Relevant bibliographies by topics / Indonesian politics

Academic literature on the topic 'Indonesian politics'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 20 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Indonesian politics"

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Setiawan, Refly, Melinda Esti, and Viktor V. Sidorov. "Islam and Politics in Indonesia." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 731–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-4-731-740.

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The Republic of Indonesia is characterized by ethnic and religious diversity. Islam is the most widespread religion in Indonesia and most of the Indonesian population is Muslim. Indonesian society is based on the principles of religious tolerance. The equality of people is the most important socio-political value of the Indonesian society, which guarantees an equality for allpeople, regardless of their ethnicity, religion or social class. Religion can be the foundation that can strengthen the country and become the foundation for development. At the same time, religion may not be the official state ideology. We study the relationship between religion and state in Indonesia. What problems arise in the relationship between religion and the state? This study aims to find out how Islam and politics in Indonesia are in harmony with the ideology of the Indonesian nation and how religious values can support moral foundations of Indonesian politics. We used analyze secondary sociological data and studied researches of the largest Indonesian academics on the problems of the relationship between religion and politics. We used the method of library research with abstracting and collecting data. A new set of scientific sources in the Indonesian language is being introduced into scientific circulation. The results of the study showed that Indonesia is not a democracy based on the principles of democratic processes of Western Europe. The peculiarity of Indonesia lies in the interaction of religious values and the politics. Indonesian politics is characterized by religious tolerance. At the same time, religious and cultural values are incorporated into the political practices of Indonesia in the form of moral and ethical guidelines. Thus, Indonesia is not a religious or secular country, but a country where religious values are the moral and ethical main ideology of state development.
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Nurdin, Ali. "Politik Uang dan Prospek Konsolidasi Demokrasi Indonesia." Journal of Education, Humaniora and Social Sciences (JEHSS) 4, no. 1 (June 24, 2021): 190–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.34007/jehss.v4i1.609.

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Until the fifth legislative election (2019) in the Reformation Era, money politics was still a disease in the democratic process in Indonesia. Instead of decreasing, the practice of money politics in the last election has become even more massive, vulgar, and brutal. Meanwhile, the prospect of Indonesian democracy, which was considered optimistic, so that it is considered a new democracy has recently tended to decline. This study tries to see the link between money politics and the prospect of consolidating Indonesia's democracy by utilizing secondary data through a qualitative descriptive study. The results of the study show that the quality of Indonesian democracy has decreased in recent years, partly due to the proliferation of political corruption practices, including money politics. Indonesia's prospects for a developed and stable democracy still require a long struggle, especially regarding serious eradication of political corruption, including corruption related to elections such as money politics.
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Dayley, Robert A., and Leo Suryadinata. "Interpreting Indonesian Politics." Pacific Affairs 72, no. 4 (1999): 614. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2672428.

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Arfiansyah, Arfiansyah. "IMPLIKASI PEMBERLAKUAN PERDA SYARI’AT TERHADAP IDEOLOGI NEGARA INDONESIA." Jurnal Ilmiah Islam Futura 15, no. 1 (August 1, 2015): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/jiif.v15i1.555.

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Since the downfall of Soeharto’s New Order regime in 1999, Indonesia political orientation drastically changed. President Baharuddin Jusuf (BJ) Habibie enacted number of laws that changed the face of Indonesian politics from authoritarianism to democracy. One of the laws was Law No. 22 of 1999 on Regional government, which was amended by Law No. 32 of 2004 on Regional Government. The law brought Indonesia from centralism politics to fully decentralism. All individuals and groups, mainly marginalized Muslim groups during the New Order regime, have taken the best of the shift to force the implementation of Syaria law in Indonesia by advocating the enactment of numbers of Syariat inspired regional regulations (Perda berbasis Syariat) in tens of provinces. The Perda soon became controversial and triggered debate among Muslims themselves. Even some worried if the Perda would change Indonesian constitution and ideology from secular to Islamic one. Using qualitative approach and analyzing Indonesian political preference at national-wide, this article argues that the Perda would not affect Indonesian constitution and ideology. Even large number of Indonesians likely accept the development of the Perda as part of development of democracy in Indonesia.
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Dewantara, Agustinus Wisnu. "POLITIK MENURUT FOUCAULT DALAM “THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE” DAN RELEVANSINYA BAGI MULTIKULTURALISME INDONESIA." JPAK: Jurnal Pendidikan Agama Katolik 15, no. 8 (November 10, 2018): 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.34150/jpak.v15i8.81.

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Political science, the study of politics, examines the acquisition and application of power. Related areas of study include political philosophy, which seeks a rationale for politics and an ethic of public behavior, political economy, which attempts to develop understandings of the relationships between politics and the economy and the governance of the two, and public administration, which examines the practices of governance. Many have dream up the idealization of the politics realization. Politics should not dirty! But, the fact, actually in Indonesia, politics are corruption, abuse of power, and immoral. Is that only one paradigm of politics? Indonesia must learn to Foucault to build the good governance. Specially, i hope, the discussion of this theme can give any contribution for Indonesian politic and social lives, of which to be felt decline in any ways progressively.
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Hasyim, Abdul Wahid. "Becoming Indonesia: Political Gait of the Arabs in the Pre-Independence Period." Insaniyat: Journal of Islam and Humanities 4, no. 2 (May 24, 2020): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/insaniyat.v4i2.15229.

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This article addresses the political gait of the Arabs in Pre-Independence Indonesia. Using a qualitative method with a historical approach, this article aims to parse the political role of Arabs in Indonesia, the achievements they have, and the challenges they have faced since they first came to Indonesia until the country became independent in 1945. This study identifies several things. First, the involvement of Arabs in Indonesian politics has been going on since the time of the kingdom or empire. Some Sayyids are believed to occupy important positions, such as advisors to the king, foreign diplomats, and ministers. Second, in modern times, primarily until 1945, Arabs, both individually and in groups, have played an essential role in the constellation of Indonesian politics. In addition to establishing and developing PAI (called the Indonesian Arab Association initially but changed to the Indonesian Arab Party) in 1934, its figures, especially A.R. Baswedan and Hamid Algadri, were among the prominent figures during the Indonesian independence process. Third, there was a change in tendency in which the Arabs no longer struggled with aspects of the trade, as their initial motivation to emigrate to the archipelago, but began to be involved in various spheres of Indonesian people's lives, including in state politics. They have become essential figures of Indonesian society. With the political role played, they gain a stronger identity, increasingly 'becoming Indonesia'.
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Maula, Bani Syarif. "Indonesian Muslim Women: Between Culture, Religion, and Politics." Ijtimā'iyya: Journal of Muslim Society Research 1, no. 1 (September 30, 2016): 113–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/ijtimaiyya.v1i1.930.

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Islam in Indonesia is culturally very different from that in the Middle East, particularly related to a tradition of greater freedom for women in public places. In Indonesia, there are many women entering public and political arena and even women are seeking and achieving unprecedented power and influence in public life. However, there are some barriers from religion and culture that give burdens to women to express their political views and to involve in public life. Very often women who want to enter politics find that the political and public environment is not conducive to their participation. This paper discusses cultural, religious, and political factors of the difficulties faced by Indonesian Muslim women to participate freely in public and political lives. This paper looks at how women’s status in cultural and social structure influences the involvement of women in political activities. This study is a philosophical investigation of the value of culture, religion, and politics to Indonesian women in democratic practices. With the use of intensive reading of books and other information sources, together with policy document analysis, the study aims to explore the problems and possibilities of putting the visions of democracy into practice in contemporary Indonesian women, to explore the nature of culture, religion, and politics in Indonesia in influencing women’s political activism, and to understand both the status of Muslim women and the dynamics of Muslim societies in Indonesia. This paper concludes that women are still under-represented in public and political institutions in Indonesia. The long struggle of women’s movement for equal rights has not been easy due to the cultural and religious reasons.
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Aspinall, Edward. "Democratization and Ethnic Politics in Indonesia: Nine Theses." Journal of East Asian Studies 11, no. 2 (August 2011): 289–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800007190.

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After the downfall of President Suharto in 1998, communal violence occurred in several Indonesian provinces, producing an image of the country as one characterized by strong ethnic politics. In this article, I propose that this image is mistaken. The political salience of ethnicity has subsided greatly as a new democratic system has settled into place. Overall, Indonesia is a weakly ethnicized polity. Ethnicity still counts in arenas such as local elections, but what prevails is a soft form of ethnic politics, with few of the deep disputes about ethnohistory or cultural policy that occur in more ethnicized polities. Moreover, rather than producing ethnic polarization, democratization has created powerful new norms of compromise. I present this overarching argument by advancing nine general theses on Indonesian ethnic politics and by pointing to explanations concerning institutional crafting, historical legacies, and the deep architecture of politics, notably the prevalence of patronage. Rather than positing definitive answers, I propose new questions and frameworks for investigating the weakness of ethnic politics in contemporary Indonesia.
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Sinaga, Martin Lukito. "Umat Kristiani dan Politik Praktis di Indonesia: Dari Politik Minoritas ke Politik Pluralisme." Societas Dei: Jurnal Agama dan Masyarakat 1, no. 1 (October 24, 2017): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.33550/sd.v1i1.51.

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Abstract: Theological attitude and political position of Christians in Indonesia is ambivalent, wich cause these people to be cornered as minority parasite. This situation needs to be adressed, and deeper understanding of Reformed heritage and Sam Ratulangis struggle in the dire era of Indonesian birth in 1945 can inspire a new mode of theology and Indonesian Christian political presence today. In this light, the strategic direction of Christian politics lies in the pluralism political movement. KEYWORS: incognito, civil obedience, minority politics, majoritarianism, politics of citizenship plurality
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Hadiz, Vedi R. "Indonesian local party politics." Critical Asian Studies 36, no. 4 (December 2004): 615–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1467271042000273275.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Indonesian politics"

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Davidson, Jamie Seth. "Violence and politics in West Kalimantan, Indonesia." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10787.

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Sobandi, Khairu Roojiqien. "Symbolic politics and the Acehnese ethnic war in Indonesia." Laramie, Wyo. : University of Wyoming, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1939351941&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=18949&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Nabbs-Keller, Greta. "The Impact of Democratisation on Indonesia's Foreign Policy." Thesis, Griffith University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366662.

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How democratisation affects a state's foreign policy is a relatively neglected problem in International Relations. In Indonesia's case, there is a limited, but growing, body of literature examining the country's foreign policy in the post-authoritarian context. Yet this scholarship has tended to focus on the role of Indonesia's legislature and civil society organisations as newly-empowered foreign policy actors. Scholars of Southeast Asian politics, meanwhile, have concentrated on the effects of Indonesia's democratisation on regional integration and, in particular, on ASEAN cohesion and its traditional sovereignty-based norms. For the most part, the literature has completely ignored the effects of democratisation on Indonesia's foreign ministry – the principal institutional actor responsible for foreign policy formulation and conduct of Indonesia's diplomacy. Moreover, the effect of Indonesia's democratic transition on key bilateral relationships has received sparse treatment in the literature. This thesis aims to fill the gap in the literature by analysing the impact of democratisation on Indonesia's foreign ministry, and on Indonesia's approach to key bilateral and multilateral relationships in the Asia-Pacific – China, ASEAN and Australia respectively. This thesis argues that the domestic context in which Indonesia's foreign policy is framed has been transformed since reformasi. A conscious attempt has been made by policy-makers to internalise democratic values, such as good governance and human rights, into the ideational basis of Indonesia's foreign policy.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
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Muluk, Safrul. "The Indonesian army and political Islam : a political encounter 1966-1977." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33307.

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The main objective of this study is to analyze the political struggle between the Indonesian army and Islamic political parties in the New Order era between 1966--1977. The historical background of the involvement of the army in politics and the attempt of political Islam to establish an Islamic state is a central issue that characterized the relationship between these two groups. When the New Order came to power in 1966, it has exercised strict control over politically organized Islam. With the army emerged as the most significant political force, there was no choice for political Islam except to reformulate its political agenda in order to suit national development program undertaken by the military backed government. The future of political Islam and the involvement of the army in the social and political arena in Indonesia field has since then been central to the development of political system in that country.
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Heidbüchel, Esther. "The conflict in West Papua facts and fiction in Indonesian politics /." Giessen : IRU, 2005. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=986597570.

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Hermawan, Yulius Purwadi. "Internal politics of political parties : factionalism and patronage in the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP)." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416318.

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Saraswati, Muninggar Sri. "The Political Campaign Industry and the Emergence of Social Media in Post-authoritarian Indonesian Electoral Politics." Thesis, Saraswati, Muninggar Sri (2016) The Political Campaign Industry and the Emergence of Social Media in Post-authoritarian Indonesian Electoral Politics. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2016. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/36337/.

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This dissertation analyses the emergence of social media for electoral campaigning in post-authoritarian Indonesia. Using a critical political economy perspective, it examines the interactions between social media, the political campaign industry, which is understood as a product of “the cross-development of political and commercial persuasion techniques in the 20th century” (Stockwell, 2000, p. 3), and electoral players. This thesis evaluates how the political campaign industry intersects with social media-enabled production and distribution of campaign messages (content), audience (users) mobilisation and labour organisation. It also assesses the impact of the political campaign industry’s social media work upon the web of relations between candidates, donors and voters during electoral periods. The findings confirm that social media has enabled the growing Indonesian political campaign industry to develop social media campaigning services that have been adopted widely in Indonesian elections. These findings contradict previous studies that have suggested that social media contribute to the nurturance of democracy in contemporary Indonesia by enabling citizens to discuss alternative issues to elite-generated ones carried by conventional media (Nuswantoro, 2014; Suaedy, 2014). By contrast, this dissertation demonstrates that during electoral campaign periods social media were not autonomous from heavy industry-driven engineering. Instead, social media enabled the political campaign industry to further encroach upon Indonesian electoral politics and thereby generate greater profits for the industry. These strategies were made possible because social media electoral campaigning serves not only as practical tool of persuasion but also a new mechanism to manage the temporary converging interests of political, economic and cultural forces during electoral campaign periods. Put differently, with the assistance of the political campaign industry, Indonesian political economy elites have been able to capture social media to safeguard their social ascendancy through competitive elections.
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Hellman, Jörgen. "Longser Antar Pulau : Indonesian cultural politics and the revitalisation of traditional theatre /." Göteborg : Dept. of Social Anthropology, Univ. of Göteborg, 1999. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=009041802&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Jones, Tod. "Indonesian cultural policy, 1950-2003: culture, institutions, government." Thesis, Curtin University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/403.

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This thesis examines official cultural policy in Indonesia, focussing on the cultural policy of the national governments from 1950 until 2003. Drawing on Michel Foucault’s writings about government and debates about cultural policy in Cultural Studies, the study proposes that the features of cultural policy in Indonesia are primarily determined by the changing ways that the state has put culture to work in its versions of modern governance. Part I of the thesis provides a history of official cultural policy, including a background chapter on the late colonial era and the Japanese occupation. Although contemporary cultural policy was first articulated within Western liberal democracies to shape self-governing national citizens, the Dutch colonial cultural policy differed in that it assumed indigenous subjects had reduced capacities and focussed on managing ethnic populations. The cultural policies of subsequent governments maintained the twin imperatives of ‘improving’ individuals and managing populations, but with different understandings of both imperatives. While a more autonomous subject was assumed during Constitutional Democracy, Guided Democracy exercised greater state guidance as part of Sukarno’s mobilisation of the population behind his political program. Cultural policy during the New Order era rejected Sukarno’s ‘politicisation’ of culture, replaced ‘improvement’ with ‘development’ and further strengthened the role of the state in providing cultural guidance, a move justified by designating Indonesians backward by modern standards.The Japanese administration was the first government to address a national population. Relations among indigenous ethnic populations and between ethnicity and the nation were addressed in cultural policy from 1956 and were central to cultural policy throughout the New Order era. Part II of the thesis consists of two case studies of cultural programs in the New Order and Reform eras: (1) the arts councils and cultural parks and (2) a cultural research project. It explores New Order centralism, demonstrating the heterogeneity between different levels of the state and how governmental goals imbued particular practices and objects with special significance and meaning by constructing them as culture. Cultural policy in the post-Suharto period is addressed in both Parts I and II. While the practices of the New Order era are generally continuing, decentralisation created the possibility of a plurality of cultural policies across Indonesia, as lower levels of government are responsible for administering cultural policy. Decentralisation could result in a more participatory cultural policy as more cultural practices are addressed or a narrowing of cultural policy if conservative ethnic identity politics drives changes.
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Jones, Tod. "Indonesian Cultural policy, 1950-2003 : culture, institutions, government /." Curtin University of Technology, Department of Media and Information, 2005. http://espace.library.curtin.edu.au:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=16663.

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This thesis examines official cultural policy in Indonesia, focussing on the cultural policy of the national governments from 1950 until 2003. Drawing on Michel Foucault’s writings about government and debates about cultural policy in Cultural Studies, the study proposes that the features of cultural policy in Indonesia are primarily determined by the changing ways that the state has put culture to work in its versions of modern governance. Part I of the thesis provides a history of official cultural policy, including a background chapter on the late colonial era and the Japanese occupation. Although contemporary cultural policy was first articulated within Western liberal democracies to shape self-governing national citizens, the Dutch colonial cultural policy differed in that it assumed indigenous subjects had reduced capacities and focussed on managing ethnic populations. The cultural policies of subsequent governments maintained the twin imperatives of ‘improving’ individuals and managing populations, but with different understandings of both imperatives. While a more autonomous subject was assumed during Constitutional Democracy, Guided Democracy exercised greater state guidance as part of Sukarno’s mobilisation of the population behind his political program. Cultural policy during the New Order era rejected Sukarno’s ‘politicisation’ of culture, replaced ‘improvement’ with ‘development’ and further strengthened the role of the state in providing cultural guidance, a move justified by designating Indonesians backward by modern standards.
The Japanese administration was the first government to address a national population. Relations among indigenous ethnic populations and between ethnicity and the nation were addressed in cultural policy from 1956 and were central to cultural policy throughout the New Order era. Part II of the thesis consists of two case studies of cultural programs in the New Order and Reform eras: (1) the arts councils and cultural parks and (2) a cultural research project. It explores New Order centralism, demonstrating the heterogeneity between different levels of the state and how governmental goals imbued particular practices and objects with special significance and meaning by constructing them as culture. Cultural policy in the post-Suharto period is addressed in both Parts I and II. While the practices of the New Order era are generally continuing, decentralisation created the possibility of a plurality of cultural policies across Indonesia, as lower levels of government are responsible for administering cultural policy. Decentralisation could result in a more participatory cultural policy as more cultural practices are addressed or a narrowing of cultural policy if conservative ethnic identity politics drives changes.
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Books on the topic "Indonesian politics"

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Suryadinata, Leo. Interpreting Indonesian politics. Singapore: Times Academic Press, 1998.

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Hatta, Mohammad. Pendidikan Nasional Indonesia =: Indonesian National Education. Clayton, Australia: Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1985.

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Vatikiotis, Michael R. J. Indonesian Politics Under Suharto. London: Taylor & Francis Group Plc, 2004.

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Smith, Shannon L. The Politics of Indonesian Rainforests. Clayton, Australia: Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1992.

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MacIntyre, Andrew J. Organising interests: Corporatism in Indonesian politics. [Australia]: National Library of Australia, 1994.

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Islam in the contemporary Indonesian politics. Jakarta, Indonesia: Ushul Press, 2006.

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David, Bourchier, and Hadiz Vedi R. 1964-, eds. Indonesian politics and society: A reader. New York: Routledge, 2003.

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Asian Studies Association of Australia., ed. Leadership and culture in Indonesian politics. Sydney: Asian Studies Association of Australia in association with Allen & Unwin, 1996.

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Ismail, Faisal. Islam and Pancasila: Indonesian politics, 1945-1995. [Jakarta]: F. Ismail, 2001.

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Indonesian women and local politics: Islam, gender, and networks in post-Suharto Indonesia. Singapore: NUS Press in association with Kyoto University Press, Japan, 2014.

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Book chapters on the topic "Indonesian politics"

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Finkelstein, Lawrence S. "Irian in Indonesian Politics." In South East Asia, 164–71. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003101710-18.

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Philpott, Simon. "The Study of Indonesian Politics." In Rethinking Indonesia, 46–94. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333981672_2.

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Hatherell, Michael. "Ideational power and Indonesian politics." In Political Representation in Indonesia, 130–52. Edition: 1 | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Rethinking Southeast Asia: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351063227-6.

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Setiawan, Ken M. P., and Dirk Tomsa. "Trends and Features of Contemporary Indonesian Politics." In Politics in Contemporary Indonesia, 1–17. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429459511-1.

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Hiariej, Eric, and Olle Törnquist. "Indonesian Politics and Citizenship in Historical Perspective." In The Politics of Citizenship in Indonesia, 41–62. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7955-1_3.

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Heider, Karl G. "Order and disorder in Indonesian genre films and national politics." In Visual Research and Indonesian Ethnography, 146–47. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003167525-11-14.

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Zamjani, Irsyad. "Institutional Change and Indonesian Education Governance." In The Politics of Educational Decentralisation in Indonesia, 17–50. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-6901-9_2.

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Prasad, Ugoran. "Post-’98 Indonesian theatre and performance." In The Routledge Companion to Theatre and Politics, 38–41. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge theatre and performance companions: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203731055-10.

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Aspinall, Edward. "Researching Indonesian Politics: Three Generations, Three Approaches, and Three Contexts." In Producing Indonesia, edited by Eric Tagliacozzo, 237–52. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501718977-020.

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Yusdiansyah, E., N. S. Imaniyati, M. Muhardi, H. Syam, and M. T. Cheumar. "Economic law politics and the direction of Indonesian economic law politics." In Islam, Media and Education in the Digital Era, 448–58. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1201/9781003219149-66.

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Conference papers on the topic "Indonesian politics"

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Kosmiko, Novit, and Zudan Fakrulloh. "Indonesian Agricultural Law Politics in Facing Global Challenges." In Proceedings of the First Multidiscipline International Conference, MIC 2021, October 30 2021, Jakarta, Indonesia. EAI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.30-10-2021.2315746.

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Hutapea, Bonar, and Fransisca Iriani Roesmala Dewi. "Politics and Young Chinese-Indonesian Women: Socio-Psychological Determinants of Their Political Participation." In The 2nd Tarumanagara International Conference on the Applications of Social Sciences and Humanities (TICASH 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201209.085.

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Siroj, Muhammad. "Analysis of Hate Speech in Social Media on Indonesian Politics." In Proceedings of the 1st International Symposium on Indonesian Politics, SIP 2019, 26-27 June 2019, Central Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.25-6-2019.2288001.

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Warjio, Warjio, Syaifuddin Lubis, Yusniar Lubis, and Fajar Ananda. "Islam and State Ideology: Masyumi’s Experience in Indonesian Politics." In Proceedings of the 5th International Conference on Social and Political Sciences, ICSPS 2019, 12th November 2019, Jakarta, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.12-11-2019.2293551.

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Sumarno, Sumarno, R. Aji, and Eko Hermawan. "Ethical Politics and Educated Elites In Indonesian National Movement." In Proceedings of the International Conference on Social Science 2019 (ICSS 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icss-19.2019.170.

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Isdaryanto, Noorochmat. "The Politics of Sport in National Resilience Perspective." In Proceedings of the 1st International Symposium on Indonesian Politics, SIP 2019, 26-27 June 2019, Central Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.25-6-2019.2288009.

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Sugiana, Astrid Meilasari, and Dianingtyas M. Putri. "INDONESIAN WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES." In International Conference on Future of Women. The International Institute of Knowledge Management (TIIKM), 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.17501/icfow.2018.1203.

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Bowo, Tri, Anindya Pradipta, and Widyarini Putri. "Environmental Issues and Politics in Indonesian and American Song Lyrics." In Proceedings of the 10th UNNES Virtual International Conference on English Language Teaching, Literature, and Translation, ELTLT 2021, 14-15 August 2021, Semarang, Indonesia. EAI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.14-8-2021.2317650.

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Haridison, Anyualatha. "The Metanarrative of Pandemic Politics: Indonesian Regional Head Elections Cases." In Proceedings of the 6th International Conference on Social and Political Enquiries, ICISPE 2021, 14-15 September 2021, Semarang, Indonesia. EAI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.14-9-2021.2321355.

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Kalalo, Julianto Jover Jotam, Chyntia Novita Kalalo, Ms Fitriani, Emiliana Bernadina Rahail, and Yenni Pintauli Pasaribu. "Political Dichotomy of Indonesian Legislation Regulations with Local Law Customary Politics in the Border Area." In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Social Sciences (ICSS 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icss-18.2018.290.

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Reports on the topic "Indonesian politics"

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Chambers-Ju, Christopher, Amanda Beatty, and Rezanti Putri Pramana. Exploring the Politics of Expertise:The Indonesian Teachers’ Union and Education Policy, 2005-2020. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2022/101.

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Research on education politics often uses interest group pressure to explain the policy influence of teachers’ organizations. While acknowledging the power teachers’ unions have to articulate interests and shape labor policy, we explore how a less-studied variable–expertise (or the credibility of the claims they make to expertise)– shapes the policy process. In many low-and middle-income countries, teacher organizations struggle to demonstrate policy expertise and professional competence in core areas related to teaching and learning. Focusing on Indonesia from 2005-2020, we examine how the largest teachers’ organization influenced labor policy but was marginal in debates about professional standards, training, and evaluation due to its limited technical capacity and struggles to propose viable policy alternatives. Expertise is a critical policy input, and it deserves more attention in the education politics subfield. It is central for setting the agenda for policies to improve the quality of education and it has normative value for improving policy design overall.
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Percival, Terry O. Informed Questions on Indonesian Political Matters. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, January 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada442495.

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Goode, Kayla, and Heeu Millie Kim. Indonesia’s AI Promise in Perspective. Center for Security and Emerging Technology, August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51593/2021ca001.

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The United States and China are keeping an eye on Indonesia’s artificial intelligence potential given the country’s innovation-driven national strategy and flourishing AI industry. China views Indonesia as an anchor for its economic, digital, and political inroads in Southeast Asia and has invested aggressively in new partnerships. The United States, with robust political and economic relations rooted in shared democratic ideals, has an opportunity to leverage its comparative advantages and tap into Indonesia’s AI potential through high-level agreements.
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Bazzi, Samuel, Gabriel Koehler-Derrick, and Benjamin Marx. The Institutional Foundations of Religious Politics: Evidence from Indonesia. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w25151.

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Rosser, Andrew, Phil King, and Danang Widoyoko. The Political Economy of the Learning Crisis in Indonesia. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-2022/pe01.

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Indonesia has done much to improve access to education in recent decades but it has had little success in improving learning outcomes. This paper examines the political origins of this problem. It argues that Indonesia’s learning crisis has reflected the political dominance during the New Order and post-New Order periods of predatory political, bureaucratic and corporate elites who have sought to use the country’s education system to accumulate resources, distribute patronage, mobilize political support, and exercise political control rather than produce skilled workers and critical and inquiring minds. Technocratic and progressive elements, who have supported a stronger focus on basic skills acquisition, have contested this orientation, with occasional success, but generally contestation has been settled in favour of predatory elites. The analysis accordingly suggests that efforts to improve learning outcomes in Indonesia are unlikely to produce significant results unless there is a fundamental reconfiguration of power relations between these elements. In the absence of such a shift, moves to increase funding levels, address human resource deficits, eliminate perverse incentive structures, and improve education management in accordance with technocratic templates of international best practice or progressive notions of equity and social justice—the sorts of measures that have been the focus of education reform efforts in Indonesia so far—are unlikely to produce the intended results.
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Arif, Sirojuddin, Risa Wardatun Nihayah, Niken Rarasati, Shintia Revina, and Syaikhu Usman. Of Power and Learning: DistrictHeads, Bureaucracy, and EducationPolicies in Indonesia’s Decentralised Political System. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2022/111.

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This paper examines the politics of education policies in a decentralised political system. Under what conditions does decentralisation promote learning-enhancing policies? Despite the numerous works that have been written on decentralisation and education, little is known about how politics influenced local education policies. To address this problem, this paper looks at the linkages between local politics, bureaucratic capacity, and the development of learning-enhancing policies in Indonesia’s decentralised political system. More specifically, it assesses how regional variation in the discretionary power of district heads over employment decisions in the state bureaucracy explains the variation in local education policies in four districts in Indonesia. The primary data were collected through in-depth interviews with political leaders, bureaucrats, district education councils, school principals, teachers, teacher organisations, parents, non-government and community-based organisations, journalists, academicians, and other relevant informants. Using Mill’s method of difference, the comparative analysis presented in this paper demonstrates that institutional constraints on the discretionary power of the district head over employment decisions in the state bureaucracy do matter for the development of learning-enhancing policies. Such constraints can pave the way for the development of the bureaucratic capacity required for governments to pursue learning-enhancing policies. Absent constraints on the discretionary power of district heads over employment decisions in the state bureaucracy, the extent to which districts implement learning-enhancing policies will depend on district heads’ commitment to student learning.
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Hefner, Robert W. Islam in Indonesia's Political Future. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, September 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada594233.

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NATIONAL WAR COLL WASHINGTON DC. Bureaucratic Politics and the Spoiled F-16 Sale to Indonesia. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, January 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada441694.

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T., Cronin, and Santoso L. REDD+ politics in the media: a case study from Indonesia. Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR), 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.17528/cifor/003275.

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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