este microorganismo ha sido probado en investigaciones anteriores mostrando una elevada tolerancia al etanol. Se tuvo en cuenta variables como el pH, tiempo de fermentación, los grados Brix, formación de biomasa, entre otros. Los rendimientos de etanol y biomasa fueron de 0,483 gg-1 y 0,069 gg-1, respectivamente, además se establecieron las dimensiones del reactor en la escala industrial asumiendo una producción de 30L de etanol. Palabras clave: etanol, fermentación, mosto de uva.

<p style="text-align: justify;">El maíz se ha convertido en uno de los cereales más consumidos en el mundo. Es utilizado para la alimentación humana y animal y como materia prima en la producción de almidón industrial y alimenticio, en la elaboración de edulcorantes, dextrinas, aceite y otros productos derivados de su proceso de fermentación, como son el etanol, el alcohol industrial, el dióxido de carbono (CO2), diversos aminoácidos, antibióticos y plásticos, y como sustituto del petróleo y sus derivados que son recursos no renovables. Para la obtención de estos productos se lleva a cabo un proceso de molienda húmeda que comprende una serie de etapas importantes para la producción de almidón y sus derivados. Esta exploración se relaciona con el origen, estructura, procesamiento y aplicaciones del maíz y algunos de sus derivados.</p>

El propósito del estudio de revisión bibliográfica es analizar el biocombustible obtenido a partir de residuos orgánicos como parte de la alternativa verde para ayudar al medio ambiente, la biotecnología brinda diferentes formas de generar energía renovable, entre las que destaca la producción de bioetanol. El proceso de obtención del biocombustible es la etapa de fermentación del alcohol, que es una reacción biológica que se lleva a cabo en ausencia de aire, que convierte los azúcares en alcohol (C2H6O) y dióxido de carbono (CO2). El desarrollo de los combustibles fósiles es la base de la sociedad, siempre que sean fuentes de energía renovables obtenidas a partir de residuos orgánicos, lo que menciona al banano, fuente importante para la producción de bioetanol, por contener un alto contenido en carbohidratos. Los biocombustibles son una fuente de progreso a nivel industrial y agrícola, y una opción energética de origen renovables y la reducción de gases efecto invernadero que se da por de la descomposición de desechos orgánicos la cual provoca que sea una prometedora opción para la suplencia de combustibles fósiles para la valorización energética de residuos orgánicos en áreas despobladas, urbanas y agroindustriales.

Inspirado en el pensamiento de Gilles Deleuze y Félix Guattari, este texto ofrece una aproximación a la obra-vida de Enrique Santos Discépolo. Sin presumir un cierre interpretativo, se presenta un rizoma (experimentación cartográfica) que explica el carácter menor de la música discepoliana, mientras se exponen diferentes cúmulos de intensidad que el tango retrata: Dios, el suicidio, el alcohol, el amor fallido, el malevaje. Paralelamente, se defiende la existencia de una filosofía del tango, caracterizada por un proceder ético de trasfondo político, ello se hace patente al comprender la manera como Discépolo componía un tango, y los objetivos que perseguía. Sobre el panorama de los eventos de la llamada década infame en Argentina, se presenta el tango como el medio de individuación del sentir de un colectivo marginado: los hijos de inmigrantes que desde los conventillos y el arrabal luchan por sobrevivir en el marco de una naciente sociedad industrial. Las fuentes de las que se nutre la exposición son la autobiografía de Discépolo y sus composiciones.

Durante los críticos años ’30, la vitivinicultura fue objeto de una mayor regulación estatal. En ese marco, la formación de zonas alcoholeras adquirió relevancia, en tanto que su producción permitiría descomprimir el stock de las bodegas-alcoholeras, a través de la participación de grupos económicos extraprovinciales, y podría romper con la destilación clandestina en bodegas y el consecuente “estiramiento” de los caldos, cuyo control había resultado casi imposible no solo para el Estado provincial sino también para la Administración de Impuestos Internos. Se identifican, así, otras aristas de un pretendido estado regulador, cuya función se alternó con la promoción industrial, en una obvia correlación de los gobiernos de Mendoza con las políticas de ISI y fortalecimiento del mercado interno.

El trabajo fue realizado en el Laboratorio de Combustibles y Lubricantes del Instituto Nacional de Tecnología, Normalización y Metrología – INTN, en el marco del proyecto 14-INV-193, financiado por el CONACYT y el INTN. Este proyecto tuvo como objetivos monitorear los niveles de benceno, hidrocarburos aromáticos y compuestos oxigenados (éteres y alcoholes) en muestras de gasolinas importadas en el país, mediante técnicas normalizadas por la ASTM y establecidas como métodos de referencia por el Ministerio de Industria y Comercio. El periodo de estudio abarca desde febrero de 2016 a julio de 2017. Los resultados obtenidos en promedio, se encontraron dentro de los límites establecidos en la legislación vigente, aunque se observaron casos puntuales donde excedieron los límites permitidos. Estos datos son importantes para tener un diagnóstico de la situación en cuanto a niveles de compuestos nocivos para el medioambiente y la salud humana, así como para la toma de decisiones de entes reguladores

Las características físicas y químicas del hidrógeno lo han convertido en un vector energético prometedor con grandes aplicaciones en celdas de combustibles, así como materia prima para la participación en diversos procesos químicos a nivel de industrial. Una de las fuentes renovables de energía utilizada para la obtención de hidrógeno es la biomasa. Se han empleado varias moléculas modelo de biomasa para la generación de hidrógeno, las cuales incluyen principalmente alcoholes, carbohidratos, ácidos carboxílicos, alcanos entre otras. Estas moléculas son transformadas mediante rutas termoquímicas, bioquímicas, fotoquímicas, electroquímicas, catalíticas, etc., con el objetivo de alcanzar el mayor rendimiento a hidrógeno. En cada una de ellas, numerosas condiciones de reacción son utilizadas, sustratos y catalizadores son empleados. En esta revisión se abordarán algunos de los tópicos anteriormente mencionados y se vislumbraran algunas prospectivas y futuras investigaciones que pueden llevarse a acabo en el campo de la generación de hidrógeno.

Today, with substantial global demand from patients suffering from wounds and burns, the wound care sector has gained great deal of interest in medical industry. Herein, coaxial electrospun poly(caprolactone)/poly(vinyl alcohol) core–shell nanofibers incorporated with Thyme extract in the core structure were prepared using coaxial electrospinning, and the effect of various operational parameters such as polymer concentration, applied voltage, flow rate, distance, and Thyme concentration on nanofiber diameter were studied. Physical and mechanical properties of the nanofibers were determined by analytical techniques. The results revealed that desired nanofibers with uniform surface morphology and acceptable tensile strength could be obtained at applied voltage of 15 kV, needle tip-target of 13 cm, core flow rate of 0.2 mL/h, and shell flow rate of l mL/h. Moreover, MTT assay shows that the nanofibers are highly biocompatible regardless of Thyme encapsulation. Antibacterial activities of the prepared core–shell nanofibers were also examined against two bacteria—gram-positive Staphylococcus and gram-negative Escherichia. Encapsulation of 5% (w/v) Thyme extract concentration in the core–shell poly(caprolactone)/poly(vinyl alcohol) nanofibers led to high antibacterial activity of the produced nanofibers.

La creciente epidemia de enfermedades crónicas no transmisibles (ECNTs) presenta desafíos como la capacidad de los sistemas de salud para atender a las poblaciones en el marco de la Declaración política de la Reunión de Alto Nivel de la Asamblea General sobre la Prevención y el Control de las Enfermedades no Transmisibles (RES/66/2 de 2012). Sin embargo, el desafío sobrepasa la organización de los sistemas de salud nacionales, ya que el poder económico de las industrias productoras de factores de riesgo a la salud tiene el potencial de influir en las dinámicas de los propios países. Así, el Estado debe ser el agente legítimo y garante de la salud de sus poblaciones, planteando las interacciones entre instituciones, intereses e ideas en el proceso político. Ese artículo presenta un panorama de la regulación de los factores de riesgo en Chile (tabaco, alcohol, alimentos ultraprocesados y plaguicidas). Teniendo en cuenta los desafíos del Estado en la gobernanza global de la salud, se pregunta: ¿Cómo ocurre la regulación de los factores de riesgo de las ECNTs en Chile? A partir de la configuración en que se dibuja la regulación de los factores de riesgo en Chile, hay la evidencia de que las ECNTs son la principal causa de muerte - tumores malignos y enfermedades cardiovasculares contaban con más de la mitad de muertes en el país en 2011.

Background Chitinases are enzymes which degrade β-1,4-glycosidid linkages in chitin. The enzymatic degradation of shellfish waste (containing chitin) to chitooligosaccharides is used in industrial applications to generate high-value-added products from such waste. However, chitinases are currently produced with low efficiency and poor tolerance, limiting the industrial utility. Therefore, identifying chitinases with higher enzymatic activity and tolerance is of great importance. Methods Primers were designed using the genomic database of Paenibacillus chitinolyticus NBRC 15660. An exochitinase (CHI) was cloned into the recombinant plasmid pET-22b (+) to form pET-22b (+)-CHI, which was transformed into Escherichia coli TOP10 to construct a genomic library. Transformation was confirmed by colony-polymerase chain reaction and electrophoresis. The target sequence was verified by sequencing. Recombinant pET-22b (+)-CHI was transformed into E. coli Rosetta-gami B (DE3) for expression of chitinase. Recombinant protein was purified by Ni-NTA affinity chromatography and enzymatic analysis was carried out. Results The exochitinase CHI from P. chitinolyticus strain UMBR 0002 was successfully cloned and heterologously expressed in E. coli Rosetta-gami B (DE3). Purification yielded a 13.36-fold enrichment and recovery yield of 72.20%. The purified enzyme had a specific activity of 750.64 mU mg−1. The optimum pH and temperature for degradation of colloidal chitin were 5.0 and 45 °C, respectively. The enzyme showed high stability, retaining >70% activity at pH 4.0–10.0 and 25–45 °C (maximum of 90 min). The activity of CHI strongly increased with the addition of Ca2+, Mn2+, Tween 80 and urea. Conversely, Cu2+, Fe3+, acetic acid, isoamyl alcohol, sodium dodecyl sulfate and β-mercaptoethanol significantly inhibited enzyme activity. The oligosaccharides produced by CHI from colloidal chitin exhibited a degree of polymerization, forming N-acetylglucosamine (GlcNAc) and (GlcNAc)2 as products. Conclusions This is the first report of the cloning, heterologous expression and purification of a chitinase from P. chitinolyticus strain UMBR 0002. The results highlight CHI as a good candidate enzyme for green degradation of chitinous waste.

Sinorhizobium meliloti 1021 is a Gram-negative alphaproteobacterium with a robust capacity for carbohydrate metabolism. The enzymes that facilitate these reactions assist in the survival of the bacterium across a range of environmental niches, and they may also be suitable for use in industrial processes. SmoS is a dehydrogenase that catalyzes the oxidation of the commonly occurring sugar alcohols sorbitol and galactitol to fructose and tagatose, respectively, using NAD+ as a cofactor. The main objective of this study was to evaluate SmoS using biochemical techniques. The nucleotide sequence was codon-optimized for heterologous expression in Escherichia coli BL21 (DE3) Gold cells and the protein was subsequently overexpressed and purified. Size-exclusion chromatography and X-ray diffraction experiments suggest that SmoS is a tetramer. SmoS was crystallized, and crystals obtained in the absence of substrate diffracted to 2.1 Å resolution and those of a complex with sorbitol diffracted to 2.0 Å resolution. SmoS was characterized kinetically and shown to have a preference for sorbitol despite having a higher affinity for galactitol. Computational ligand-docking experiments suggest that tagatose binds the protein in a more energetically favourable complex than fructose, which is retained in the active site over a longer time frame following oxidation and reduces the rate of the reaction. These results supplement the inventory of biomolecules with potential for industrial applications and enhance the understanding of metabolism in the model organism S. meliloti.

The purpose of this work is to study the effect of maceration time (with and without pectolitic en zyme addition) on the concentrations of 18 amino acids found in must and wines of the Macabeo grape variety. The presence of enzymes had a significant effect on the relative composition of the amino acids. The maceration process, with or without enzymes, led to a decrease in amino acid con tent after 2 h of maceration. After 2 h the solid parts of the grape released amino acids into the must, with the maximum concentration reached after 6 h. A certain degree of correlation given by principal component analysis was observed between the concentration of valine, isoleucine and histidine present in the musts and the aromatic compounds in the wines related to the metabolism of the fatty acids (hexanoic acid, octanoic acid, ethyl octanoate, hexanoate and decanoate). For the wines, a high corre lation was found between valine and isobutanol and a lower value for valine with isoamyl alcohol and β-phenyl ethanol.

The timing of IVM–IVF–IVC is restricted by the onset of oocyte maturation, and sometimes oocytes must be treated at midnight. If we could regulate the timing of IVM of oocytes without decreasing their developmental competence, the IVM–IVF–IVC system could be a more applied technology. The present study was performed to examine the effects of in vitro storage of bovine oocytes in simple media prior to maturation culture to manipulate the start of IVM. Bovine follicular fluid (bFF), Dulbecco&apos;s PBS (PBS), M199 Earle salts (M199), and Earle salts supplemented with 5 mM NaHCO3 (M199A) were used as the fundamental media, after an addition of antibiotics, for in vitro storage of bovine cumulus&ndash;oocyte complexes (COCs) collected from ovaries obtained at the slaughterhouse. The fundamental media except for bFF were supplemented with 10&percnt; fetal bovine serum (FBS) or 1 mg mL&minus;1 polyvinyl alcohol (PVA). COCs were collected from follicles (3&ndash;8 mm in diameter) and washed twice in each medium; then approximately 50 COCs were submerged in 1 mL of each medium in cryotubes (Falcon #2812, 2.5 mL; Becton Dickinson Labware, Lincoln, NJ, USA), which were stored in a container kept at 38.5&deg;C for 22 h under air-closed condition (in vitro storage: IVS). Subsequently, the stored COCs were in vitro-matured (IVM) for 22 h in M199 with 10&percnt; FBS and 20 &micro;g mL&minus;1 estradiol, fertilized (IVF), and cultured in CR1aa (IVC) for examination of their development to the blastocyst stage (Kubota et al. 1998 Mol. Reprod. Dev. 51, 281&ndash;286). Fresh oocytes without IVS were used as controls. The nuclear status of oocytes after IVS&ndash;IVM was compared to that of control oocytes by aceto-orcein stain. Their developmental rates to the blastocyst stage after IVM&ndash;IVF&ndash;IVC were compared between experimental and control groups. The experiment was repeated more than 3 times, and results were statistically analyzed using Student&apos;s t-test. When bFF and PBS supplemented with FBS or PVA were used for IVS, the rates of survived COCs after IVS and the development to the blastocyst stage after IVM&ndash;IVF&ndash;IVC (bFF (n &equals; 87): 0&percnt;, 0&percnt;; PBS/FBS (n &equals; 72): 84&percnt;, 1&percnt;; and PBS/PVA (n &equals; 81): 89&percnt;, 6&percnt;, respectively) were significantly lower than those of the control group (n &equals; 406; 97&percnt; and 29&percnt;, respectively). On the other hand, when M199A supplemented with FBS or PVA was used for IVS, the survival rate after IVS and the developmental rate to the blastocyst stage after IVS&ndash;IVM&ndash;IVF (M199A/FBS (n &equals; 97): 82&percnt;, 28&percnt;; and M199A/PVA (n &equals; 111): 98&percnt;, 31&percnt;, respectively) did not differ from those of the control group. After IVS, cumulus expansion was not seen and most of the oocyte nuclei reached the GVBD stage. These results suggest that the nuclear maturation progress of bovine oocytes can be regulated for at least 22 h in M199A without any deleterious influence on the number of oocytes surviving at an immature state after the storage and their subsequent development to the blastocyst stage after IVM&ndash;IVF&ndash;IVC. The delayed maturation allows a flexible fertilization schedule which is advantageous in research and industrial applications.

Las patatas constituyeron una de las plantas americanas que permitiern a los países europeos enfrentar su crecimiento demográfico entre finales del Antiguo Régimen y el remate del siglo XIX. Al contrario de lo sucedido en los países de la Europa septentrional, Galicia y el norte de Portugal, y con muy pocas excepciones regionales, en Francia, la patata no jugó un papel relevante en la alimentación de la población. Pese a ello, en algunas regiones, como por ejemplo en la cuenca de Paris, el Bassin Parisien, fue un cultivo muy importante. En esta zona, su rendimiento se multiplicó por diez entre finales del Primer Imperio y la década de 1860. A pesar de ello, no formaba parte de la dieta de la población rural, sino que era, más bien, un cultivo industrial utilizado por la industria del fécula para producir, entre otras cosas, glucosa y alcohol. Más allá del caso de la mencionada cuenca de Paris, la hipótesis de este trabajo es que la patata solo habría llegado a integrarse en la dieta de la población francesa si el precio del combustible (madera, carbón o turba) y el de la grasa animal o vegetal hubiesen sido bajos.

Objetivo: Determinar los hábitos alimentarios, estilos de vida, así como las características antropométricas y de composición corporal de los trabajadores de la empresa Materiales y Equipos Petroleros que permita establecer las pautas para un plan de mejora. Materiales y métodos: Se realizó un estudio cuantitativo con un diseño no experimental transversal con la participación voluntaria de 41 trabajadores en activo a los cuales se les aplicó un cuestionario de datos personales, estilos de vida y un registro alimentario. Además, se les midieron una serie de datos antropométricos y de composición corporal. Resultados: Los hombres eran más sedentarios y bebían más alcohol que las mujeres. Los sujetos con normopeso practicaban más horas de actividad física que los sujetos con sobrepeso y que los obesos. La dieta de los hombres fue hiper calórica (154 %) mientras en mujeres fue isocalórica (108 %) y en ambos grupos se observó una ingesta de colesterol elevada y menor consumo de fibra. El índice de masa corporal se acompañó de un aumento del perímetro cintura, de la cadera, de la masa grasa y del porciento grasa corporal. Conclusiones: La mayor parte de la muestra presentó hábitos de vida y alimentación poco saludables. Se identificó que la ingesta de lípidos y colesterol estaban elevadas mientras que la ingesta de fibra estaba disminuida con respecto a los valores recomendados.

RESUMEN Los efluentes acuosos provenientes de la producción de biodiesel son generados principalmente a partir del proceso de lavado, etapa en la cual se eliminan contaminantes para asegurar que el biodiesel cumpla con las normas internacionales. Estos efluentes contienen impurezas de la mezcla de esteres metílicos, aceite residual, mono y diglicéridos, sales solubles, catalizador, jabones, glicerol y alcohol, por lo que contienen una elevada carga contaminante. El objetivo del presente trabajo es el desarrollo de la tecnología de membranas para el tratamiento de efluentes acuosos provenientes de la industria de biodiesel. Se sintetizó una membrana de ultrafiltración (UF) (17% de polifluoruro de vinilideno -PVDF-, 8,5% polivinilpirrolidona -PVP- k30) por el método de inversión de fase. Las experiencias se realizaron con una celda de flujo cruzado. Las condiciones operacionales fueron: T= 20°C, Δp=0,4-1 bar y v=0,5-1 m/s. Se utilizó como alimentación tanto una muestra sintética preparada en el laboratorio como una muestra real de efluente proveniente de una industria de biodiesel. Se observó que a un caudal de alimentación constante, el flujo permeado disminuye al aumentar la presión. Dicho comportamiento es atribuido al ensuciamiento de la membrana (región controlada por la transferencia de masa). Mientras que al aumentar la velocidad de permeación a presión constante, el flujo permeado aumenta gradualmente, ya que al aumentar la velocidad se logra limpiar la superficie de la membrana obteniendo un menor ensuciamiento. A partir de la caracterización de la alimentación y el permeado, se encontró que la membrana estudiada retiene entre el 89-100% de aceites y grasas, y entre 20-40% de la demanda química de oxígeno (DQO) presentes en el efluente, pH y sólidos solubles totales (TSS) permanecieron invariables.

Abstract. The soxhlet extractor was applied to extract the oil from a pistachio nutshell. The proposed technique was accurate and straightforward for extraction, and the percentage yield was quite acceptable. Solubility and density of the extracted oil were also determined. The acid and saponification value indicated the amount of free fatty acid available and can be used to prepare soap in the industry. The saponification value was found to be 270.4 to 274.5 mg KOH/g of the extracted oil. The other vital parameters like % ash content, % crude fibre, peroxide value, and iodine value were determined and indicated the oil stability for consumption and oxidation. Phenolic compounds and alcohol present in the oil are confirmed by Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy. All results were reproducible and easily adapted to extract oil from different waste materials as routine extraction and valuable technique. Resumen. Se utilizó un extractor soxhlet para extraer el aceite de las cáscaras de pistacho. La técnica propuesta es precisa y sencilla para la extracción, y el porcentaje de rendimiento fue bastante bueno. También se determinaron la solubilidad y la densidad del aceite extraído. El valor de acidez y saponificación muestra la cantidad de ácidos grasos libres disponible y se puede utilizar para preparar jabón en la industria. Se determinó que el valor de saponificación fue de 270.4 a 274.5 mg de KOH g-1 del aceite extraído. También se determinaron los parámetros vitales como los porcentajes de contenido de cenizas, de fibra cruda, índice de peróxido e índice de yodo e indicaron la estabilidad del aceite para el consumo y su oxidación. Los compuestos fenólicos y el alcohol presentes en el aceite se confirmaron mediante espectroscopía infrarroja por transformada de Fourier. Todos los resultados fueron reproducibles y se adaptaron fácilmente para extraer aceite de diferentes materiales de desecho como extracción de rutina y es una técnica valiosa.

<p>Este artículo plantea el potencial que tienen algunos desechos de la industria piscícola -como es el caso de las vísceras de pescado- que pueden ser utilizados como fuentes de energía, para producción de biodiesel, el cual genera un serio problema ambiental en los departamentos del Huila y Tolima. Se evidencia afectación física y química de la estructura del suelo al ser enterrados los desechos en sectores aledaños a la zona de lagos, y cuando se desecha en el agua, reduce la vida acuática al agotar el oxígeno disuelto; por lo tanto es necesaria la búsqueda de alternativas para disminuir el impacto causado por este tipo de residuos, buscando el aprovechamiento de desechos orgánicos como fuentes de energía y de esta manera minimizar el problema de contaminación ambiental, y generar un valor agregado a este desecho piscícola. Se estudia la viabilidad de la obtención de aceite crudo de pescado y la conversión a biodiesel conociendo las características de cada uno para garantizar la eficiente producción del biocombustible. Se presenta la caracterización de la materia prima, desde su recolección hasta la obtención del aceite y la realización de pruebas físico-químicas para la determinación de parámetros de calidad. Posteriormente se aborda la obtención y caracterización del biodiesel, que pretende conocer sus propiedades y compararlas con los rangos establecidos por las normas que rigen este biocombustible. Finalmente, se presenta un análisis estadístico para demostrar la mejor relación molar aceite/alcohol empleada en la fase de transesterificación. </p>

Introducción: el consumo de alcohol en las mujeres es una problemática cada día mayor, debido al aumento en los patrones nocivos y la edad a la que inician el consumo, por lo que representa un tema de vital relevancia en la agenda de la salud pública mundial. Objetivo: identificar el consumo de alcohol en mujeres universitarias del Sur del Estado de Veracruz, México. Método: estudio cuantitativo, descriptivo y transversal. Participaron 229 mujeres estudiantes de una universidad tecnológica de la zona sur del estado de Veracruz México, seleccionadas mediante muestreo probabilístico aleatorio simple, estratificado. Se utilizó un instrumento de recolección de datos personales y el Test de Identificación de los Trastornos debidos al Consumo de Alcohol (Audit). Resultados: se identificó que la media de edad de inicio de consumo fue de 17.1 años, 55.8% de las participantes refirieron consumo de alcohol en el último año, la bebida preferida fue la cerveza (27%), 67.2% de las universitarias tiene consumo de bajo riesgo, 27.3% consumo de riesgo, 4.7% consumo perjudicial y 0.8% consumo dependiente. Las estudiantes de Ingeniería Química Industrial reportan mayor consumo de riesgo (11.7%), perjudicial (1.6%) y dependiente (0.8%). Conclusiones: más de la mitad de las participantes reportaron ingerir bebidas alcohólicas, con patrones de consumo de riesgo, mostrando la vulnerabilidad en la que se encuentran para adoptar conductas que ponen en riesgo su salud.

La gestión de los residuos de raquis generados durante el proceso industrial de extracción de aceite de palma constituye un reto que, en Ecuador, aún no ha sido abordado de manera efectiva. Es así que el objetivo del estudio doctoral es el aprovechamiento de estos residuos en el desarrollo de composites con diferentes matrices poliméricas. En el presente trabajo, se empleó la técnica de moldeo por compresión para la elaboración de materiales compuestos con fibra de raquis, alcohol polivinílico y almidón de oca modificado con urea. Se analizó la influencia de tres factores (temperatura de procesamiento, contenido y tamaño de fibra) sobre el módulo de elasticidad. Adicionalmente, se examinó la presencia de grupos funcionales por espectroscopía infrarroja. Los resultados globales evidenciaron la susceptibilidad de las materias primas para formar composites flexibles y macroscópicamente homogéneos. La evaluación infrarroja mostró varios grupos funcionales característicos de los componentes del material y otros particularmente asociados a carbamatos de almidón de oca. Si bien el factor con significancia estadística para el módulo de elasticidad fue el contenido de fibra, no se observaron correlaciones específicas entre los factores estudiados.

Fitoterápicos são medicamentos amplamente utilizados, constituindo segmento da indústria farmacêutica em larga expansão na atualidade, exigindo garantia na oferta de produtos eficazes e seguros. Nesse sentido, esse estudo objetiva aplicar e/ou desenvolver metodologia analítica para a padronização de extratos de Anacardium occidentale L. (família Anacardiaceae), conhecida como cajueiro, empregando ensaios químicos e biológicos de atividade giardicida. Folhas de Anacardium occidentale foram coletadas em habitat natural, submetidas à secagem e moagem, seguida da obtenção dos extratos hidroalcoólicos com emprego de planejamento fatorial dos fatores: operação de extração (maceração, percolação e aparelho Soxhlet) e hidromódulo (1:8, 1:10 e 1:12), submetidos a análise sensorial, análise química qualitativa e quantitativa, avaliação da atividade antioxidante e giardicida. Os resultados evidenciaram diferenças de cor entre os extratos obtidos por diferentes procedimentos, indicando presença de fenóis simples, flavononois, taninos catéquicos, alcaloides, catequinas, flavononas, cumarinas, esteroides e saponinas; com variação quantitativa entre as amostras analisadas, sendo evidenciada também diferenças na atividade antioxidante e atividade citotóxica contra Giardia lamblia, mostrando que as variáveis empregadas nesse estudo influenciam na obtenção dos extratos hidroalcoólicos das folhas de Anacardium occidentale e, consequentemente, nos rendimentos e atividades antioxidante e giardicida. Palavras-chave: Anacardium occidentale L. Controle de qualidade. Padronização de extratos. Giardia lamblia.STUDY OF STANDARDIZATION OF Anacardium occidentale L. EXTRACTS IN RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT OF GIARDICIDALS HERBALAbstract: Herbal medicines are medicines used widely worldwide, constituting one of the segments of the pharmaceutical industry at large scale, requiring guarantee the supply of effective and safe products. Accordingly, this study aims to apply and/or develop analytical methodology for the standardization of extracts of Anacardium occidentale L. (family Anacardiaceae), known as cashew nuts, employing chemical and biological assays of giardicida effect activity. Anacardium occidentale L. leaves were collected in natural habitat, subjected to drying and grinding, followed by obtaining of extracts alcoholbased products with factorial planning of job factors: operation of extraction (maceration, percolation and Soxhlet apparatus) and hidromódulo (1: 8, 1:10 and 1:12); subjected to sensory and chemical analysis, determination of phenolic compounds and evaluation of antioxidant activity and giardicida effect. The results show differences in colour between the extracts obtained by different procedures; indicating the presence of simple phenols, flavononois, catéquicos, alkaloids, tannins, catechins, flavononas, coumarins and saponins, steroids; with quantitative variation among the examined extracts; show also differences in antioxidant activity and presence of cytotoxic activity against Giardia lamblia in one of extracts alcoholbased products, showing that the variables used in this study influence in getting the alcohol-based products extracts of leaves of Anacardium occidentale and consequently on their incomes and their giardicida effect and antioxidant activities.Keywords: Anacardium occidentale L. Quality control. Standardization of extracts. Giardia lamblia.ESTUDIO SOBRE ESTANDARIIZACIÓN DE EXTRATOS DE Anacardium occidentale L. EN LA INVESTIGACIÓN Y DESARROLLO DE FITOTERÁPICOS GIARDICIDASResumen: Los fitoterápicos son medicamentos de una amplia utilización, constituyendo el sector de la industria farmacéutica en grande expansión en la actualidad, exigiendo una garantia en la oferta de productos eficaces y seguros. Asi, este estudio busca aplicar y/o desarrollar una metodologia analítica para la padronización de extratos de la planta Anacardium occidentale L. (familia Anacardiaceae), conocida como cajueiro, utilizando ensayos químicos y biológicos para actividad giardicida. Fueron colectadas hojas de Anacardium occidentale en habitat natural, sometidas a secura y a molienda, para la posterior obtención de los extratos hidroalcohólicos através del empleo de planeamiento factorial de los factores: operación de extracción (maceración, percolación y aparato de Soxhlet) y el hidromódulo (1:8, 1:10 y 1:12), sometidos a análisis sensorial, análisis químico cualitativo y cuantitativo, evaluación de la actividad antioxidante y giardicida. Los resultados mostraron diferencias de color entre los extractos obtenidos através de diferentes procedimientos, indicando la presencia de fenoles simples, flavononois, taninos catequínicos, alcaloides, catequinas, flavononas, cumarinas, esteroides y saponinas; con una variación quantitativa entre las muestras analizadas, siendo observadas también diferencias em las actividades antioxidante y citotóxica contra Giardia lamblia, mostrando que las variables utilizadas em este estudio tienen influencias em la obtención de los extractos hidroalcohólicos de las hojas de Anacardium occidentale y, por consecuencia, em los rendimientos y actividades antioxidante y giardicida.Palabras clave: Anacardium occidentale L. Control de Calidad. Estandarización de extractos. Giardialamblia.

La producción de etanol en Colombia representa uno de los renglones económicos más importantes, producido como alcohol antiséptico, solvente y aditivo para la gasolina. El objetivo de este trabajo fue aumentar la eficiencia en la producción de etanol y encontrar microorganismos que representen una alternativa en producción frente a Saccharomyces cerevisiae. Cepas de Zymomonas mobilis, var. mobilis (Zmm1 y Zmm2) y pomaceae (Zmp1 y Zmp2), fueron aisladas de muestras de melazas de caña con el propósito de realizar un estudio comparativo con resultados reportados anteriormente a partir de células libres. Fue utilizada una cepa control Zymomonas mobilis mobilis (CETC) 560, considerada alta productora de etanol. Células libres en fermentador de 1L y se inmovilizaron en matriz de alginato de calcio. Al final del proceso de fermentación fue determinada la producción de etanol por picnometría. Los resultados revelaron a una concentración de inmovilización del 2% p/v, un rendimiento de 92.1%, por parte de las cepas nativas Zmm1 y Zmm2 y de 97.85%, con Zmm 560, comparado con los rendimientos de etanol obtenidos a partir de células libres, de 72.9% por parte de Zmm1 y 76.74% con Zmm 560. El análisis de estos datos, demuestran las ventajas de la utilización de células inmovilizadas frente a células libres, en procesos de fermentación y representan grandes posibilidades para el desarrollo Biotecnológico de nuestro país, ya que permiten considerar a Zymomonas mobilis sp., como alternativa para producción de etanol a escala industrial, especialmente las cepas autóctonas Zmm1 y Zmm2 que hicieron parte de este estudio.

Introduction In November 2020, upon learning that the company’s Covid-19 vaccine trial had been successful, the head of Pfizer’s Vaccine Research and Development, Kathrin Jansen, celebrated with champagne – “some really good stuff” (Cohen). Bubbles seem to go naturally with celebration, and champagne is fundamentally associated with bubbles. Yet, until the late-seventeenth century, champagne was a still wine, and it only reached the familiar levels of bubbliness in the late-nineteenth century (Harding). During this period and on into the early twentieth century, “champagne” was in many ways created, defined, and defended. A “champagne bubble” was created, within which the “nature” of champagne was contested and constructed. Champagne today is the result of hundreds of years of labour by many sorts of bubble-makers: those who make the bubbly drink, and those who construct, maintain, and defend the champagne bubble. In this article, I explore some elements of the champagne bubble, in order to understand both its fragility and rigidity over the years and today. Creating the Champagne Bubble – the Labour of Centuries It is difficult to separate the physical from the mythical as regards champagne. Therefore the categorisations below are always overlapping, and embedded in legal, political, economic, and socio-cultural factors. Just as assemblage – the mixing of wine from different grapes – is an essential element of champagne wine, the champagne bubble may be called heterogeneous assemblage. Indeed, the champagne bubble, as we will see below, is a myriad of different sorts of bubbles, such as terroir, appellation, myth and brand. And just as any assemblage, its heterogeneous elements exist and operate in relation to each other. Therefore the “champagne bubble” discussed here is both one and many, all of its elements fundamentally interconnected, constituting that “one” known as “champagne”. It is not my intention to be comprehensive of all the elements, historical and contemporary. Indeed, that would not be possible within such a short article. Instead, I seek to demonstrate some of the complexity of the champagne bubble, noting the elaborate labour that has gone into its creation. The Physical Champagne and Champagne – from Soil to Bubbles Champagne means both a legally protected geographical area (Champagne), and the wine (here: champagne) produced in this area from grapes defined as acceptable: most importantly pinot noir, pinot meunier (“black” grapes), and chardonnay (“white” grape). The method of production, too, is regulated and legally protected: méthode champenoise. Although the same method is used in numerous locations, these must be called something different: metodo classico (Italy), método tradicional (Spain), Methode Cap Classique (South Africa). The geographical area of Champagne was first legally defined in 1908, when it only included the areas of Marne and Aisne, leaving out, most importantly, the area of Aube. This decision led to severe unrest and riots, as the Aube vignerons revolted in 1911, forcing the inclusion of “zone 2”: Aube, Haute-Marne, and Seine-et-Marne (Guy). Behind these regulations was a surge in fraudulent production in the early twentieth century, as well as falling wine prices resulting from increasing supply of cheap wines (Colman 18). These first appellations d’origine had many consequences – they proved financially beneficial for the “zone 1”, but less so for the “zone 2”. When both these areas were brought under the same appellation in 1927, the financial benefits were more limited – but this may have been due to the Great Depression triggered in 1929 (Haeck et al.). It is a long-standing belief that the soil and climate of Champagne are key contributors to the quality of champagne wines, said to be due to “conditions … most suitable for making this type of wine” (Simon 11). Already in the end of the nineteenth century, the editor of Vigneron champenois attributed champagne’s quality to “a fortunate combination of … chalky soil … [and] unrivalled exposure [to the sun]” (Guy 119) among other things. Factors such as soil and climate, commonly included in and expressed through the idea of terroir, undoubtedly influence grapes and wines made thereof, but the extent remains unproven. Indeed, terroir itself is a very contested concept (Teil; Inglis and Almila). It is also the case that climate change has had, and will continue to have, devastating effects on wine production in many areas, while benefiting others. The highly successful English sparkling wine production, drawing upon know-how from the Champagne area, has been enabled by the warming climate (Inglis), while Champagne itself is at risk of becoming too hot (Robinson). Champagne is made through a process more complicated than most wines. I present here the bare bones of it, to illustrate the many challenges that had to be overcome to enable its production in the scale we see today. Freshly picked grapes are first pressed and the juice is fermented. Grape juice contains natural yeasts and therefore will ferment spontaneously, but fermentation can also be started with artificial yeasts. In fermentation, alcohol and carbon dioxide (CO2) are formed, but the latter usually escapes the liquid. The secret of champagne is its second fermentation, which happens in bottles, after wines from different grapes and/or vineyards have been blended for desired characteristics (assemblage). For the second fermentation, yeast and sugar are added. As the fermentation happens inside a bottle, the CO2 that is created does not escape, but dissolves into the wine. The average pressure inside a champagne bottle in serving temperature is around 5 bar – 5 times the pressure outside the bottle (Liger-Belair et al.). The obvious challenge this method poses has to do with managing the pressure. Exploding bottles used to be a common problem, and the manner of sealing bottles was not very developed, either. Seventeenth-century developments in bottle-making, and using corks to seal bottles, enabled sparkling wines to be produced in the first place (Leszczyńska; Phillips 137). Still today, champagne comes in heavy-bottomed bottles, sealed with characteristically shaped cork, which is secured with a wire cage known as muselet. Scientific innovations, such as calculating the ideal amount of sugar for the second fermentation in 1836, also helped to control the amount of gas formed during the second fermentation, thus making the behaviour of the wine more predictable (Leszczyńska 265). Champagne is characteristically a “manufactured” wine, as it involves several steps of interference, from assemblage to dosage – sugar added for flavour to most champagnes after the second fermentation (although there are also zero dosage champagnes). This lends champagne particularly suitable for branding, as it is possible to make the wine taste the same year after year, harvest after harvest, and thus create a distinctive and recognisable house style. It is also possible to make champagnes for different tastes. During the nineteenth century, champagnes of different dosage were made for different markets – the driest for the British, the sweetest for the Russians (Harding). Bubbles are probably the most striking characteristic of champagne, and they are enabled by the complicated factors described above. But they are also formed when the champagne is poured in a glass. Natural impurities on the surface of the glass provide channels through which the gas pockets trapped in the wine can release themselves, forming strains of rising bubbles (Liger-Belair et al.). Champagne glasses have for centuries differed from other wine glasses, often for aesthetic reasons (Harding). The bubbles seem to do more than give people aesthetic pleasure and sensory experiences. It is often claimed that champagne makes you drunk faster than other drinks would, and there is, indeed, some (limited) research showing that this may well be the case (Roberts and Robinson; Ridout et al.). The Mythical Champagne – from Dom Pérignon to Modern Wonders Just as the bubbles in a champagne glass are influenced by numerous forces, so the metaphorical champagne bubble is subject to complex influences. Myth-creation is one of the most significant of these. The origin of champagne as sparkling wine is embedded in the myth of Dom Pérignon of Hautvillers monastery (1638–1715), who according to the legend would have accidentally developed the bubbles, and then enthusiastically exclaimed “I am drinking the stars!” (Phillips 138). In reality, bubbles are a natural phenomenon provoked by winter temperatures deactivating the fermenting yeasts, and spring again reactivating them. The myth of Dom Pérignon was first established in the nineteenth century and quickly embraced by the champagne industry. In 1937, Moët et Chandon launched a premium champagne called Dom Pérignon, which enjoys high reputation until this day (Phillips). The champagne industry has been active in managing associations connected with champagne since the nineteenth century. Sparkling champagnes had already enjoyed fashionability in the later seventeenth and early eighteenth century, both in the French Court, and amongst the British higher classes. In the second half of the nineteenth century, champagne found ever increasing markets abroad, and the clientele was not aristocratic anymore. Before the 1860s, champagne’s association was with high status celebration, as well as sexual activity and seduction (Harding; Rokka). As the century went on, and champagne sales radically increased, associations with “modernity” were added: “hot-air balloons, towering steamships, transcontinental trains, cars, sports, and other ‘modern’ wonders were often featured in quickly proliferating champagne advertising” (Rokka 280). During this time, champagne grew both drier and more sparkling, following consumer tastes (Harding). Champagne’s most important markets in later nineteenth century included the UK, where the growing middle classes consumed champagne for both celebration and hospitality (Harding), the US, where (upper) middle-class women were served champagne in new kinds of consumer environments (Smith; Remus), and Russia, where the upper classes enjoyed sweeter champagne – until the Revolution (Phillips 296). The champagne industry quickly embraced the new middle classes in possession of increasing wealth, as well as new methods of advertising and marketing. What is remarkable is that they managed to integrate enormously varied cultural thematics and still retain associations with aristocracy and luxury, while producing and selling wine in industrial scale (Harding; Rokka). This is still true today: champagne retains a reputation of prestige, despite large-scale branding, production, and marketing. Maintaining and Defending the Bubble: Formulas, Rappers, and the Absolutely Fabulous Tipplers The falling wine prices and increasing counterfeit wines coincided with Europe’s phylloxera crisis – the pest accidentally brought over from North America that almost wiped out all Europe’s vineyards. The pest moved through Champagne in the 1890s, killing vines and devastating vignerons (Campbell). The Syndicat du Commerce des vins de Champagne had already been formed in 1882 (Rokka 280). Now unions were formed to fight phylloxera, such as the Association Viticole Champenoise in 1898. The 1904 Fédération Syndicale des Vignerons was formed to lobby the government to protect the name of Champagne (Leszczyńska 266) – successfully, as we have seen above. The financial benefits from appellations were certainly welcome, but short-lived. World War I treated Champagne harshly, with battle lines stuck through the area for years (Guy 187). The battle went on also in the lobbying front. In 1935, a new appellation regime was brought into law, which came to be the basis for all European systems, and the Comité National des appellations d'origine (CNAO) was founded (Colman 1922). Champagne’s protection became increasingly international, and continues to be so today under EU law and trade deals (European Commission). The post-war recovery of champagne relied on strategies used already in the “golden years” – marketing and lobbying. Advertising continued to embrace “luxury, celebration, transport (extending from air travel to the increasingly popular automobile), modernity, sports” (Guy 188). Such advertisement must have responded accurately to the mood of post-war, pre-depression Europe. Even in the prohibition US it was known that the “frivolous” French women might go as far as bathe in champagne, like the popular actress Mistinguett (Young 63). Curiously, in the 1930s Soviet Russia, “champagne” (not produced in Champagne) was declared a sign of good living, symbolising the standard of living that any Soviet worker had access to (at least in theory) (Gronow). Today, the reputation of champagne is fiercely defended in legal terms. This is not only in terms of protection against other sparkling wine making areas, but also in terms of exploitation of champagne’s reputation by actors in other commercial fields, and even against mass market products containing genuine champagne (Mahy and d’Ath; Schneider and Nam). At the same time, champagne has been widely “democratised” by mass production, enabled partly by increasing mechanisation and scientification of champagne production from the 1950s onwards (Leszczyńska 266). Yet champagne retains its association with prestige, luxury, and even royalty. This has required some serious adaptation and flexibility. In what follows, I look into three cultural phenomena that illuminate processes of such adaptation: Formula One (F1) champagne spraying, the 1990s sitcom Absolutely Fabulous, and the Cristal racism scandal in 2006. The first champagne bottle is said to have been presented to F1 grand prix winner in Champagne in 1950 (Wheels24). Such a gesture would have been fully in line with champagne’s association with cars, sport, and modernity. But what about the spraying? Surely that is not in line with the prestige of the wine? The first spraying is attributed to Jo Siffert in 1966 and Dan Gurney in 1967, the former described as accidental, the latter as a spontaneous gesture of celebration (Wheels24; Dobie). Moët had become the official supplier of F1 champagnes in 1966, and there are no signs that the new custom would have been problematic for them, as their sponsorship continued until 1999, after which Mumm sponsored the sport for 15 years. Today, the champagne to be popped and sprayed is Chanson, in special bottles “coated in the same carbon fibre that F1 cars are made of” (Wheels24). Such an iconic status has the spraying gained that it features in practically all TV broadcasts concerning F1, although non-alcoholic substitute is used in countries where sale of alcohol is banned (Barker et al., “Quantifying”; Barker et al., “Alcohol”). As disturbing as the champagne spraying might look for a wine snob, it is perfectly in line with champagne’s marketing history and entrepreneurial spirit shown since the nineteenth century. Nor is it unheard of to let champagne spray. The “art” of sabrage, opening champagne bottle with a sable, associated with glamour, spectacle, and myth – its origin is attributed to Napoleon and his officers – is perfectly acceptable even for the snob. Sparkling champagne was always bound up with joy and celebration, not a solemn drink, and the champagne bubble was able to accommodate middle classes as well as aristocrats. This brings us to our second example, the British sitcom Absolutely Fabulous. The show, first released in 1992, featured two women, “Eddy” (Jennifer Saunders) and “Patsy” (Joanna Lumley), who spent their time happily smoking, taking drugs, and drinking large quantities of “Bolly” (among other things). Bollinger champagne may have initially experienced “a bit of a shock” for being thus addressed, but soon came to see the benefits of fame (French). In 2005, they hired PR support to make better use of the brand’s “Ab Fab” recognisability, and to improve its prestige reputation in order to justify their higher price range (Cann). Saunders and Lumley were warmly welcomed by the Bollinger house when filming for their champagne tour Absolutely Champers (2017). It is befitting indeed that such controversial fame came from the UK, the first country to discover sparkling champagne outside France (Simon 48), and where the aspirational middle classes were keen to consume it already in the nineteenth century (Harding). More controversial still is the case of Cristal (made by Louis Roederer) and the US rap world. Enthusiastically embraced by the “bling-bling” world of (black) rappers, champagne seems to fit their ethos well. Cristal was long favoured as both a drink and a word in rap lyrics. But in 2006, the newly appointed managing director at the family owned Roederer, Frédéric Rouzaud, made comments considered racist by many (Woodland). Rouzard told in an interview with The Economist that the house observed the Cristal-rap association “with curiosity and serenity”. He reportedly continued: “but what can we do? We can’t forbid people from buying it. I’m sure Dom Pérignon or Krug would be delighted to have their business”. It was indeed those two brands that the rapper Jay-Z replaced Cristal with, when calling for a boycott on Cristal. It would be easy to dismiss Rouzard’s comments as snobbery, or indeed as racism, but they merit some more reflection. Cristal is the premium wine of a house that otherwise does not enjoy high recognisability. While champagne’s history involves embracing new sorts of clientele, and marketing flexibly to as many consumer groups as possible (Rokka), this was the first spectacular crossing of racial boundaries. It was always the case that different houses and their different champagnes were targeted at different clienteles, and it is apparent that Cristal was not targeted at black rap artists. Whereas Bollinger was able to turn into a victory the questionable fame brought by the white middle-class association of Absolutely Fabulous, the more prestigious Cristal considered the attention of the black rapper world more threatening and acted accordingly. They sought to defend their own brand bubble, not the larger champagne bubble. Cristal’s reputation seems to have suffered little – its 2008 vintage, launched in 2018, was the most traded wine of that year (Schultz). Jay-Z’s purchase of his own champagne brand (Armand de Brignac, nicknamed Ace of Spades) has been less successful reputation-wise (Greenburg). It is difficult to break the champagne bubble, and it may be equally difficult to break into it. Conclusion In this article, I have looked into the various dilemmas the “bubble-makers” of Champagne encountered when fabricating what is today known as “champagne”. There have been moments of threat to the bubble they formed, such as in the turn of nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and eras of incomparable success, such as from the 1860s to 1880s. The discussion has demonstrated the remarkable flexibility with which the makers and defenders of champagne have responded to challenges, and dealt with material, socio-cultural, economic, and other problems. It feels appropriate to end with a note on the current challenge the champagne industry faces: Covid-19. The pandemic hit champagne sales exceptionally hard, leaving around 100 million bottles unsold (Micallef). This was not very surprising, given the closure of champagne-selling venues, banning of public and private celebrations, and a general mood not particularly prone to (or even likely to frown upon) such light-hearted matters as glamour and champagne. Champagne has survived many dramatic drops in sales during the twentieth century, such as the Great Depression of the 1930s, and the post-financial crisis collapse in 2009. Yet they seem to be able to make astonishing recoveries. 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According to the ABC television program Four Corners, “Parliament House in Canberra is a hotbed of political intrigue and high tension … . It’s known as the ‘Canberra Bubble’ and it operates in an atmosphere that seems far removed from how modern Australian workplaces are expected to function.” The term “Canberra Bubble” morphed to its current definition from 2001, although it existed in other forms before this. Its use has increased since 2015, with Prime Minister Scott Morrison regularly referring to it when attempting to deflect from turmoil within, or focus on, his Coalition government (Gwynn). “Canberra Bubble” was selected as the 2018 “Word of the Year” by the Australian National Dictionary Centre, defined as “referring to the idea that federal politicians, bureaucracy, and political journalists are obsessed with the goings-on in Canberra (rather than the everyday concerns of Australians)” (Gwynn). In November 2020, Four Corners aired an investigation into the behaviour of top government ministers, including Attorney-General Christian Porter, Minister Alan Tudge, and former Deputy Prime Minister and leader of the National Party Barnaby Joyce; entitled “Inside the Canberra Bubble”. The program’s reporter, Louise Milligan, observed: there’s a strong but unofficial tradition in federal politics of what happens in Canberra, stays in Canberra. Politicians, political staff and media operate in what’s known as ‘The Canberra Bubble’. Along with the political gamesmanship, there’s a heady, permissive culture and that culture can be toxic for women. The program acknowledged that parliamentary culture included the belief that politicians’ private lives were not open to public scrutiny. However, this leaves many women working in Parliament House feeling that such silence allows inappropriate behaviour and sexism to “thrive” in the “culture of silence” (Four Corners). Former Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull, who was interviewed for the Four Corners program, acknowledged: “there is always a power imbalance between the boss and somebody who works for them, the younger and more junior they are, the more extreme that power imbalance is. And of course, Ministers essentially have the power to hire and fire their staff, so they’ve got enormous power.” He equates this to past culture in large corporations; a culture that has seen changes in business, but not in the federal parliament. It is the latter place that is a toxic bubble for women. A Woman Problem in the Bubble Louise Milligan reported: “the Liberal Party has been grappling with what’s been described as a ‘women problem’ for several years, with accusations of endemic sexism.” The underrepresentation of women in the current government sees them holding only seven of the 30 current ministerial positions. The Liberal Party has fewer women in the House of Representatives now than it did 20 years ago, while the Labor Party has doubled the number of women in its ranks. When asked his view on the “woman problem”, Malcolm Turnbull replied: “well I think women have got a problem with the Liberal Party. It’s probably a better way of putting it … . The party does not have enough women MPs and Senators … . It is seen as being very blokey.” Current Prime Minister Scott Morrison said in March 2019: “we want to see women rise. But we don’t want to see women rise, only on the basis of others doing worse” (Four Corners); with “others” seen as a reference to men. The Liberal Party’s “woman problem” has been widely discussed in recent years, both in relation to the low numbers of women in its parliamentary representation and in its behaviour towards women. These claims were evident in an article highlighting allegations of bullying by Member of Parliament (MP) Julia Banks, which led to her resignation from the Liberal Party in 2018. Banks’s move to the crossbench as an Independent was followed by the departure from politics of senior Liberal MP and former Deputy Leader Julie Bishop and three other female Liberal MPs prior to the 2019 federal election. For resigning Liberal MP Linda Reynolds, the tumultuous change of leadership in the Liberal Party on 24 August 2018, when Scott Morrison replaced Malcolm Turnbull as Prime Minister, left her to say: “I do not recognise my party at the moment. I do not recognise the values. I do not recognise the bullying and intimidation that has gone on.” Bishop observed on 5 September: “it’s evident that there is an acceptance of a level of behaviour in Canberra that would not be tolerated in any other workplace.” And in her resignation speech on 27 November, Banks stated: “Often, when good women call out or are subjected to bad behaviour, the reprisals, backlash and commentary portrays them as the bad ones – the liar, the troublemaker, the emotionally unstable or weak, or someone who should be silenced” (Four Corners). Rachel Miller is a former senior Liberal staffer who worked for nine years in Parliament House. She admitted to having a consensual relationship with MP Alan Tudge. Both were married at the time. Her reason for “blowing the whistle” was not about the relationship itself, rather the culture built on an imbalance of power that she experienced and witnessed, particularly when endeavouring to end the relationship with Tudge. This saw her moving from Tudge’s office to that of Michaelia Cash, eventually being demoted and finally resigning. Miller refused to accept the Canberra bubble “culture of just putting your head down and not getting involved”. The Four Corners story also highlighted the historical behaviour of Attorney-General Christian Porter and his attitude towards women over several decades. Milligan reported: in the course of this investigation, Four Corners has spoken to dozens of former and currently serving staffers, politicians, and members of the legal profession. Many have worked within, or voted for, the Liberal Party. And many have volunteered examples of what they believe is inappropriate conduct by Christian Porter – including being drunk in public and making unwanted advances to women. Lawyer Josh Bornstein told Four Corners that the role of Attorney-General “occupies a unique role … as the first law officer of the country”, having a position in both the legal system and in politics. It is his view that this comes with a requirement for the Attorney-General “to be impeccable in terms of personal and political behaviour”. Milligan asserts that Porter’s role as “the nation’s chief law officer, includes implementing rules to protect women”. A historical review of Porter’s behaviour and attitude towards women was provided to Four Corners by barrister Kathleen Foley and debating colleague from 1987, Jo Dyer. Dyer described Porter as “very charming … very confident … Christian was quite slick … he had an air of entitlement … that I think was born of the privilege from which he came”. Foley has known Porter since she was sixteen, including at university and later when both were at the State Solicitors’ Office in Western Australia, and her impression was that Porter possessed a “dominant personality”. She said that many expected him to become a “powerful person one day” partly due to his father being “a Liberal Party powerbroker”, and that Porter had aspirations to become Prime Minister. She observed: “I’ve known him to be someone who was in my opinion, and based on what I saw, deeply sexist and actually misogynist in his treatment of women, in the way that he spoke about women.” Foley added: “for a long time, Christian has benefited from the silence around his conduct and his behaviour, and the silence has meant that his behaviour has been tolerated … . I’m here because I don’t think that his behaviour should be tolerated, and it is not acceptable.” Miller told the Four Corners program that she and others, including journalists, had observed Porter being “very intimate” with a young woman. Milligan noted that Porter “had a wife and toddler at home in Perth”, while Miller found the incident “quite confronting … in such a public space … . I was quite surprised by the behaviour and … it was definitely a step too far”. The incident was confirmed to Four Corners by “five other people, including Coalition staffers”. However, in 2017 the “Public Bar incident remained inside the Canberra bubble – it never leaked”, reports Milligan. In response to the exposure of Nationals MP Barnaby Joyce’s relationship with a member of his staff, Malcolm Turnbull changed the Code of Ministerial Standards (February 2018) for members of the Coalition Government (Liberal and National Parties). Labelled by many media as the “bonk ban”, the new code banned sexual relationships between ministers and their staff. Turnbull stopped short of asking Joyce to resign (Yaxley), however, Joyce stepped down as Leader of the National Party and Deputy Prime Minister shortly after the code was amended. Turnbull has conceded that the Joyce affair was the catalyst for implementing changes to ministerial standards (Four Corners). He was also aware of other incidents, including the behaviour of Christian Porter and claims he spoke with Porter in 2017, when concerns were raised about Porter’s behaviour. In what Turnbull acknowledges to be a stressful working environment, the ‘Canberra bubble’ is exacerbated by long hours, alcohol, and being away from family; this leads some members to a loss of standards in behaviour, particularly in relation to how women are viewed. This seems to blame the ‘bubble’ rather than acknowledge poor behaviour. Despite the allegations of improper behaviour against Porter, in 2017 Turnbull appointed Porter Attorney-General. Describing the atmosphere in the Canberra bubble, Miller concedes that not “all men are predators and [not] all women are victims”. She adds that a “work hard, play hard … gung ho mentality” in a “highly sexualised environment” sees senior men not being called out for behaviour, creating the perception that they are “almost beyond reproach [and it’s] something they can get away with”. Turnbull observes: “the attitudes to women and the lack of respect … of women in many quarters … reminds me of the corporate scene … 40 years ago. It’s just not modern Australia” (Four Corners). In a disclaimer about the program, Milligan stated: Four Corners does not suggest only Liberal politicians cross this line. But the Liberal Party is in government. And the Liberal politicians in question are Ministers of the Crown. All ministers must now abide by Ministerial Standards set down by Prime Minister Scott Morrison in 2018. They say: ‘Serving the Australian people as Ministers ... is an honour and comes with expectations to act at all times to the highest possible standards of probity.’ They also prohibit Ministers from having sexual relations with staff. Both Tudge and Porter were sent requests by Four Corners for interviews and answers to detailed questions prior to the program going to air. Tudge did not respond and Porter provided a brief statement in regards to his meeting with Malcolm Turnbull, denying that he had been questioned about allegations of his conduct as reported by Four Corners and that other matters had been discussed. Reactions to the Four Corners Program Responses to the program via mainstream media and on social media were intense, ranging from outrage at the behaviour of ministers on the program, to outrage that the program had aired the private lives of government ministers, with questions as to whether this was in the public interest. Porter himself disputed allegations of his behaviour aired in the program, labelling the claims as “totally false” and said he was considering legal options for “defamation” (Maiden). However, in a subsequent radio interview, Porter said “he did not want a legal battle to distract from his role” as a government minister (Moore). Commenting on the meeting he had with Turnbull in 2017, Porter asserted that Turnbull had not spoken to him about the alleged behaviour and that Turnbull “often summoned ministers in frustration about the amount of detail leaking from his Cabinet.” Porter also questioned the comments made by Dyer and Foley, saying he had not had contact with them “for decades” (Maiden). Yet, in a statement provided to the West Australian after the program aired, Porter admitted that Turnbull had raised the rumours of an incident and Porter had assured him they were unfounded. In a statement he again denied the allegations made in the Four Corners program, but admitted that he had “failed to be a good husband” (Moore). In a brief media release following the program, Tudge stated: “I regret my actions immensely and the hurt it caused my family. I also regret the hurt that Ms. Miller has experienced” (Grattan). Following the Four Corners story, Scott Morrison and Anne Ruston, the Minister for Families and Social Services, held a media conference to respond to the allegations raised by the program. Ruston was asked about her views of the treatment of women within the Liberal Party. However, she was cut off by Morrison who aired his grievance about the use of the term “bonk ban” by journalists, when referring to the ban on ministers having sexual relations with their staff. This interruption of a female minister responding to a question directed at her about allegations of misogyny drew world-wide attention. Ruston went on to reply that she felt “wholly supported” as a member of the party and in her Cabinet position. The video of the incident resulted in a backlash on social media. Ruston was asked about being cut off by the Prime Minister at subsequent media interviews and said she believed it to be “an entirely appropriate intervention” and reiterated her own experiences of being fully supported by other members of the Liberal Party (Maasdorp). Attempts to Silence the ABC A series of actions by government staff and ministers prior to, and following, the Four Corners program airing confirmed the assumption suggested by Milligan that “what happens in Canberra, stays in Canberra”. In the days leading to the airing of the Four Corners program, members of the federal government contacted ABC Chair Ita Buttrose, ABC Managing Director David Anderson, and other senior staff, criticising the program’s content before its release and questioning whether it was in the public interest. The Executive Producer for the program, Sally Neighbour, tweeted about the attempts to have the program cancelled on the day it was to air, and praised ABC management for not acceding to the demands. Anderson raised his concerns about the emails and calls to ABC senior staff while appearing at Senate estimates and said he found it “extraordinary” (Murphy & Davies). Buttrose also voiced her concerns and presented a lecture reinforcing the importance of “the ABC, democracy and the importance of press freedom”. As the public broadcaster, the ABC has a charter under the Australian Broadcasting Corporation Act (1983) (ABC Act), which includes its right to media independence. The attempt by the federal government to influence programming at the ABC was seen as countering this independence. Following the airing of the Four Corners program, the Morrison Government, via Communications Minister Paul Fletcher, again contacted Ita Buttrose by letter, asking how reporting allegations of inappropriate behaviour by ministers was “in the public interest”. Fletcher made the letter public via his Twitter account on the same day. The letter “posed 15 questions to the ABC board requesting an explanation within 14 days as to how the episode complied with the ABC’s code of practice and its statutory obligations to provide accurate and impartial journalism”. Fletcher also admitted that a senior member of his staff had contacted a member of the ABC board prior to the show airing but denied this was “an attempt to lobby the board”. Reportedly the ABC was “considering a response to what it believes is a further attack on its independence” (Visentin & Samios). A Case of Double Standards Liberal Senator Concetta Fierravanti-Wells told Milligan (Four Corners) that she believes “values and beliefs are very important” when standing for political office, with a responsibility to electors to “abide by those values and beliefs because ultimately we will be judged by them”. It is her view that “there is an expectation that in service of the Australian public, [politicians] abide by the highest possible conduct and integrity”. Porter has portrayed himself as being a family man, and an advocate for people affected by sexual harassment and concerned about domestic violence. Four Corners included two videos of Porter, the first from June 2020, where he stated: “no-one should have to suffer sexual harassment at work or in any other part of their lives … . The Commonwealth Government takes it very seriously”. In the second recording, from 2015, Porter spoke on the topic of domestic violence, where he advocated ensuring “that young boys understand what a respectful relationship is … what is acceptable and … go on to be good fathers and good husbands”. Tudge and Joyce hold a conservative view of traditional marriage as being between a man and a woman. They made this very evident during the plebiscite on legalising same-sex marriage in 2017. One of Tudge’s statements during the public debate was shown on the Four Corners program, where he said that he had “reservations about changing the Marriage Act to include same-sex couples” as he viewed “marriage as an institution … primarily about creating a bond for the creation, love and care of children. And … if the definition is changed … then the institution itself would potentially be weakened”. Miller responded by confirming that this was the public image Tudge portrayed, however, she was upset, surprised and believed it to be hypocrisy “to hear him … speak in parliament … and express a view that for children to have the right upbringing they need to have a mother and father and a traditional kind of family environment” (Four Corners). Following the outcome to the plebiscite in favour of marriage equality (Evershed), both Tudge and Porter voted to pass the legislation, in line with their electorates, while Joyce abstained from voting on the legislation (against the wishes of his electorate), along with nine other MPs including Scott Morrison (Henderson). Turnbull told Milligan: there’s no question that some of the most trenchant opponents of same-sex marriage, all in the name of traditional marriage, were at the same time enthusiastic practitioners of traditional adultery. As I said many times, this issue of the controversy over same-sex marriage was dripping with hypocrisy and the pools were deepest at the feet of the sanctimonious. The Bubble Threatens to Burst On 25 January 2021, the advocate for survivors of sexual assault, Grace Tame, was announced as Australian of the Year. This began a series of events that has the Canberra bubble showing signs of potentially rupturing, or perhaps even imploding, as further allegations of sexual assault emerge. Inspired by the speech of Grace Tame at the awards ceremony and the fact that the Prime Minister was standing beside her, on 15 February 2021, former Liberal staffer Brittany Higgins disclosed to journalist Samantha Maiden the allegation that she had been raped by a senior staffer in March 2019. Higgins also appeared in a television interview with Lisa Wilkinson that evening. The assault allegedly occurred after hours in the office of her boss, then Minister for Defence Industry and current Minister for Defence, Senator Linda Reynolds. Higgins said she reported what had occurred to the Minister and other staff, but felt she was being made to choose between her job and taking the matter to police. The 2019 federal election was called a few weeks later. Although Higgins wanted to continue in her “dream job” at Parliament House, she resigned prior to her disclosure in February 2021. Reynolds and Morrison were questioned extensively on the matter, in parliament and by the media, as to what they knew and when they were informed. Public outrage at the allegations was heightened by conflicting stories of these timelines and of who else knew. Although Reynolds had declared to the Senate that her office had provided full support to Higgins, it was revealed that her original response to the allegations to those in her office on the day of the media publication was to call Higgins a “lying cow”. After another public and media outcry, Reynolds apologised to Higgins (Hitch). Initially avoiding addressing the Higgins allegation directly, Morrison finally stated his empathy for Higgins in a doorstop media interview, reflecting advice he had received from his wife: Jenny and I spoke last night, and she said to me, "You have to think about this as a father first. What would you want to happen if it were our girls?" Jenny has a way of clarifying things, always has. On 3 March 2021, Grace Tame presented a powerful speech to the National Press Club. She was asked her view on the Prime Minister referring to his role as a father in the case of Brittany Higgins. Morrison’s statement had already enraged the public and certain members of the media, including many female journalists. Tame considered her response, then replied: “It shouldn’t take having children to have a conscience. [pause] And actually, on top of that, having children doesn’t guarantee a conscience.” The statement was met by applause from the gallery and received public acclaim. A further allegation of rape was made public on 27 February 2021, when friends of a deceased woman sent the Prime Minister a full statement from the woman that a current unnamed Cabinet Minister had raped her in 1988, when she was 16 years old (Yu). Morrison was asked whether he had spoken with the Minister, and stated that the Minister had denied the allegations and he saw no need to take further action, and would leave it to the police. New South Wales police subsequently announced that in light of the woman’s death last year, they could not proceed with an investigation and the matter was closed. The name of the woman has not been officially disclosed, however, on the afternoon of 3 March 2021 Attorney-General Christian Porter held a press conference naming himself as the Minister in question and vehemently denied the allegations. In light of the latest allegations, coverage by some journalists has shown the propensity to be complicit in protecting the Canberra bubble, while others (mainly women) endeavour to provide investigative journalistic coverage. The Outcome to Date Focus on the behaviour highlighted by “Inside the Canberra Bubble” in November 2020 waned quickly, with journalist Sean Kelly observing: since ABC’s Four Corners broadcast an episode exploring entrenched sexism in Parliament House, and more specifically within the Liberal Party, male politicians have said very, very, very little about it … . The episode in question was broadcast three weeks ago. It’s old news. But in this case that’s the point: every time the issue of sexism in Canberra is raised, it’s quickly rushed past, then forgotten (by men). Nothing happens. As noted earlier, Rachel Miller resigned from her position at Parliament House following the affair with Tudge. Barrister Kathleen Foley had held a position on the Victorian Bar Council, however three days after the Four Corners program went to air, Foley was voted off the council. According to Matilda Boseley from The Guardian, the change of council members was seen more broadly as an effort to remove progressives. Foley has also been vocal about gender issues within the legal profession. With the implementation of the new council, five members held their positions and 16 were replaced, seeing a change from 62 per cent female representation to 32 per cent (Boseley). No action was taken by the Prime Minister in light of the revelations by Four Corners: Christian Porter maintained his position as Attorney-General, Minister for Industrial Relations, and Leader of the House; and Alan Tudge continued as a member of the Federal Cabinet, currently as Minister for Education and Youth. Despite ongoing calls for an independent enquiry into the most recent allegations, and for Porter to stand aside, he continues as Attorney-General, although he has taken sick leave to address mental health impacts of the allegations (ABC News). Reynolds continues to hold the position of Defence Minister following the Higgins allegations, and has also taken sick leave on the advice of her specialist, now extended to after the March 2021 sitting of parliament (Doran). While Scott Morrison stands in support of Porter amid the allegations against him, he has called for an enquiry into the workplace culture of Parliament House. This appears to be in response to claims that a fourth woman was assaulted, allegedly by Higgins’s perpetrator. The enquiry, to be led by Kate Jenkins, Australia’s Sex Discrimination Commissioner, is focussed on “how to change the culture, how to change the practices, and how to ensure that, in future, we do have the best possible environment for prevention and response” (Murphy). By focussing the narrative of the enquiry on the “culture” of Parliament House, it diverts attention from the allegations of rape by Higgins and against Porter. While the enquiry is broadly welcomed, any outcomes will require more than changes to the workplace: they will require a much broader social change in attitudes towards women. The rage of women, in light of the current gendered political culture, has evolved into a call to action. An initial protest march, planned for outside Parliament House on 15 March 2021, has expanded to rallies in all capital cities and many other towns and cities in Australia. Entitled Women’s March 4 Justice, thousands of people, both women and men, have indicated their intention to participate. It is acknowledged that many residents of Canberra have objected to their entire city being encompassed in the term “Canberra Bubble”. However, the term’s relevance to this current state of affairs reflects the culture of those working in and for the Australian parliament, rather than residents of the city. It also describes the way that those who work in all things related to the federal government carry an apparent assumption that the bubble offers them immunity from the usual behaviour and accountability required of those outside the bubble. It this “bubble” that needs to burst. With a Prime Minister seemingly unable to recognise the hypocrisy of Ministers allegedly acting in ways contrary to “good character”, and for Porter, with ongoing allegations of improper behaviour, as expected for the country’s highest law officer, and in his mishandling of Higgins claims as called out by Tame, the bursting of the “Canberra bubble” may cost him government. References ABC News. “Christian Porter Denies Historical Rape Allegation.” Transcript. 4 Mar. 2021. 4 Mar. 2021 <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-03-03/christian-porter-press-conference-transcript/13212054>. Boseley, Matilda. “Barrister on Four Corners' Christian Porter Episode Loses Victorian Bar Council Seat.” The Guardian 11 Nov. 2020. 10 Dec. 2020 <https://www.theguardian.com/law/2020/nov/12/barrister-on-four-corners-christian-porter-episode-loses-victorian-bar-council-seat>. Buttrose, Ita. “The ABC, Democracy and the Importance of Press Freedom.” Lecture. Ramsay Centre for Western Civilisation. 12 Nov. 2020. 10 Dec. 2020 <http://about.abc.net.au/speeches/the-abc-democracy-and-the-importance-of-press-freedom/>. Doran, Matthew. “Linda Reynolds Extends Her Leave.” ABC News 7 Mar. 2021. 7 Mar. 2021 <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-03-07/linda-reynolds-extends-her-leave-following-rape-allegation/13224824>. Evershed, Nick. “Full Results of Australia's Vote for Same-Sex Marriage.” The Guardian 15 Nov. 2017. 10 Dec. 2020. <https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/datablog/ng-interactive/2017/nov/15/same-sex-marriage-survey-how-australia-voted-electorate-by-electorate>. Four Corners. “Inside the Canberra Bubble.” ABC Television 9 Nov. 2020. 20 Nov. 2020 <https://www.abc.net.au/4corners/inside-the-canberra-bubble/12864676>. Grattan, Michelle. “Porter Rejects Allegations of Inappropriate Sexual Behaviour and Threatens Legal Action.” The Conversation 10 Nov. 2020. 10 Dec. 2020 <https://theconversation.com/porter-rejects-allegations-149774>. Gwynn, Mark. “Australian National Dictionary Centre’s Word of the Year 2018.” Ozwords 13 Dec. 2018. 10 Dec 2020 <http://ozwords.org/?p=8643#more-8643>. Henderson, Anna. “Same-Sex Marriage: This Is Everyone Who Didn't Vote to Support the Bill.” ABC News 8 Dec. 2017. 10 Dec. 2020 <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-12-08/same-sex-marriage-who-didnt-vote/9240584>. Heurich, Angelika. “Women in Australian Politics: Maintaining the Rage against the Political Machine”. M/C Journal 22.1 (2019). https://doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1498. Hitch, Georgia. “Defence Minister Linda Reynolds Apologises to Brittany Higgins.” ABC News 5 Mar. 2021. 5 Mar. 2021 <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-03-05/linda-reynolds-apologises-to-brittany-higgins-lying-cow/13219796>. Kelly, Sean. “Morrison Should Heed His Own Advice – and Fix His Culture Problem.” Sydney Morning Herald 29 Nov. 2020. 10 Dec. 2020 <https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/morrison-should-heed-his-own-advice-and-fix-his-culture-problem-20201129-p56iwn.html>. Maasdorp, James. “Scott Morrison Cops Backlash after Interrupting Anne Ruston.” ABC News 11 Nov. 2020. 10 Dec. 2020 <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-11-11/scott-morrison-anne-ruston-liberal-party-government/12873158>. Maiden, Samantha. “Christian Porter Hits Back at ‘Totally False’ Claims Aired on Four Corners.” The Australian 10 Nov. 2020. 10 Dec. 2020 <https://www.news.com.au/entertainment/tv/current-affairs/christian-porter-hits-back-at-totally-false-claims-aired-on-four-corners/news-story/0bc84b6268268f56d99714fdf8fa9ba2>. ———. “Young Staffer Brittany Higgins Says She Was Raped at Parliament House.” News.com.au 15 Sep. 2021. 15 Sep. 2021 <https://www.news.com.au/national/politics/parliament-house-rocked-by-brittany-higgins-alleged-rape/news-story/>. Moore, Charlie. “Embattled Minister Christian Porter Admits He Failed to Be 'a Good Husband’.” Daily Mail 11 Nov. 2020. 10 Dec. 2020 <https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-8936197/>. Morrison, Scott. “Doorstop Interview – Parliament House.” Transcript. Prime Minister of Australia. 16 Feb. 2021. 1 Mar. 2021 <https://www.pm.gov.au/media/doorstop-interview-australian-parliament-house-act-160221>. Murphy, Katharine. “Sex Discrimination Commissioner Kate Jenkins to Lead Review into Parliament’s Workplace Culture.” The Guardian 5 Mar. 2021. 7 Mar. 2021 <https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2021/mar/05/sex-discrimination-commissioner-kate-jenkins-to-lead-review-into-parliaments-workplace-culture>. Murphy, Katharine, and Anne Davies. “Criticism of Four Corners 'Bonk Ban' Investigation before It Airs 'Extraordinary', ABC Boss Says.” The Guardian 9 Nov. 2020. 10 Dec. 2020 <https://www.theguardian.com/media/2020/nov/09/abc-under-extreme-political-pressure-over-bonk-ban-investigation-four-corners-boss-says>. Neighbour, Sally. “The Political Pressure.” Twitter 9 Nov. 2020. 9 Nov. 2020 <https://twitter.com/neighbour_s/status/1325545916107927552>. Tame, Grace. Address. National Press Club. 3 Mar. 2021. 3 Mar. 2021 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LJmwOTfjn9U>. Visentin, Lisa, and Zoe Samios. “Morrison Government Asks ABC to Please Explain Controversial Four Corners Episode.” Sydney Morning Herald 1 Dec. 2020. 10 Dec. 2020 <https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/morrison-government-asks-abc-to-please-explain-controversial-four-corners-episode-20201201-p56jg2.html>. Wilkinson, Lisa. “Interview with Brittany Higgins.” The Project. Channel 10. 15 Sep. 2021. 16 Sep. 2021 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nyjkjeoO2o4>. Yaxley, Louise. “Malcolm Turnbull Bans Ministers from Sex with Staffers.” ABC News 15 Feb. 2018. 10 Dec. 2020 <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-02-15/turnbull-slams-joyce-affair-changes-to-ministerial-standards/9451792>. Yu, Andi. “Rape Allegation against Cabinet Minister.” The Canberra Times 27 Feb. 2021. 1 Mar. 2021 <https://www.canberratimes.com.au/story/7145324/rape-allegation-against-cabinet-minister/>.

IntroductionIn the wine world, authenticity is not just desired, it is actively required. That demand comes from a complex of producers, distributors and consumers, and other interested parties. Consequently, the authenticity of wine is constantly created, reworked, presented, performed, argued over, contested and appreciated.At one level, such processes have clear economic elements. A wine deemed to be an authentic “expression” of something—the soil and micro-climate in which it was grown, the environment and culture of the region from which it hails, the genius of the wine-maker who nurtured and brought it into being, the quintessential characteristics of the grape variety it is made from—will likely make much more money than one deemed inauthentic. In wine, as in other spheres, perceived authenticity is a means to garner profits, both economic and symbolic (Beverland).At another level, wine animates a complicated intertwining of human tastes, aesthetics, pleasures and identities. Discussions as to the authenticity, or otherwise, of a wine often involve a search by the discussants for meaning and purpose in their lives (Grahm). To discover and appreciate a wine felt to “speak” profoundly of the place from whence it came possibly involves a sense of superiority over others: I drink “real” wine, while you drink mass-market trash (Bourdieu). It can also create reassuring senses of ontological security: in discovering an authentic wine, expressive of a certain aesthetic and locational purity (Zolberg and Cherbo), I have found a cherishable object which can be reliably traced to one particular place on Earth, therefore possessing integrity, honesty and virtue (Fine). Appreciation of wine’s authenticity licenses the self-perception that I am sophisticated and sensitive (Vannini and Williams). My judgement of the wine is also a judgement upon my own aesthetic capacities (Hennion).In wine drinking, and the production, distribution and marketing processes underpinning it, much is at stake as regards authenticity. The social system of the wine world requires the category of authenticity in order to keep operating. This paper examines how and why this has come to be so. It considers the crafting of authenticity in long-term historical perspective. Demand for authentic wine by drinkers goes back many centuries. Self-conscious performances of authenticity by producers is of more recent provenance, and was elaborated above all in France. French innovations then spread to other parts of Europe and the world. The paper reviews these developments, showing that wine authenticity is constituted by an elaborate complex of environmental, cultural, legal, political and commercial factors. The paper both draws upon the social science literature concerning the construction of authenticity and also points out its limitations as regards understanding wine authenticity.The History of AuthenticityIt is conventional in the social science literature (Peterson, Authenticity) to claim that authenticity as a folk category (Lu and Fine), and actors’ desires for authentic things, are wholly “modern,” being unknown in pre-modern contexts (Cohen). Consideration of wine shows that such a view is historically uninformed. Demands by consumers for ‘authentic’ wine, in the sense that it really came from the location it was sold as being from, can be found in the West well before the 19th century, having ancient roots (Wengrow). In ancient Rome, there was demand by elites for wine that was both really from the location it was billed as being from, and was verifiably of a certain vintage (Robertson and Inglis). More recently, demand has existed in Western Europe for “real” Tokaji (sweet wine from Hungary), Port and Bordeaux wines since at least the 17th century (Marks).Conventional social science (Peterson, Authenticity) is on solider ground when demonstrating how a great deal of social energies goes into constructing people’s perceptions—not just of consumers, but of wine producers and sellers too—that particular wines are somehow authentic expressions of the places where they were made. The creation of perceived authenticity by producers and sales-people has a long historical pedigree, beginning in early modernity.For example, in the 17th and 18th centuries, wine-makers in Bordeaux could not compete on price grounds with burgeoning Spanish, Portuguese and Italian production areas, so they began to compete with them on the grounds of perceived quality. Multiple small plots were reorganised into much bigger vineyards. The latter were now associated with a chateau in the neighbourhood, giving the wines connotations of aristocratic gravity and dignity (Ulin). Product-makers in other fields have used the assertion of long-standing family lineages as apparent guarantors of tradition and quality in production (Peterson, Authenticity). The early modern Bordelaise did the same, augmenting their wines’ value by calling upon aristocratic accoutrements like chateaux, coats-of-arms, alleged long-term family ownership of vineyards, and suchlike.Such early modern entrepreneurial efforts remain the foundations of the very high prestige and prices associated with elite wine-making in the region today, with Chinese companies and consumers particularly keen on the grand crus of the region. Globalization of the wine world today is strongly rooted in forms of authenticity performance invented several hundred years ago.Enter the StateAnother notable issue is the long-term role that governments and legislation have played, both in the construction and presentation of authenticity to publics, and in attempts to guarantee—through regulative measures and taxation systems—that what is sold really has come from where it purports to be from. The west European State has a long history of being concerned with the fraudulent selling of “fake” wines (Anderson, Norman, and Wittwer). Thus Cosimo III, Medici Grand Duke of Florence, was responsible for an edict of 1716 which drew up legal boundaries for Tuscan wine-producing regions, restricting the use of regional names like Chianti to wine that actually came from there (Duguid).These 18th century Tuscan regulations are the distant ancestors of quality-control rules centred upon the need to guarantee the authenticity of wines from particular geographical regions and sub-regions, which are today now ubiquitous, especially in the European Union (DeSoucey). But more direct progenitors of today’s Geographical Indicators (GIs)—enforced by the GATT international treaties—and Protected Designations of Origin (PDOs)—promulgated and monitored by the EU—are French in origin (Barham). The famous 1855 quality-level classification of Bordeaux vineyards and their wines was the first attempt in the world explicitly to proclaim that the quality of a wine was a direct consequence of its defined place of origin. This move significantly helped to create the later highly influential notion that place of origin is the essence of a wine’s authenticity. This innovation was initially wholly commercial, rather than governmental, being carried out by wine-brokers to promote Bordeaux wines at the Paris Exposition Universelle, but was later elaborated by State officials.In Champagne, another luxury wine-producing area, small-scale growers of grapes worried that national and international perceptions of their wine were becoming wholly determined by big brands such as Dom Perignon, which advertised the wine as a luxury product, but made no reference to the grapes, the soil, or the (supposedly) traditional methods of production used by growers (Guy). The latter turned to the idea of “locality,” which implied that the character of the wine was an essential expression of the Champagne region itself—something ignored in brand advertising—and that the soil itself was the marker of locality. The idea of “terroir”—referring to the alleged properties of soil and micro-climate, and their apparent expression in the grapes—was mobilised by one group, smaller growers, against another, the large commercial houses (Guy). The terroir notion was a means of constructing authenticity, and denouncing de-localised, homogenizing inauthenticity, a strategy favouring some types of actors over others. The relatively highly industrialized wine-making process was later represented for public consumption as being consonant with both tradition and nature.The interplay of commerce, government, law, and the presentation of authenticity, also appeared in Burgundy. In that region between WWI and WWII, the wine world was transformed by two new factors: the development of tourism and the rise of an ideology of “regionalism” (Laferté). The latter was invented circa WWI by metropolitan intellectuals who believed that each of the French regions possessed an intrinsic cultural “soul,” particularly expressed through its characteristic forms of food and drink. Previously despised peasant cuisine was reconstructed as culturally worthy and true expression of place. Small-scale artisanal wine production was no longer seen as an embarrassment, producing wines far more “rough” than those of Bordeaux and Champagne. Instead, such production was taken as ground and guarantor of authenticity (Laferté). Location, at regional, village and vineyard level, was taken as the primary quality indicator.For tourists lured to the French regions by the newly-established Guide Michelin, and for influential national and foreign journalists, an array of new promotional devices were created, such as gastronomic festivals and folkloric brotherhoods devoted to celebrations of particular foodstuffs and agricultural events like the wine-harvest (Laferté). The figure of the wine-grower was presented as an exemplary custodian of tradition, relatively free of modern capitalist exchange relations. These are the beginnings of an important facet of later wine companies’ promotional literatures worldwide—the “decoupling” of their supposed commitments to tradition, and their “passion” for wine-making beyond material interests, from everyday contexts of industrial production and profit-motives (Beverland). Yet the work of making the wine-maker and their wines authentically “of the soil” was originally stimulated in response to international wine markets and the tourist industry (Laferté).Against this background, in 1935 the French government enacted legislation which created theInstitut National des Appellations d’Origine (INAO) and its Appelation d’Origine Controlle (AOC) system (Barham). Its goal was, and is, to protect what it defines as terroir, encompassing both natural and human elements. This legislation went well beyond previous laws, as it did more than indicate that wine must be honestly labelled as deriving from a given place of origin, for it included guarantees of authenticity too. An authentic wine was defined as one which truly “expresses” the terroir from which it comes, where terroir means both soil and micro-climate (nature) and wine-making techniques “traditionally” associated with that area. Thus French law came to enshrine a relatively recently invented cultural assumption: that places create distinctive tastes, the value of this state of affairs requiring strong State protection. Terroir must be protected from the untrammelled free market. Land and wine, symbiotically connected, are de-commodified (Kopytoff). Wine is embedded in land; land is embedded in what is regarded as regional culture; the latter is embedded in national history (Polanyi).But in line with the fact that the cultural underpinnings of the INAO/AOC system were strongly commercially oriented, at a more subterranean level the de-commodified product also has economic value added to it. A wine worthy of AOC protection must, it is assumed, be special relative to wines un-deserving of that classification. The wine is taken out of the market, attributed special status, and released, economically enhanced, back onto the market. Consequently, State-guaranteed forms of authenticity embody ambivalent but ultimately efficacious economic processes. Wine pioneered this Janus-faced situation, the AOC system in the 1990s being generalized to all types of agricultural product in France. A huge bureaucratic apparatus underpins and makes possible the AOC system. For a region and product to gain AOC protection, much energy is expended by collectives of producers and other interested parties like regional development and tourism officials. The French State employs a wide range of expert—oenological, anthropological, climatological, etc.—who police the AOC classificatory mechanisms (Barham).Terroirisation ProcessesFrench forms of legal classification, and the broader cultural classifications which underpin them and generated them, very much influenced the EU’s PDO system. The latter uses a language of authenticity rooted in place first developed in France (DeSoucey). The French model has been generalized, both from wine to other foodstuffs, and around many parts of Europe and the world. An Old World idea has spread to the New World—paradoxically so, because it was the perceived threat posed by the ‘placeless’ wines and decontextualized grapes of the New World which stimulated much of the European legislative measures to protect terroir (Marks).Paxson shows how artisanal cheese-makers in the US, appropriate the idea of terroir to represent places of production, and by extension the cheeses made there, that have no prior history of being constructed as terroir areas. Here terroir is invented at the same time as it is naturalised, made to seem as if it simply points to how physical place is directly expressed in a manufactured product. By defining wine or cheese as a natural product, claims to authenticity are themselves naturalised (Ulin). Successful terroirisation brings commercial benefits for those who engage in it, creating brand distinctiveness (no-one else can claim their product expresses that particularlocation), a value-enhancing aura around the product which, and promotion of food tourism (Murray and Overton).Terroirisation can also render producers into virtuous custodians of the land who are opposed to the depredations of the industrial food and agriculture systems, the categories associated with terroir classifying the world through a binary opposition: traditional, small-scale production on the virtuous side, and large-scale, “modern” harvesting methods on the other. Such a situation has prompted large-scale, industrial wine-makers to adopt marketing imagery that implies the “place-based” nature of their offerings, even when the grapes can come from radically different areas within a region or from other regions (Smith Maguire). Like smaller producers, large companies also decouple the advertised imagery of terroir from the mundane realities of industry and profit-margins (Beverland).The global transportability of the terroir concept—ironic, given the rhetorical stress on the uniqueness of place—depends on its flexibility and ambiguity. In the French context before WWII, the phrase referred specifically to soil and micro-climate of vineyards. Slowly it started mean to a markedly wider symbolic complex involving persons and personalities, techniques and knowhow, traditions, community, and expressions of local and regional heritage (Smith Maguire). Over the course of the 20th century, terroir became an ever broader concept “encompassing the physical characteristics of the land (its soil, climate, topography) and its human dimensions (culture, history, technology)” (Overton 753). It is thought to be both natural and cultural, both physical and human, the potentially contradictory ramifications of such understanding necessitating subtle distinctions to ward off confusion or paradox. Thus human intervention on the land and the vines is often represented as simply “letting the grapes speak for themselves” and “allowing the land to express itself,” as if the wine-maker were midwife rather than fabricator. Terroir talk operates with an awkward verbal balancing act: wine-makers’ “signature” styles are expressions of their cultural authenticity (e.g. using what are claimed as ‘traditional’ methods), yet their stylistic capacities do not interfere with the soil and micro-climate’s natural tendencies (i.e. the terroir’sphysical authenticity).The wine-making process is a case par excellence of a network of humans and objects, or human and non-human actants (Latour). The concept of terroir today both acknowledges that fact, but occludes it at the same time. It glosses over the highly problematic nature of what is “real,” “true,” “natural.” The roles of human agents and technologies are sequestered, ignoring the inevitably changing nature of knowledges and technologies over time, recognition of which jeopardises claims about an unchanging physical, social and technical order. Harvesting by machine production is representationally disavowed, yet often pragmatically embraced. The role of “foreign” experts acting as advisors —so-called “flying wine-makers,” often from New World production cultures —has to be treated gingerly or covered up. Because of the effects of climate change on micro-climates and growing conditions, the taste of wines from a particular terroir changes over time, but the terroir imaginary cannot recognise that, being based on projections of timelessness (Brabazon).The authenticity referred to, and constructed, by terroir imagery must constantly be performed to diverse audiences, convincing them that time stands still in the terroir. If consumers are to continue perceiving authenticity in a wine or winery, then a wide range of cultural intermediaries—critics, journalists and other self-proclaiming experts must continue telling convincing stories about provenance. Effective authenticity story-telling rests on the perceived sincerity and knowledgeability of the teller. Such tales stress romantic imagery and colourful, highly personalised accounts of the quirks of particular wine-makers, omitting mundane details of production and commercial activities (Smith Maguire). Such intermediaries must seek to interest their audience in undiscovered regions and “quirky” styles, demonstrating their insider knowledge. But once such regions and styles start to become more well-known, their rarity value is lost, and intermediaries must find ever newer forms of authenticity, which in turn will lose their burnished aura when they become objects of mundane consumption. An endless cycle of discovering and undermining authenticity is constantly enacted.ConclusionAuthenticity is a category held by different sorts of actors in the wine world, and is the means by which that world is held together. This situation has developed over a long time-frame and is now globalized. Yet I will end this paper on a volte face. Authenticity in the wine world can never be regarded as wholly and simply a social construction. One cannot directly import into the analysis of that world assumptions—about the wholly socially constructed nature of phenomena—which social scientific studies of other domains, most notably culture industries, work with (Peterson, Authenticity). Ways of thinking which are indeed useful for understanding the construction of authenticity in some specific contexts, cannot just be applied in simplistic manners to the wine world. When they are applied in direct and unsophisticated ways, such an operation misses the specificities and particularities of wine-making processes. These are always simultaneously “social” and “natural”, involving multiple forms of complex intertwining of human actions, environmental and climatological conditions, and the characteristics of the vines themselves—a situation markedly beyond beyond any straightforward notion of “social construction.”The wine world has many socially constructed objects. But wine is not just like any other product. Its authenticity cannot be fabricated in the manner of, say, country music (Peterson, Country). Wine is never in itself only a social construction, nor is its authenticity, because the taste, texture and chemical elements of wine derive from complex human interactions with the physical environment. Wine is partly about packaging, branding and advertising—phenomena standard social science accounts of authenticity focus on—but its organic properties are irreducible to those factors. Terroir is an invention, a label put on to certain things, meaning they are perceived to be authentic. But the things that label refers to—ranging from the slope of a vineyard and the play of sunshine on it, to how grapes grow and when they are picked—are entwined with human semiotics but not completely created by them. 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This article uses a case study of a Melbourne-based youth media project called Youthworx to explore the processes at stake in cultural engagement for marginalised young people. Drawing on ethnographic research conducted between 2008 and 2010, I identify some ways in which the city is implicated in promoting or preventing access to socially valued spaces of creativity and intended social mobility. The ethnographic material presented here has both empirical and theoretical value. It reveals the important relationships between the experience of place, creativity, and social life, demonstrating potentialities and limits of creativity-focused development interventions for marginalised youth. The articulation of these relationships and processes taking place within a particular city setting has theoretical implications. It opens up an opportunity to consider "suburbs" as enacted by specific forms of access, contingencies, and opportunities for a particular demographic, rather than treating "suburbs" as abstract, analytical constructs. Finally, my empirically grounded discussion draws attention to cultural and social consequences that inhabiting certain social worlds and acts of travelling "to and beyond" them have for young people. Youthworx is a community-based youth media initiative employing pathway-based semi-formal creative practices to re-engage young people who have a history of drug or alcohol abuse or juvenile justice, who have been long disconnected from mainstream education, or who are homeless. The focus on media production allows it to tap into, and in fact leverage, popular creativity, tacit knowledge, and familiar media-based activities that young people bring to bear on their media training and work in this context. Underpinned by social and creative industry policy, Youthworx brings together social service agency The Salvation Army (TSA), educational provider Northern Melbourne Institute of TAFE (NMIT), youth community media organisation SYN Media, and researchers at Institute for Social Research, Swinburne University. Its day-to-day operation is run by contractual, part-time media facilitators, social workers (as part of TSA’s in-kind support), as well as media industry experts who provide casual media training. Youthworx is characterised by the diversity of its young demographic. One can differentiate between at least two groups of participants: those who join Youthworx because of the social opportunities, and those who put more value on its skill-development, or vocational creative industries orientation. This social organisation is, however, far from static. Over the two years of research (2008-2010) we observed evolving ideas about the identity of the program, its key social functions, and how they can be best served. This had proceeded with the construction of what the Youthworx staff term "a community of safe belonging" to a more "serious" media work environment, exemplified by the establishment of a social enterprise (Youthworx Productions) in 2010 that offers paid traineeships to the most capable and determined young creators. To accommodate the diversity of literacy levels, needs, and aspirations of its young participants, the project offers a tailored media education program with a mix of diversionary, educational, and commercial objectives. One-on-one media training sessions, accredited courses in Creative Industries (Media), and industry training within Youthworx Productions are provided to help young people develop a range of skills transferable into a variety of personal, social and professional contexts. Its creative studio, where learning occurs, is located in a former jeans factory warehouse in the heart of an industrial area of Melbourne’s northern inner-city suburb of Brunswick. Young people are referred to Youthworx by a range of social agencies, and they travel to Brunswick from across Melbourne. Some participants are known to spend over three hours commuting from outer suburbs such as Frankston or even regional towns such as King Lake. Unlike community-based creative programs reliant on established community structures within local suburbs (for example, ICE in Western Sydney), Youthworx moved into Tinning Street in Brunswick because its industry partner—The Salvation Army—had existing youth service infrastructure there. The program, however, was not tapping into an existing media “community of practice” (Lane and Wenger); it had to forge its own culture of media participation. In the early days of the program, there were necessary material resources and professional expertise (teachers/social workers/a creative venue), but it took a long while, and a high level of dedication, passion, and practical optimism on the part of the project managers and teaching staff, for young people to genuinely engage in media training and production. Now, Youthworx’s creative space is a “practised place” in de Certeau’s sense. As “the street geometrically defined by urban planning is transformed into a space by walkers” (De Certeau 117), so is the Youthworx space produced by practices of media learning and making by professional creative practitioners and young amateur creators (Raffo; for ideas on institutionalised co-creative practice see Spurgeon et al.). The Brunswick location is where our extensive ethnographic research has taken place, including regular participant observation and qualitative interviews with staff and young participants. The ethnographers frequently travelled with young people to other locations within Melbourne, accompanying them on their trips to youth community radio station SYN Media in the CBD, where they produce a weekly radio show, as well as to film shoots and public social events around the city. As an access learning program for marginalised youth from around Melbourne, Youthworx provides an interesting example to explore how the concerns of material and cultural capital, geographic and cultural distance intersect and shape processes of creative participation and social inclusion. I draw on our ethnographic material to illustrate how these metonymic relationships play out in the ways young participants “travel distance” (Dewson et. al.) on the project and across the city, both figuratively and literally. The idea of “distance travelled” is adapted here from evaluation literature (for other relevant references see Dowmunt et al.; Hayes and Edwards; Holdsworth et al.), and builds on the argument made previously (Podkalicka and Staley 5), to encompass both the geographical mobility and cultural transformation that young people are supported to undergo as an intended outcome of their involvement in Youthworx. This paper also takes inspiration from ethnographic approaches that study a productive and transformative relationship between material culture, spatial geography and processes of identity formation (see Miller). What happens to Youthworx young participants as they travel in a trivial, and at first sight perhaps inconsequential, way between the suburbs they live in, the Youthworx Brunswick location and the city is both experientially real and meaningful. “Suburban space” is then a cultural site that simultaneously refers to concrete, literal places as well as “a state of mind”—that is, identification and connections that are generative of a sense of identity and belonging (Ferber et al.). Youthworx is an intermediary point on these young people’s travels, rather than the final destination (Podkalicka and Staley 5). It provides access to various forms of new spatial, social, and creative experiences and modes of expression. Creating opportunities for highly disenfranchised young people to access and develop new social and creative experiences is an important aspect of Youthworx’s developmental agenda, and is played out at both philosophical and practical levels. On the one hand, a strength-based approach to youth work assumes respect for young people’s potential and knowledges—unlike public discourses that deny them agency due to an assumed lack of life experience (e.g., Poletti). In addition to the material provision of "food and shelter" typical of traditional social work, attention is paid the higher levels of the Maslow hierarchy of human needs, with creativity, self-esteem, and social connectedness at the top of the scale (see also Podkalicka and Campbell; Podkalicka and Thomas). Former Manager of The Salvation Army’s Brunswick Youth Services (BYS)—one of Youthworx’s partners—Craig Campbell argues: Things like truth and beauty are a higher order of dreams for these kids. And by truth I don’t mean the simple lies that can be told to get them out of trouble [but] is there a greater truth to life than a grinding existence in the impoverished neighbourhood, is there something like beauty and aesthetics that wakes us up in the morning and calls a larger life out of us? Most of those kids only faintly dream of such a thing, and this dream is rapidly being extinguished under the weight of drugs and alcohol, abusive family systems, savage interaction with law and justice system, and education as a toxic environment and experience. (Campbell) Campbell's articulate reflection captures the way the Youthworx project has been conceived. It is also a pertinent example of the many reflections on experience and practice at Youthworx that were recorded in my fieldwork, which illustrate the way these kinds of social projects can be understood, interpreted and evaluated. The following personal narrative and contextual description introduce some of the important issues at stake. (The names and other personal details of young people have been changed.) Nineteen-year-old Dave is temporarily staying in an inner-city refuge. Normally, however, like most Youthworx participants, he lives in Broadmeadows, a far northern suburb of Melbourne. To get to Brunswick, where he does his accredited media course three days a week, he either catches a train or waits for a mini-bus to drive him there. The early-morning pick-up for about ten young people is organised by the program’s partner—The Salvation Army. At the Youthworx creative studio, located in the heart of Brunswick, right next to railway tracks, young people produce an array of media products: live and pre-recorded radio programs, digital storytelling, mini-documentaries, and original music. Once at Youthworx, they share the local neighbourhood with other artists who have adapted warehouses into art workshops, studios and galleries. The suburb of Brunswick is well-known for its multicultural profile, a combination of industrial and residential estates, high rates of tertiary students due to its proximity to universities, and its place in the recent history of urban gentrification. However, Youthworx participants don’t seek out or engage with the existing, physically proximate creative base, even within the same street. On a couple of occasions, the opposite has been the case: Youthworx students have been involved in acts of vandalism of local residents’ property, including nearby parked cars. Their connections to the Brunswick neighbourhood remain poor, often reflecting their low social capital as a result of unstable residential situations, isolation, and fraught relationships with family. From Brunswick, they often travel to the city on their own, wander around, sit on the steps of Flinders Street train station—an inner-city hub and popular meeting place for locals and tourists alike. Youthworx plays an important role in these young people’s lives, as an important access point to not only creative digital media-based experiences and skill development, but also to greater and basic geographical mobility and experiences within the city. As one of the students commented: They are giving us chances that we wouldn’t usually get. Every day you’re getting to a place, where it’s pretty damn easy to get into; that’s what’s good about it. There are so many places where you have to do so much to get there and half the time, some people don’t even have the bloody bus ticket to get a [job] interview. But [at Youthworx/BYS], they will pick you up and drive you around if you need it. They are friends. It is reportedly a common practice for many young people at Youthworx and BYS to catch a train or a tram (rather than bus) without paying for a ticket. However, to be caught dodging a fare a few times has legal consequences and young people often face court as a result. The program responds by offering its young participants tickets for public transport, ready for pick-up after afternoon activities, or, if possible, "driving them around"—as some young people told me. The program’s social workers revealed that girls are particularly afraid to travel on their own, especially when catching trains to the outer northern suburbs, for fear of being harassed or attacked. These supported travels are as practical and necessary as they are meaningful for young people’s identity formation, and as such are recognised and built into the project’s design, co-ordination and delivery. At the most basic level, The Salvation Army’s social workers pick young people up from the Broadmeadows area in the mornings. Youthworx creative practitioners assist young people to make trips to SYN Media in the city. For most participants, this is either the first or sporadic experience of travelling to the city, something they enjoy very much but are also somewhat daunted by. Additionally, as part of the curriculum, Youthworx staff make a point of taking young people to inner-city movie theatres or public media events. The following vignette from the fieldwork highlights another important connection between physical journey and creative expression. There is an excitement in Dave’s voice when he talks about his favourite pastime: hanging out around the city. “Why would you walk around the streets?” a curious female friend interjects. Dave replies: “No, it’s not the streets, man. It’s just Federation Square, everywhere … There is just all these young wannabe criminals and shit. People don’t know what goes on; and I want to do a doco on the city, a little doco of the people there, because I know a lot of it.” Dave’s interest in exploring the city may be interpreted as a rather common, mundane routine shared by mildly adventurous adolescents of all walks. And yet, there is much more at stake in his account, and for Youthworx young participants more generally. As mentioned before, for many of these young people, it is the first opportunity to travel to the city. This experience then is crucial in a sense of self-exploration and self-discovery. As they overcome their fear of venturing out into the city on their own, they also learn that they have knowledge which others might lack. This moment of realisation is significant and empowering, and they want to communicate this knowledge to others. Youthworx assists them in learning how to translate this knowledge in a creative and constructive way, through an expression that weaves between the free individual and the social voice constructed to enable a dialogue or understanding (Podkalicka; Podkalicka and Campbell; Podkalicka and Thomas; also Soep and Chavez). For an effective communication to occur, a crafted social voice requires skills and a critical awareness of oneself and an audience, which is very different from the modes of expression that these young people might have accessed previously. Youthworx's young participants draw heavily on their life experiences, geographical locations, the suburbs they come from, and places they visit in the city: their cultural productions often reference their homes, music clubs and hang-out venues, inner city streets, Federation Square, and Youthworx’s immediate physical surroundings, with graffiti-covered narrow alleys and railway tracks. The frequent depiction of Youthworx in young people’s creative outputs is often a token of appreciation of the creative, educational and social opportunities it has offered them. Social and professional connections they make there are found to be very valuable. The existing creative industries literature emphasises the importance of social networks to existing communities of interest and practice for human capacity building. Value is argued to lie not only in specific content produced, but in participatory processes that establish a link between personal growth, individual skills and social and professional networks (Hearn and Bridgestock). In a similar vein, Carlo Raffo uses Granovetter’s concept of “weak ties” to suggest that access to “social relations that go beyond the immediate locality and hence their immediate experiences” can provide marginalised young people with “pathways for authentic and informal learning that go beyond the structuring influences of class, gender and ethnicity and into new and emerging economic experiences” (Raffo 11). But higher levels of confidence or social skills are required to make the most of vocational or professional opportunities beyond the supportive context of Youthworx. Connections between Youthworx participants and other creative practitioners within the creative locality of Brunswick have been absent thus far. Transitions into mainstream education and employment have also proven challenging for this group of heavily marginalised youth. As we found during our ongoing fieldwork, even the most talented students find it hard to get into mainstream education courses, or to get or keep jobs. The project serves as a social basis for young people to develop self-agency and determination so they can start engaging with new opportunities and social networks outside the program (Raffo 15). Indeed, the creative practitioners at Youthworx are key facilitators of connections between young people and the external world. They act as positive role models socially, and illustrate what is possible professionally in terms of media excellence and employment (see also Raffo). There are indications that this very supportive, gradual process of social learning is starting to bear fruit for individual students and the Youthworx community as a whole as they grow more confident with themselves, in interactions with others, and the media work they do. Media projects such as Youthworx are examples of what Leadbeater and Wong call “disruptive innovation,” as they provide new ways of learning for those alienated by formal education. The use of digital hands-on media production makes educational processes relevant and engaging for young people. However, as I demonstrate in this paper, there are tangible, material barriers to releasing creativity, or enhancing self-discovery and sociality. There are, as Leadbeater and Wong observe, persistent links between cultural environment, socio-economic status, corresponding attitudes to learning and educational success in the developed world. In the UK, for example, only small percent of those from the lowest socio-economic background go to university (Leadbeater and Wong 10). Youthworx provides an opportunity and motivation for young people to break a cycle of individual self-destructive behaviour (e.g. getting locked up every 6 months), intergenerational reliance on welfare, or entrenched negative attitudes to learning. At the basic level, it encourages and often insists that young people get up in the morning, with social workers often reporting to have to “knock at people’s houses and get them ready.” The involvement in Youthworx is often an important reason to start delineating between day and night, week and weekend. A couple of students commented: I slept a lot. Yeah, I was always sleeping during the day and out at night; I could have still been doing nothing with my life [were it not for Youthworx]. Now people ask if I want to go out during the week, and I just can’t be bothered. I just want to sleep and then go to [Youthworx] and then weekends are when you go out. It also offers a concrete means to begin exploring the city beyond the constraints of their local suburbs. This literal, geographical mobility is interlocked with potential for a changed perception of opportunities, individual transformation and, consequently, social mobility. Dave, as we have seen, is attracted to the idea of exploring the city but also has creative aspirations, and contemplates professional prospects in the creative industries. It is important to note that the participants are resilient in their negotiation between the suburban, Youthworx and inner city worlds they can inhabit. Accessing learning, despite previous negative schooling experiences, is for many of them very important, and reaffirming of life they aspire to. An opportunity to pursue dreams, creative forms of expression, social networks and education is a vital part of human existence. These aspects of social inclusion are recognised in the current articulation of social policy reconceptualised beyond material, economic equality. Creative industry policy, on the other hand, is concerned with fostering creative outputs and skills to generate engagement and employment opportunities in the knowledge-based economies for wide sections of the population. The value is located in human capacity building, involving basic social as well as vocational skills, and links to social networks. The Youthworx project merges these two policy frameworks of the social and creative to test in practice new collaborative approaches to youth development. The spatial and cultural practices of young people described here serve a basis for proposing a theoretical framework that can help understand the term "suburb" in an intrinsically relational, grounded way. The relationships at stake in cultural and social participation for marginalised young people lead me to suggest that the concept of ‘suburb’ takes on two tightly interwoven meanings. The first refers symbolically to a particular locale for popular creativity (Burgess) or even marginal creativity by a group of young people living at the periphery of the social system. The second meaning refers to the interlocked forms of material and cultural capital (and distance), as theorised in Bourdieu’s work (e.g., Bourdieu). It includes physical, spatial conditions and relations, as well as cultural resources and possibilities made available to young participants by the project (e.g., the instituted, supported travel across the city, or the employment of creative practitioners), and interlinked with everyday dispositions, practices, and status of young people (e.g., taste). This empirically-grounded discussion allows to theorise ‘suburbs’ as perceived and socially enacted by concrete, relational forms of access, contingencies, and opportunities for a particular demographic, rather than analytically pre-conceived, designated spaces within an urban system. The ethnographic material reveals that cultural participation for marginalised youth requires an integrated approach, with a parallel focus on material and creative opportunities made available within creative sites such as Youthworx or even the Brunswick creative area. The important material constraints exemplified in this paper concern socio-economic background, cultural disadvantage and geographical isolation and point to the limits of the creative industries-based interventions to address social inclusion if carried out in isolation. They tap into the very basis of risks for this specific demographic of marginalised youth or "youth at risk." The paper suggests that the productive emphasis on the role of media and communication for (youth) development needs to be contextualised and considered along with the actual realities of everyday existence that often limit young people’s educational and vocational prospects (see Bentley et al.; Leadbeater and Wong). On the other hand, an exclusive focus on material support risks cancelling out the possibilities for positive life transitions, such as those triggered by constructive, non-reductionist engagement with “beauty, aesthetics” (Campbell) and creativity. By exploring how participation in Youthworx engenders both the physical mobility between suburbs and the city, and identity transformation, we are able to gain insights into the nature of social exclusion, its meanings for the youth involved and the project managers and staff. Thinking about Youthworx not just as a hub of creative production but as a cultural site—“a space within a practiced place of identity” (De Certeau 117) in the suburb of Brunswick—opens up a discussion that combines the policy language of opportunity and necessity with concrete creative and material possibilities. Social inclusion objectives aimed at positive youth transitions need to be considered in the light of the connection—or disconnection—between the Youthworx Brunswick site itself, young participants’ suburbs, and, by extension, the trajectory between the inner city and other spaces that young people travel through and inhabit. Acknowledgment I would like to thank all the young participants, staff and industry partners involved in the Youthworx project. I also acknowledge the comments of anonymous peer reviewer which helped to strengthen the argument by foregrounding the value of the empirical material. The paper draws on the larger project funded by the Centre of Excellence in Creative Industries and Innovation. Youthworx research team includes: Prof Denise Meredyth (CI); Prof Julian Thomas (CI); Ass/Prof David MacKenzie (CI); Ass/Prof Ellie Rennie; Chris Wilson (PhD candidate), and Jon Staley (Youthworx Manager and PhD candidate). References Bentley, Tom, and Kate Oakley. “The Real Deal: What Young People Think about Government, Politics and Social Exclusion.” Demos. 12 Jan. 2011 ‹http://www.demos.co.uk/files/theRealdeal.pdf›. Bourdieu, Pierre. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Cambridge: Harvard U P, 1987. Burgess, Jean. “Hearing Ordinary Voices: Cultural Studies, Vernacular Creativity and Digital Storytelling.” Continuum 20.2 (2006): 201–14. Campbell, Craig. Personal Interview. Melbourne, 2009. De Certeau, Michel. The Practice of Everyday Life. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984. 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