Journal articles on the topic 'Indonesian Papua'
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1
Taliawo, Riedno Graal. "The Indonesianization of West Papua: Development of Indonesia's Attitudes and Policies towards West Papua and the Dynamics of the Papua Freedom Movement." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 4, no. 2 (April 26, 2022): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2022.4.2.10.
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The Indonesianization of Papua project, which has been going on since 1963, has not yet reached the ideal stage. The rise of the post-2000s separatist movement indicates a need to re-read the relationship between Indonesia and West Papua, an examination of past and current events. This study aims to examine the dynamics of Indonesia's attitude and policy towards West Papua, the discourse, and the tension between Indonesia and the Papua freedom movement. This study uses a historical approach by diachronically reviewing how the Indonesian occupation and the Indonesianization project began and its relation to resistance from the Papuan community with the manifestation of the existence of the Papua Freedom Organization. In addition, to capture the synchronic dimension of the current situation, the writer also interviewed several key figures in the integration-and-disintegration of Papua as the primary data source. Indonesia has had a very monochromatic perspective of Papua throughout history, and they tend to ignore Papua as an entity with a will. The military approach and inappropriate development carried out by the Indonesian Government caused the strengthening of the Papuan independence movement. At this point, the Indonesian Government needs a new approach to negotiate its position with the West Papuan community and change the militaristic approach still being used in West Papua. The development approach taken by the current President of Indonesia, Joko Widodo, towards West Papua does not seem to be reflected when we see how the stigmatization of Papua continues in the Government's political communication practices related to Papua.
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Taliawo, Riedno Graal. "The Indonesianization of West Papua: Development of Indonesia's Attitudes and Policies towards West Papua and the Dynamics of the Papua Freedom Movement." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 4, no. 2 (April 26, 2022): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2022.4.2.10.
Full textAbstract:
The Indonesianization of Papua project, which has been going on since 1963, has not yet reached the ideal stage. The rise of the post-2000s separatist movement indicates a need to re-read the relationship between Indonesia and West Papua, an examination of past and current events. This study aims to examine the dynamics of Indonesia's attitude and policy towards West Papua, the discourse, and the tension between Indonesia and the Papua freedom movement. This study uses a historical approach by diachronically reviewing how the Indonesian occupation and the Indonesianization project began and its relation to resistance from the Papuan community with the manifestation of the existence of the Papua Freedom Organization. In addition, to capture the synchronic dimension of the current situation, the writer also interviewed several key figures in the integration-and-disintegration of Papua as the primary data source. Indonesia has had a very monochromatic perspective of Papua throughout history, and they tend to ignore Papua as an entity with a will. The military approach and inappropriate development carried out by the Indonesian Government caused the strengthening of the Papuan independence movement. At this point, the Indonesian Government needs a new approach to negotiate its position with the West Papuan community and change the militaristic approach still being used in West Papua. The development approach taken by the current President of Indonesia, Joko Widodo, towards West Papua does not seem to be reflected when we see how the stigmatization of Papua continues in the Government's political communication practices related to Papua.
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Soetjipto, Ani Widyani, and Muhammad Iqbal Yunazwardi. "Papuan Nationalism Within The Framework of Indonesian Nationalism." Jurnal Global & Strategis 15, no. 1 (March 29, 2021): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.15.1.2021.25-50.
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Kekerasan, diskriminasi, dan rasisme masih menjadi isu besar yang dihadapi masyarakat Papua sejak Indonesia merdeka dan bergabungnya Papua ke dalam wilayah Indonesia. Analisis fenomena ini dapat ditarik ke berbagai macam aspek. Salah satu aspek penting yang menentukan eksistensi sebuah negara adalah aspek nasionalisme. Dalam kerangka negara kesatuan Republik Indonesia, tidak dapat dipungkiri bahwa eksistensi nasionalisme Papua tetap hadir dan hidup, sekalipun nasionalisme Indonesia tetap menjadi bagian penting dalam menjaga pilar berbangsa dan bernegara Indonesia. Tulisan ini berusaha mendiskusikan kembali bagaimana posisi nasionalisme Indonesia terhadap masyarakat Papua dan sebaliknya. Pertanyaan yang ingin dijawab dalam penelitian ini adalah, apakah identitas bangsa Papua merupakan bagian dari identitas kebangsaan Indonesia? atau kepapuaan justru bagian yang terpisah dari nasionalisme Indonesia? Dengan menggunakan pisau analisis nasionalisme dari Indonesianis Benedict Anderson, artikel ini membahas bagaimana diskursus nasionalisme yang berkembang mampu menjawab tantangan nasionalisme ganda yang terjadi di Indonesia dalam isu Papua. Upaya ini juga akan mempertegas pertanyaan penting dalam penelitian ini, yaitu bagaimanakah membangun ide Papua dalam kerangka nasionalisme Indonesia.Kata-kata kunci: Nasionalisme Indonesia, Nasionalisme Papua, Benedict Anderson, Nasionalisme, identitasViolence, discrimination and racism have remained to be major issues faced by Papuans ever since the independence of Indonesia and the inclusion of Papua in Indonesia’s territory until today. This phenomenon can be seen through various aspects. One of those is the determinant aspect of a country’s existence: nationalism. Within the framework of the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia, the existence of Papuan nationalism is undeniably still present and alive, even though Indonesian nationalism is the central one in maintaining the pillars of the Indonesian nation and state. This article discusses how Indonesian nationalism positions Papuan people, and vice versa. Furthermore, this article questions whether the Papuan identity is a part of Indonesia’s. The discussion of this article focuses on the developing nationalism discourse, in the hope to overcome the ‘double-nationalism’ in Indonesia when it comes to Papua’s issue, by using Benedict Anderson’s concept of nationalism. Finally, this article addresses a crucial question, which is how to develop the Papuan idea within the framework of Indonesian nationalism.Keywords: Indonesian Nationalism, Papuan Nationalism, Benedict Anderson, Nationalism, identity
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Flassy, Don Augustinus Lamaech. "Prestige and Powers of "The World Big Power'', Tanah Papua as Specific Case." Journal of Education and Vocational Research 9, no. 1 (November 30, 2018): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jevr.v9i1.2559.
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The article, Prestige and Powers of "The World of Big Power'', Tanah Papua as Specific Case, the author intends for Subtopic to two and at the same time can also to accommodate the third problem of formulation being raised in dissertation entitled: " Re-Roadmap of the Papuan in State of Papua Courant West : “A Peaceful Solution Recovering of Identityâ€. That is by treading Returning Roadmap, referring to Unilateral Declaration of Independence/UDI of the Papua Nation and the Federal Republic of West Papua/NRFPB on October 19, 2011. The study describes in five main topics, namely, (1) Defining "Hidden Structure" in Melanesian-Papua Social Cultural highlighting Papuanistiecs and Melanesianology; (2) Prestige and Powers of “The World Big Power'', Tanah Papua as Specific Case, reveals how the influence of â€The Giant Powers†to the problem of Papua; (3) Federalism in Indonesia revealing Melanesian-Papua in Tanah Papua as Special Case versus the Unitary Republic of Indonesia; (4) Constitution vis-à -vis Constitution illustrates the philosophical correlation among Indonesian constitution 1945 versus Papua constitution 1999; (5) Unilateral Declaration/UDI of the Papua Nation and NRFPB on October 19, 2011. The background of the study is based on two keys of Morgenthou thoughts: First, Morgenthou (2012) confirmed that, during the 17 years from 1945 to 1962, the process to Indonesia-nizing the Papuans are generally still in the stage of seeding while growing only in some urban areas and the government center. Awareness to be Indonesian-ness was yet to reach all areas of Papua. Morgenthou (2012) that the presence of all Indonesia's past greatly influenced the policies and the approach taken by both the Dutch and Indonesian government through the nationalist’s initiators role at that time. Second, study of LIPI in 2007 (Soewarsono, ed.) is still questions to the Indonesian-ness of Papuans reinforces the view of Morgenthou (2012), which states that the process to Indonesian-ness among Papuans still weak. Morgenthou concluded that, in fact, to understand the history of Papua will become a basic reference for the government seek and find out the right way and dignified in overcoming the issues of Papua, though on the other hand George Junus Aditjondro, 1999 clamming, the Government and Important People of Indonesia has curled the history of Papua which by the Papuans wanting to be straightened out: "This is the dark history of Papua in Indonesian Historiography". Thoughts of Morgenthou strengthens the authors thought that the various problems occurred in Papua, especially the facts involve "Merdeka Papua". Referring to the failure of Indonesia-nizing of the Papuans, it appears that it is not necessary regrettable because in fact, they are different by nature or in the growth process since in the hands of Dutch colonial control of the Dutch East Indies (for Papua 1826-1949-1962). Precisely when indecision of the President of Indonesia to the case of Papua was safe step into alternative measures of the Melanesian-Papua themselves must be hacked through, UDI of Papuan Nation and NRFPB on October 19, 2011. The research focuses on studies of literature and interviews by the method of Descriptive Analysis and to assemble the Hidden Structure and Correlation Studies to reflect the relationships between aspects on the basis of Motivation Theory, Theory of Conflict, Theory of Social Change and Theory of Balance and Theory of Realist implied through sub-theories positioned as tools to characterize, recognize, and understanding as well as tools to analyze (dissect) the problems issues to be raised in this written work. In connection with this, the author is improving the nature of Hidden Structure as Grand Theory. Formulations of the problems might be: (1). How to understand the present of the Melanesian-Papua in Tanah Papua? (2). May the existence of Papua to be returning to the attention of Prestige and Powers of "The World Big Power" for its political status to be reviewed at the UN? (4). Whether, the Melanesian-Papua and the Indonesian in Tanah Papua can together according to the federalist order of Melanesian-Papua? (4). How is the condition of Indonesian society and customs of Melanesian-Papua can be brought together to create a bilateral solidarity for the multilateralbeneficial and usefulness?
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Panjaitan, Pangihutan, Jonni Mahroza, and Pujo Widodo. "Indonesia Defense Diplomacy: Papua's Problem Perspective." Technium Social Sciences Journal 6 (March 27, 2020): 142–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v6i1.289.
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This research is a lesson learned from the resolution of the Timor Leste conflict which is expected to be applied in efforts to resolve the Papua problem. On 30 August 1999 through a referendum held in East Timor. The 27th province of Indonesia was finally separated from Indonesia and obtained its official status as a member of the United Nations on May 20, 2002. Learning from the settlement approach in the Timor Leste case. So the Indonesian government must have more relevant policy formulations so that the same scenario does not repeat itself in solving the Papua problem. The qualitative method is used in this research, with a case study approach. The conclusion obtained is that the Government of Indonesia is obliged to realize policies that focus on the interests of the Papuan people as well as the Indonesian government's diplomatic efforts which firmly state that the Papua problem is a domestic problem whose intervention is a violation of Indonesian law and sovereignty and to end the pressure of internationalization on Papuan cases.
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Handoko, Susanto T., and Wasino Wasino. "Discourse on Relations Between Indonesia and Papua: Content Analysis of History Textbook of 2013 Curriculum." Paramita: Historical Studies Journal 30, no. 1 (April 12, 2020): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/paramita.v30i1.16215.
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This research is motivated by the existence of a national identity crisis in Indonesian society, especially in young people or students. This research aims to analyze the discourse on relations between Indonesia and Papua found in a history textbook for senior high school of 2013 curriculum. Through this research, an understanding of how the state reconstructs national identity (Indonesian-ness) and local identity (Papuan-ness) in a history textbook for senior high school used by senior high school students in Jayapura City. The research method used is the qualitative method, which focuses on the content analysis of the history textbook. This analysis will focus on the relations between Indonesia and Papua. The meaning process was conducted using two concepts, namely Indonesian-ness and Papuan-ness. Then, those two concepts were represented in three themes: ethnic nationalism, nationalism, and national integration. The results of the research showed that the discourse on national identity (Indonesian-ness) and local identity (Papuan-ness) was a product of the government’s political policies in education, namely ideology and state identity. Penelitian ini dilatarbelakangi oleh adanya krisis identitas nasional di masyarakat Indonesia, terutama pada kaum muda atau pelajar. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis wacana tentang hubungan Indonesia dan Papua yang ditemukan dalam buku teks sejarah untuk kurikulum SMA 2013. Melalui penelitian ini, pemahaman tentang bagaimana negara merekonstruksi identitas nasional dan identitas lokal dalam buku teks sejarah untuk SMA yang digunakan oleh siswa SMA di Kota Jayapura. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode kualitatif, yang berfokus pada analisis isi buku teks sejarah. Analisis ini akan fokus pada hubungan antara Indonesia dan Papua. Proses pemaknaan dilakukan dengan menggunakan dua konsep, yaitu keindonesiaan dan ke-Papua-an. Kemudian, kedua konsep tersebut diwakili dalam tiga tema: nasionalisme etnis, nasionalisme, dan integrasi nasional. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa wacana tentang identitas nasional dan identitas lokal adalah produk kebijakan politik pemerintah dalam pendidikan, yaitu ideologi dan identitas negara.
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Jayaputri, Herlandri Eka, and Dwiyanto Djoko Pranowo. "The Uniqueness formation of Papuan Malay in Morphologically." Journal of English Language Teaching and Linguistics 3, no. 2 (August 2, 2018): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.21462/jeltl.v3i2.122.
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<p><em>Indonesia has many Malay speakers and it spreads to Papua with the influence of Ambon and Indonesian becomes one of the variations in the Papuan Malay dialect. Papuan itself is the home of 275 languages that are 218 non-Austronesian or Papuan (79%) and 57 languages are Austronesian (21%) (Lewis et al. 2013 cited in Kludge, 2014). Moreover, the influence of </em><em>Ambon and the North Moluccan Malay, and Indonesia played an important role especially in the formation of Papuan Malay (Paauw, 2008). </em><em>Papuan Malay language is spoken by the inhabitants of the West Papua and uses as the daily language (Kludge, 2014). The formation of </em><em>Papuan Malay has the uniqueness because it uses deletion some syllables but does not have the impact of the meaning. </em><em>This study aims to know and explain the process of clipping word of Papuan Malay as well as their word classes. The Data come from the video of MOB Papua. Besides that, the method used in this study is a Padan method with comparing other langue. Therefore, this study appears the history and role of Papuan Malay and compare the Indonesian with Papua Malay to find the clipping word process in Papuan Malay.</em></p>
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Sabir, Ahmad. "Diplomasi Publik Indonesia terhadap Vanuatu Dalam Upaya Membendung Gerakan Separatisme Papua." Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 11, no. 1 (November 1, 2018): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v11i1.8679.
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Abstract This research explains Indonesia diplomacy to Vanuatu in the context of the Indonesian government's efforts to resolve separatism issue in Papua. The analysis conducted on this thesis uses the theory of Public Diplomacy by Leonard, Stead and Smewing (2002). The result of this research is the failure of Indonesian public diplomacy to shape Vanuatu political stance on Papua issue caused by the failure in optimizing the strategies of Indonesian public diplomacy. Vanuatu yet staunchly supports Papua separatist movement. There are at least three reasons that are closely related to the weakness of Indonesian public diplomacy towards Vanuatu: (1) the conduct of Indonesian public diplomacy has been dominated by state actor and less involve the role of non-state actors, (2) the three dimensions of Indonesian public diplomacy have not been optimazed, and (3) the existance of Melanesian Renaissance in Vanuatu domestic politics. Key words: Public Diplomacy, Indonesia, Vanuatu, United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP), Papua Separatist Movement. Penelitian ini menjelaskan tentang diplomasi Indonesia kepada Vanuatu pada konteks upaya pemerintah Indonesia menyelesaikan masalah gerakan separatisme Papua. Analisis yang dilakukan pada tesis ini menggunakan teori diplomasi publik dari Leonard, Stead dan Smewing (2002). Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah gagalnya diplomasi publik Indonesia untuk mempengaruhi sikap politik Vanuatu atas isu Papua disebabkan karena belum optimalnya strategi diplomasi publik yang dijalankan Indonesia. Vanuatu tetap mendukung gerakan separatis Papua. Setidaknya ada tiga faktor yang menyebabkan lemahnya diplomasi publik Indonesia terhadap Vanuatu dalam isu Papua yaitu: (1) pelaksanaan diplomasi publik masih didominasi aktor negara dan kurang melibatkan aktor non-negara; (2) tidak optimalnya tiga dimensi diplomasi publik yang dijalankan Indonesia; dan (3) kuatnya pengaruh Melanesian Renaissance dalam perpolitikan domestik Vanuatu. Kata kunci: Diplomasi Publik, Indonesia, Vanuatu, United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP), gerakan separatisme Papua.
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Leadbeater, Maire. "Conflict in West Papua: The contrast between historic and contemporary media coverage in New Zealand." Pacific Journalism Review 21, no. 1 (May 1, 2015): 230. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v21i1.159.
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Many New Zealanders, even in politically aware circles, have a limited understanding of West Papua and frequently confuse the Indonesian-controlled territory with its neighbour Papua New Guinea. This reflects the limited mainstream media coverage of the territory and of the ongoing conflict that is taking place there. However, in 1962 and again in 1969, the New Zealand media gave considerable attention to the crises that enveloped West Papua and determined its subsequent destiny. The territory’s Pacific location was often highlighted and the statements of West Papuan leaders were reported. The year 1962 saw escalating Indonesian military intervention in the territory and subsequently the signing of the controversial US-brokered New York Agreement between the Netherlands and Indonesia. In 1969 Indonesia conducted an ‘Act of Free Choice’ which was widely seen by external observers as a fraudulent act of self-determination. This article gives examples of this historic coverage and considers what might be done to bring about change and to bring West Papua back into the frame as a Pacific neighbour.
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Matbob, Patrick, and Evangelia Papoutsaki. "West Papua ‘independence’ and the Papua New Guinea press." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 12, no. 2 (September 1, 2006): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v12i2.864.
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This article explores the West Papua issue through the Papua New Guinea news media. It seeks to identify the reasons behind the decline in coverage of West Papua in the PNG press. It provides an historical background to the West Papua conflict and PNG’s relationship with Indonesian-ruled West Papua and it presents the results of a comparative content analysis of three PNG newspapers—Post-Courier, The National, and Times of Papua New Guinea—on their coverage of West Papua, in-depth interviews with journalists and West Papuan refugees in Papua New Guinea.
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Flassy, Don Augusthinus Lamaech. "Seeking for Recovering Their Identity: The Melanesian-Papua Treading Returning Roadmap." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 8, no. 1 (April 24, 2017): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v8i1.1617.
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The study describes 5 main areas, namely, (1)"Hidden Structure" that in the Social Meaning of Melanesian-Papua Cultural highlights Papuanistiecs and Melanesianology; (2) The Prestige and Power exposes the influence of the Big World Power to the problem of Papua; (3) Federalism in Indonesia reveal to the Melanesian-Papua in Land Papua as Special Specific Case versus unitary of The Republic of Indonesia; (4) Constitution vis-à -vis Constitution on constitutional philosophical correlation Indonesia constitution 1945 versus Papua constitution 1999; (5) Unilateral Declaration of Independence/UDI October 19, 2011, concerning Freedom-Melanesian Papuans in Land Papua as Nation and State. The background of this study is based on two main thoughts keys, namely: First, Meteray (2012: 268, 2013: 4) confirmed that, during the 17 years from 1945 to 1962, the process to Indonesian-sizing the Papuans are generally still in the stage of seeding while growth only in some areas of government and urban centres’. Awareness to be Indonesian-ness is yet to reach all areas of Papua. Meteray adding that the presence of Indonesian-sizing in past greatly influenced by the policies and the approach taken by both the Dutch and Indonesian government through the role of nationalists initiators of the period (2012: 264-267); Second; LIPI study in 2007 (Soewarsono, ed) are still questions to the Indonesian-sizing of the Papuans reinforce the view of Meteray stated that it is to Indonesian-sizing among the Papuans still weak (Meteray 2013: 1). Meteray concluded that, in fact, to understand the history of Papua will become a basic reference for the government seek and find out the right way and dignified in overcoming the issues of Papua, though on the other hand Aditjondro, 1999 clamming, the Government and Important People of Indonesia has curled the history of Papua which by the Papuans wanting to be straightened out, He calls this act as: "The dark history of Papua in Indonesian Historiography". Thoughts of Meteray and Aditjondro strengthens the authors thought that the various problems occurred in Papua, especially the facts involves "M"/Merdeka (Freedom) Papua". Referring to the failure of Indonesian-sizing of the Papuans, it appears that it is not necessary regrettable because in fact, they are different. Precisely when indecision of the President of Indonesia to the case of Papua is safe step into alternative measures of the Melanesian-Papua people themselves must be hacked through, UDI October 19, 2011. This research focuses on the study of literature and interviews with the method of Descriptive Analysis and Method of Structure Linkage to assemble the Hidden Structure and Correlation Studies to reflect the relationships between aspects on the basis of Motivation Theory, Theory of Social Change and Theory of Balance and Theory of Realist and related by make use of Hidden Structure as Grand Theory. The formulation of the problem is (1). How to understand the present of Melanesian-Papuans in Land Papua? (2). Whether existing of Papua as "trust territory" of the UN is still attracting the winning of Prestige and Power of "the Big Power of the World" to be back to discusses at the UN of a future in accordance with Article 74 and Article 78 of the UN Charter? (3). Whether, Melanesia-Papua and Indonesian in Papua can together according to the federalist order of Melanesian-Papua? (4). How is the condition of social customs and traditions of Indonesia and Papua can be met?
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Aisy, Salsabila Rahadatul’, Hary Abdul Hakim, Johny Krisnan, Try Hardyanthi, and Mutia Qori Dewi Masithoh. "Customary criminal law in the Eastern of Indonesia: the special autonomy Province of Papua." Borobudur Law Review 3, no. 2 (August 17, 2021): 148–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31603/burrev.5553.
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Autonomy is often seen as an institutional instrument to manage sub state nationalist conflict. Its implementation is also a key in determining its impact on conflict. After the reform period 1999 “Autonomy and Decentralization” in Indonesia are widely welcomed. While Papua is an inseparable part of special autonomy in Indonesia. Papua as a former Dutch territory which was later handed over to Indonesia has many advantages, both in terms of culture, customary law and natural resources. But on the other hand, the fact is that the indigenous Papuan people does not agree to join as part of Indonesian territory. This rejection was accompanied by separatist actions based on their interest mentioned in the memorandum for Papuan independence. This research is the first to aim to measure whether the special autonomy given to Papua has been effectively carried out in an effort to defend Papua as a part of Indonesia. Second, in the application of this special autonomy related to the existent of customary criminal law in papua. The research used normative legal research by statute approach, the data collected through library research and also analysed used descriptive qualitative. So it is concluded that the application of the special autonomy given to Papua has a big impact on democracy in Indonesia, as well as the Papua regional government given specialization in managing its regional potential. Although there are still problems in its implementation.
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Justito Adiprasetio. "Under the shadow of the state: Media framing of attacks on West Papuan students on Indonesian online media." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 26, no. 2 (November 30, 2020): 242–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v26i2.1124.
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The attack on the West Papua student dormitory in Surabaya, East Java, Indonesia, on 16 August 2019 by the Islamic Defender Fronts (FPI), Communication Forum for Retired Children of the Indonesian Military/Police (FKPPI) and Pancasila Youth (PP) sharpened Indonesia’s crisis with West Papua. The baldly racist attack then ignited repression, as well as demonstrations from West Papuans in various cities. In such a crisis, Indonesian online media does not provide proportional voices from West Papuan society. That adds to a record of how bad the practice of journalism related to West Papua so far appears to be. This study conducted a quantitative framing analysis, examining the number of reports, use of resource persons and the use of framing of crisis in the news, on six Indonesian online media: okezone.com, detik.com, kompas.com, tribunnews.com, cnnindonesia.com and tirto.id in the period of August 13-31, 2019. From the 2,471 news reports, it can be seen that most of the main news sources used by the media are from the government and the apparatus and police. West Papuan society received only scant coverage compared with the range of news of the attacks on West Papua student dormitories and their effects. The dominant crisis frames that appear in the news are the frame of attribution of responsibility and frame of conflict. The frame of human interest, frame of morality and frame of economic take the bottom three positions.
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Handoko, Susanto T., and La Ode Hasirun. "Relasi Nasionalisme Etnik, Nasionalisme Negara dan Nasionalisme Kewarganegaraan di Papua." Jurnal Sejarah Citra Lekha 4, no. 2 (December 11, 2019): 100–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jscl.v4i2.24269.
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This article aims to discuss the dynamics of relations between ethnic nationalism, civic nationalism and state nationalism in the Land of Papua. The growth and development of Papuan ethnic nationalism since the integration of Papua into reform was caused by Indonesian state policies. Historical method is used in this research. The research approach is a qualitative approach to phenomenological research design. Strengthening Papuan ethnic nationalism due to the Central Government's (Jakarta) policies that were not fully accepted by indigenous Papuans. The Papuan people felt marginalized and discriminated against in the process of development in both the political, economic, social and cultural fields, especially during the New Order government. Papuan ethnic nationalism is characterized by demands for independence from the Indonesian state and instrumentalization of ethnicity for political purposes. Ethnic nationalism eventually shifts the civic and or state nationalism as part of the Indonesian state.
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Popov, Aleksandr V. "Features of Socio-Economic Development of the Indonesian Province of West Papua (Part 1.)." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 3 (48) (2020): 92–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-3-3-48-092-117.
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The article analyzes the features of socio-economic development of the province of West Papua. The Western part of the island of New Guinea, now the province of Papua and West Papua, has been part of the Republic Indonesia since 1963. During this period, the territory previously populated predominantly by Papuan tribes, have been substantially Malayali, and currently, people from other parts of Indonesia, who is mainly Mongoloids, make up not less than a half of the local population. For more than five decades, the Central authorities of Indonesia have made some efforts for the economic development of Papua, as well as the introduction of the local population to more modern forms of economy.
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Popov, Aleksandr V. "Features of Socio-Economic Development of the Indonesian Province of West Papua (Part 2.)." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 4(49) (2020): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-3-4-49-083-101.
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The article analyzes the features of socio-economic development of the province of West Papua. The Western part of the island of New Guinea, now the province of Papua and West Papua, has been part of the Republic Indonesia since 1963. During this period, the territory previously populated predominantly by Papuan tribes, have been substantially Malayali, and currently, people from other parts of Indonesia, who is mainly Mongoloids, make up not less than a half of the local population. For more than five decades, the Central authorities of Indonesia have made some efforts for the economic development of Papua, as well as the introduction of the local population to more modern forms of economy.
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Stoffel, Mukti. "PENEGAKAN HAK ASASI MANUSIA TERKAIT NEW YORK AGREEMENT 1962 DALAM HAL PENENTUAN PENDAPAT RAKYAT PAPUA." Negara dan Keadilan 10, no. 1 (April 18, 2021): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.33474/hukum.v10i1.4625.
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abstrakImplementasi Hasil Penentuan Pendapat Rakyat (PEPERA) berdasarkan New York Agreement 1962 dalam kaitannya dengan Penegakan Hak Asasi Manusia di Tanah Papua menunjukkan bahwa Pemerintah Indonesia pada tahun 1969 berusaha menggerakkan pembangunan dengan meminggirkan pengalaman dan nilai-nilai social budaya rakyat Papua. Ketidakseimbangan kehidupan sosial masyarakat yang diperkuat dengan adanya beberapa kelompok masyarakat yang tidak mendukung hasil Pepera menyebabkan muncullah kelompok-kelompok masyarakat Papua yang pro dan kontra terhadap pembangunan. Apabila menginginkan Papua ini menjadi wilayah yang aman pemerintah harus memikirkan bagaimana seluruh masyarakat Papua bisa hidup sejahtera, memiliki rasa aman dan meminimalisir kesenjangan antar daerah/wilayah di Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia. Kesejahteraan hidup didambakan oleh semua pihak. Bila hidup sejahtera dan aman maka pergolakan akan berkurang. Kata kunci: New York Agreement 1962, Pepera 1969, HAM di Tanah Papua abstractThe results of this study indicate that the Implementation of the Results of the Decision of the People's Opinion (PEPERA) based on the 1962 New York Agreement in relation to the Enforcement of Human Rights in Papua shows that the Indonesian Government in 1969 sought to mobilize development by marginalizing the experiences and social cultural values of the Papuan people. The imbalance of the social life of the community which is reinforced by the existence of several community groups that do not support the results of the Act of Free Choice has led to the emergence of Papuan groups that are pro and contra to development. If you want Papua to be a safe area the government must think about how all Papuans can live in prosperity, have a sense of security and minimize gaps between regions / regions in the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. Life welfare is coveted by all parties. If life is prosperous and safe, the upheaval will decrease. Keywords: New York Agreement 1962, February 1969, Human Rights in the Land of Papua
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Ardi, Mahmud Ridho, Agus Subianto, and Sudirman Sudirman. "IMPLEMENTATION OF INDONESIA'S MARINE POLICY A CASE STUDY: (Implementation of Presidential Regulation No. 16 of 2017 Concerning Indonesian Maritime Policy, Specifically Maritime Diplomacy in Papua)." JOURNAL ASRO 11, no. 2 (April 20, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.37875/asro.v11i2.263.
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Good management of international relations has been a major concern of Indonesia's foreign policy since the country's independence. The character of the nation and state leaders is often the determining factor that causes relations between countries in a situation full of uncertainty. Some parties, based on the analysis of confidential documents, are allegedly trying to influence the policies of their respective countries to give recognition to Papuan independence and sovereignty. Based on Presidential Regulation No. 16 of 2017 concerning the Indonesian Maritime Policy dated February 20, 2017, Indonesia's geographical and demographic conditions will have consequences for the emergence of the real challenges for Indonesia that must be managed comprehensively. Specifically, in Papua, referring to data from the Navy of 2019, at least in the last period more than 50 (fifty) transnational crime and intrastate conflicts (communal conflicts and separatist movements) occurred in Papua. In addition to maritime defense forces, maritime diplomacy as a form of state policy has been transformed into an alternative in efforts to reduce the vulnerabilities that have arisen in the Papua region. The Navy as a military force is part of implementing the policy to realize the main program of Maritime Diplomacy, namely increasing the active role in efforts to create world peace and security. The Indonesian Navy describes the policy through the perspective of modern maritime defense policies that understand the nation's history to meet the political will aspects (maritime diplomacy) through cooperative, persuasive and coercive efforts. There are six factors that influence the implementation of the Maritime Diplomacy Policy in Papua, including: 1) Size and Policy Objectives; 2) Resources; 3) Characteristics of Implementing Agencies; 4) Communication between Implementing Agencies and Implementing Activities; 5) Disposition of Implementing Agencies; and 6) Environmental Effects. Environmental influences are the most influencing factors in implementing policies. The influence can come from inside or outside. The main internal influence comes from the longstanding conflict in Papua. External influences take the form of conventional and non-conventional threats.
Keywords: Maritime, Diplomacy, Papua
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Abrar, Ana Nadhya. "The role of collaborative journalism in West Papua: A Jubi and Tirto case study." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 27, no. 1and2 (September 30, 2021): 119–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v27i1and2.1174.
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In this article, the author explores the collaboration between Tirto and Jubi in reporting on the Wamena and Jayapura riots in September 2019 in what has been described as the Papuan Uprising. The collaboration was greatly influenced by the desire of both media to improve the quality of news on human rights violations in West Papua. Tirto is an Indonesian online media outlet. Its journalists often criticise various government policies and the Indonesian political world through headlines, news and special articles. Tirto won an award as the Most Innovative Cyber Media in the 2017 Adinegoro Journalism Awards organised by the Indonesian Journalists Association. In the following year, Tirto became the only media outlet in Indonesia to receive an award from the International Fact-Checking Network (IFCN). Jubi is a general news media service from West Papua which reports on the West Papuan conflict, especially human rights issues. At the conceptual level, one can expect an accurate and in-depth report resulting from the journalism collaboration between Tirto and Jubi. However, at the practical level, a question arises about what the collaboration means for the life of West Papuan journalists? Research results using qualitative content analysis and interviews suggest that the collaborative journalism they created was able to restore West Papuan journalists’self-esteem. These findings can contribute to the enhancement of the knowledge in the field of journalism and provide valuable information for West Papuan journalists.
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Sari, Elia Nurindah, and Samsuri Samsuri. "Etnosentrisme dan Sikap Intoleran Pendatang Terhadap Orang Papua." Jurnal Antropologi: Isu-Isu Sosial Budaya 22, no. 1 (May 31, 2020): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/jantro.v22.n1.p142-150.2020.
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This article is aimed to raising awareness for pluralistic Indonesian. Awareness to be able to appreciate anything about the differences in Indonesia, including those who are from Papua. Indonesia is now has any issues of tolerance. Although there are many public slogans or appelas to be tolerant, in fact not a few cases of intolerant attitudes occur. There are so many cases that lead to racism in Papuans. Ethnocentrism attitude told us how someone from a certain group feels better than another group. This will be linked to the intolerant attitudes to the Indonesian people towards Papuans, and learning study implications of what happened from that situation. The purpose of this article is to build awareness of all Indonesians to reduce their intolerant attitude towards Papuans. This article used the method of literature review. Some of the literature taken is, among others, related to the literacy of tolerance, Papuans culture and some cases of Indonesian intolernace towards Papuans. The results of research through this literature study found that intolerant cases carried out by non-Papuans against Papuans had implications or the attitude of Papuans who became inferior, lacked confident and felt unappreciated.
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Nasution, M. Alfi Rajabi, and Surya Wiranto. "PROPAGANDA ISSUES OF RACISM THROUGH SOCIAL MEDIA TO TRIGGER SOCIAL VIOLENCE IN PAPUA AND WEST PAPUA IN 2019." Jurnal Pertahanan: Media Informasi ttg Kajian & Strategi Pertahanan yang Mengedepankan Identity, Nasionalism & Integrity 6, no. 2 (August 11, 2020): 212. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jp.v6i2.857.
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<p>Racism events that took place in the Papua Student Dormitory, Surabaya, East Java had a long tail by causing mass protests and riots in Papua and West Papua from 19 August 2019 to 23 September 2019. Mass riots by Papuans and Papuan native students were triggered by the problem of spreading propaganda on the issue of racism on a massive scale through social media by exploiting the issue of racism that is happening in the city of Surabaya. This study uses propaganda theory, social conflict theory, and national security theory in analyzing these problems. This study uses qualitative research methods with a descriptive analysis approach. Sources of data obtained through interviews, observation, and literature studies. The results showed that the propaganda issue of racism was the cause of mass unrest and social conflict in Papua and West Papua; the propaganda issue of racism is very effective in achieving its broader goals of changing the attitudes and behavior of Papuan and Papuan indigenous students to be destructive and gaining local and international support by creating negative opinions as material to delegitimize and discredit the Government of Indonesia, and the propaganda issue of racism has resulted in damage to social relations with other Indonesian people and the potential for social conflict that can threaten national security.</p>
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Modouw, Wigati Yektiningtyas. "Nyanyian Rakyat Sentani Dan Dinamika Bahasa Indonesia." ATAVISME 11, no. 2 (December 31, 2008): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24257/atavisme.v11i2.333.35-46.
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Papua is famous for folklore. One of Papuan folklores is ehabla, an oral poem from Sentani, Jayapura. Interestingly, ehabla does not only represent culture and local wisdom of Sentani community, but also contributes to the enrichment of Indonesian vocabulary. The lexicons used to express the idea in the ehabla, especially ones that cannot be homologically translated into bahasa Indonesia, can be used as lexical alternatives.
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Iriani, Dewi Febrina, Gaby Mariska Runtu, Santo Medy Wibisono, and Bambang Sumaryanto. "Utilization of Public Relations Program in Educating the Millennials About Papua-Indonesia Separatism Issue." COMMENTATE: Journal of Communication Management 2, no. 2 (December 20, 2021): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.37535/103002220216.
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The issue of Papuan-Indonesian separatism is not new in Indonesia, and this has become the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' concentration to deal with. In this case the project planners believe that there is a humanitarian and dignified perspective that needs to be improved by the government. Therefore, the measure needs a Public Relations approach as an effort to support government programs in overcoming the issue of Papua-Indonesia separatism. The method employed in this research is to use strategic planning public relations by Ronald Smith, which consists of 9 steps in 4 phases. The concepts used in this project are Public Relations, Online PR, Social Media, and Event Design. By approaching PR through social media programs and events, the project planners claimed to be able to approach millennials to shape their awareness of Papua, so they have a good image of Papua. This will have an impact on the spread of positive Papuan issues on social media, which was dominated with negative issues regarding separatism. The success of the program will be evaluated by the number of participants involved in the event, social media followers, and positive news spread on social media.
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Narny, Yenny. "THE UNITY OF INDONESIA." Historia: Jurnal Pendidik dan Peneliti Sejarah 12, no. 1 (July 23, 2018): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/historia.v12i1.12122.
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Since independence Indonesia’s military has played an active role in defending the territorial integrity of Indonesia. For example, the military has been used to put down rebellions in various regions, such as Darul Islam in West Java in 1948, the Acehnese rebellion that was led by Daud Beurueh in 1950, Pemerintah Revolusioner Republik Indonesia (PRRI), the Revolutionary Government of the Indonesian Republic) in West Sumatra in 1958, and Piagam Perjuangan Semesta Alam (Permesta) Charter of Universal Struggle in North Sulawesi in 1958. Disagreements with central government policies were the cause of these rebellions since they were intended to change the central government, not to achieve separatism. In addition, in 1961 a military operation was used to support the claim of Indonesia to West Irian (now Papua). By carrying out a military operation and negotiating with those giving support from the United States, in 1969 Indonesia succeeded in its goal of claiming Papua as a part of Indonesia. The success in pulling Papua into Indonesia’s territory did not directly stop the military operation there because the military had to maintain order in the region to frustrate the Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM), Free Papuan Organisation, separatist movement that began in 1964 and continues to the present day
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Zakaria, Dimas, and Danang Faturrachman Dwicahyo. "INTERNET ACCESS RESTRICTIONS IN PAPUA; GOVERNMENT POLICY AND PRESS FREEDOM VIOLATIONS." Lampung Journal of International Law 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.25041/lajil.v3i2.2104.
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This research explores how internet access restrictions lead to press freedom violations and how national and international law view restrictions on internet access in the status quo. This research is a normative juridical study analyzed using descriptive-analytical methods, then conveyed using a descriptive-analytical approach to make it easier to conclude. These research findings show that refers to both international law and positive Indonesian law, the government's efforts to prevent the spread of fake news and incitement are correct. Still, the government's policies to restrict internet access in Papua and West Papua are wrong because they have recorded procedures and are against the law. This research concludes that the hate speech that occurred in Surabaya against Papuan students has resulted in riots in Papua and West Papua. In dealing with the spread of fake news and incitement related to this incident, the government has committed violations of press freedom because the Indonesian government's efforts are procedural and contrary to national or international law.
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Zakaria, Dimas, and Danang Faturrachman Dwicahyo. "INTERNET ACCESS RESTRICTIONS IN PAPUA; GOVERNMENT POLICY AND PRESS FREEDOM VIOLATIONS." Lampung Journal of International Law 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.25041/lajil.v4i1.2104.
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This research explores how internet access restrictions lead to press freedom violations and how national and international law view restrictions on internet access in the status quo. This research is a normative juridical study analyzed using descriptive-analytical methods, then conveyed using a descriptive-analytical approach to make it easier to conclude. These research findings show that refers to both international law and positive Indonesian law, the government's efforts to prevent the spread of fake news and incitement are correct. Still, the government's policies to restrict internet access in Papua and West Papua are wrong because they have recorded procedures and are against the law. This research concludes that the hate speech that occurred in Surabaya against Papuan students has resulted in riots in Papua and West Papua. In dealing with the spread of fake news and incitement related to this incident, the government has committed violations of press freedom because the Indonesian government's efforts are procedural and contrary to national or international law.
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Sihaloho, Rezya Agnesica Helena, Rusdi J. Abbas, and Silvia Dian Anggraeni. "Strategi Manuver Geoekonomi Indonesia dalam Merespons Dukungan Negara-Negara Pasifik Selatan atas Isu Kemerdekaan Papua." Jurnal Kajian Wilayah 12, no. 1 (March 18, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jkw.v12i1.855.
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The focus of the study in this research is the issue of the right to self-determination of Papua which has the support of countries in the South Pacific region. The Free Papua Movement (OPM) in Papua is motivated by differences in the history of integration, social and economic conditions between Indonesia and Papua. The support given by these countries for Papua has disturbed Indonesia's political sovereignty and national security conditions, so that the Indonesian government has responded with soft power. The response is in the form of an economic approach to Papua (internal) and South Pacific Countries (external). In discussing this research, the author uses a geoeconomic perspective with qualitative research methods, through data collection techniques from literature studies and various sources that are credible and relevant to the research. In addition, this research is also supported by primary data through interviews with parties who have the ability to discuss research problems.Keywords: geo-economics, Papua, self-determinations issues, South Pacific countries
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Asmoro, Rujito Dibyo, Tahan Lumban Toruan, Syaiful Anwar, and Luhut Simbolon. "IMPLEMENTATION OF INTERNATIONAL NORMS AND PRACTICES IN INDONESIAN DIPLOMACY 1962-1969 IN MAINTAINING WEST IRIAN AS AN INSEPARABLE PART OF THE UNITARY STATE OF THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA." Jurnal Pertahanan: Media Informasi ttg Kajian & Strategi Pertahanan yang Mengedepankan Identity, Nasionalism & Integrity 7, no. 3 (December 31, 2021): 541. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jp.v7i3.1459.
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<p>It can be said that issues about Papua that often come to the surface are always associated with the legal aspect of the entry of Papua into an inseparable part of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI). Groups that want Papua to be separated from the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia not only seek support from countries such as Solomon Island or Vanuatu but also voice it to the United Nations forum. In this regard, a historical reflection is needed to provide an overview with an academic approach regarding the validity of Indonesia's claim to the territory of Papua as an inseparable part of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. This study aims to determine international legal practices that are relevant to the legitimacy of West Irian being part of the territory of the Republic of Indonesia and Indonesia's diplomacy in international forums in defending Papua. This study uses a historical approach in the form of a systematic literature review through source collection and is interpreted to answer the focus of this research. The results showed that Indonesia's success in defending Papua after independence was influenced by mastery of the rules of international law, the spirit of struggle of Indonesian diplomats at that time, and international legal practices related to the right to be independent and free from colonialism</p>
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Kartika, Vestina Ria, and Supardi Hamid. "Developing Papua As A Way Out To Overcome The Armed Violence Group ( Kelompok Kekerasan Bersenjata ) in Papua." Management Technology and Security International Journal 1, no. 2 (November 1, 2020): 180–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.47490/mtsij.v1.i2.180188.
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Papua’s development m us t be considered in developing Indonesia. It is the unity in Bhineka Tunggal Ika. The equality and justice in striving the people’s prosperity is also important for Indonesian people. Pancasila is the basis of the nation, which explains the five principles that have a power in developing Indonesia towards a “Mutual Cooperation ( Gotong Royong )” society. The fifth principle, the justice for all Indonesian people shows that it is Soekarno’s idea of how the people can relish the existence of justice and prosperity in both formal and non - formal fields which leads to mutual cooperation. It is implemented in Jokowi’s era which is building and developing the marginalized areas, from Sabang to Merauke, esp ecially the neglected areas. This is the time to realize the real action for Papua to gain justice although the challenges and obstacles that will be faced are not easy. Injustice, marginalization, and sub - culture are often being the starting points of var ious crimes and violences in Papua. The Violence Armed Group ( Kelompok Kekerasan Bersenjata ) uses those three variables as the reasons for committing various forms of violences and politically frame it with the desire to escape from Indonesia. The governme nt and the ruling regime are in charge to keep increasing the development in Papua. It is all for the sake of justice, equality, and prosperity for Papua’s people. Keyword: Inequality, Marginalization, Subculture, Papua, Conflict, Crime
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Blades, Johnny. "Internationalisation of the 'hidden' West Papua issue: A regional media matter for Melanesia and the Pacific." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 24, no. 2 (November 26, 2018): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v24i2.399.
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Auckland University of Technology’s Pacific Media Centre marked its tenth anniversary with a seminar discussing two of the wider region’s most critical media freedom crises. The ‘Journalism Under Duress’ in Asia-Pacific seminar in November 2017 examined media freedom and human rights in the Philippines and Indonesia’s Papua region, otherwise known as West Papua. In the discussion about West Papua, the PMC seminar heard that access to the Indonesian region for foreign journalists, while still restricted, remains critical for helping Papuan voices to be heard. The plight of West Papua is of major concern among Pacific people, especially Melanesians, and it is becoming a growing geopolitical and media issue.
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Drugov, Aleksey. "The Separatism Problem in Indonesian Papua." South East Asia Actual problems of Development, no. 3 (52) (2021): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-3-3-52-065-089.
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Armed separatist movement and terrorism are showing further growth in Indonesian provinces Papua and West Papua at the western part of New Guinea island. The source of the movement as acknowledged by several Indonesian experts and politicians аre the disbalance in the economic, social and cultural development, marginalization of the region of the region compared with other provinces, which is aggravated by ethnic, confessional and racial differences. Besides military suppression of the armed terrorists, the Indonesian government takes measures to overcome the conflict situation, including “The Act on Special Autonomy for Papua and West Papua” providing several economic, financial and social privileges for native population. But some politicians and experts argue that these measures are not sufficiently politically and psychologically oriented to overcome the heavy heritage of the last decades.
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Yawan, Hendri. "YO SI PUEDO: A CUBAN LITERACY PROGRAM TO STRENGTHEN LITERACY LEVEL IN WEST PAPUA, INDONESIA." IJIET (International Journal of Indonesian Education and Teaching) 6, no. 1 (January 25, 2022): 82–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.24071/ijiet.v6i1.4269.
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Illiteracy remains a serious problem in West Papua, Indonesia. The data from Indonesian Central Bureau of Statistics (BPS) show nearly 30 percent of Indigenous Papuans aged between 15 to 45 are illiterate (BPS, 2016). The number is far higher than the national average which is only 3.5 percent (BPS, 2016). In response to the problem, the article aims to provide a brief picture of causes and effects behind the high illiteracy rate in West Papua and to recommend a relevant solution for the problem. The methodology undertaken in this article is a literature review. Relevant literatures are obtained through peer-reviewed articles from reliable journals and any other relevant sources. The results reveal three main factors that contribute to the low literacy level in West Papua; geographical challenges, low human resources and diverse vernacular languages. Due to the high illiterate percentage, Papuan community has been experiencing serious health issue, poverty, poor educational access and low social cohesion. The article also proposes a so-called Yo Si Puedo (YSP) as an alternative non-formal literacy program to strengthen basic literacy in West Papua. It is because YSP can be highly adaptable to the Papuan context in terms of language, culture and social reality.
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Anugrah, Insan Praditya. "Othering the minority: Comparative Study of Papua Ethnic in Indonesia and Rohingnya Ethnic In Myanmar During Military Rule." Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities 9, no. 1 (June 28, 2019): 21–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jissh.v9i1.83.
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The paper examines the comparative study of subaltern between Papua in Indonesia’s New Order era and Rohingya in Myanmar during military rule. In Indonesia, the Papuan case is an example of how the centralistic military regime treats Papuan ethnic as an object and treats them as “the others” rather than considers them as a part of the “Indonesian entity” as the subject itself. Meanwhile, in Myanmar, Rohingya case is an example of how the centralistic military junta regime treats Rohingya ethnic as “the others” and considers them as foreigners in Myanmar. This paper found a significant difference between the treatment of the Indonesian military regime towards Papuan ethnic and the treatment of the Myanmar military junta regime towards Rohingya ethnic. In Indonesia, the military regime acknowledges Papuan as a citizen of Indonesia. However, the regime considers Papuan as the “different other” nonetheless. Their different race and ethnicity from Java and Malay ethnic as the majority ethnic are not the subjects of the cause, yet it is caused by Papuan traditional behavior which is regarded as “backward” as by the central regime. Meanwhile in Myanmar, since the enforcement of citizenship law in 1982, the military regime clearly does not acknowledge Rohingya from state citizenship because of their identities, such as religion and Rohingya's historical background.
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Mawene, Marthinus. "Christ and Theology of Liberation in Papua." Exchange 33, no. 2 (2004): 153–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543042434916.
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AbstractIn this article the author expounds various Christian theological ideas and concepts born among Papuans living in the Indonesian half of the island of Papua. Afterwards he gives a theological evaluation and he appeals to the Evangelical Christian Church (GKI) of Papua to deal seriously with these forms of people's liberation theology, since these have contributed to the struggle of the Papuans for freedom and for the implementation of fundamental human rights to the Papuan people.
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Samparisna O. D. Koibur. "Papua Conflict Reconciliation Model and Strategies." Konfrontasi: Jurnal Kultural, Ekonomi dan Perubahan Sosial 8, no. 4 (December 7, 2021): 293–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/konfrontasi2.v8i4.166.
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At a glance, the Papuan conflict is a vertical conflict that has lasted more than 50 years. The main cause of this conflict is the desire for “Free Papua” which is supported by the Free Papua Movement (OPM). Conflicts also escalated over the issue of race and discrimination against Papuan students in Surabaya and Malang in August 2019. Negotiation is the Indonesian government's best option for resolving disputes in Papua. The main purpose of this article is to find the best solution for dispute resolution in Papua in terms of the terms that must be carried out and the negotiation process. This study uses a qualitative methodology to investigate social phenomena in society that occur naturally without engineering or laboratory work. This approach provides descriptive data in the form of descriptive or verbal words that describe conditions, situations, or certain different variables. The data collection technique is to use a literature search to obtain the required data. As a result, the Papua conflict negotiation process involved internal parties (central/regional government, KKB/OPM, traditional/religious leaders, civil society) and external parties (freeport), and became the main demand. Indicates that it is an independent Papua. Negotiations have been time consuming and faced many obstacles, but we continue to strive to reach a mutually beneficial solution. Dialogue between Jakarta and Papua should better reflect the cultural values of the Papuan people.
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Muntaha, Payiz Zawahir, Virgie Delawillia Kharisma, and Margareta Hanita. "INDONESIAN GOVERNMENT APPROACHES AND POLICIES FOR RESOLVING PAPUA CONFLICTS." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 7, no. 12 (June 8, 2020): 123–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v7.i12.2019.306.
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Papua is a rich and beautiful land, which the wealth of natural resources is enhanced by the expanse of wild forests that are still green, blue sea and white sand beaches completing the beauty of the land of Papua. Nevertheless, Papua's land is always plagued by endless conflicts. Papua conflict is very complicated, the complexity of Papua conflict can be seen from the factors as well as the actors involved. This paper aims to explore the dimensions of the Papua conflict and the strategies undertaken by the Indonesian government to resolve it. The research method used in this study is a qualitative method, with a descriptive explanatory approach.
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Yonatan, Ignatius. "Human Security di Papua pada Masa Pemerintahan Jokowi: Tinjauan terhadap Political Security di Papua." Jurnal Sentris 1, no. 1 (August 19, 2020): 37–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/sentris.v1i1.4155.37-49.
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The continuing conflict in Papua is a problem that should be given more attention by the current Indonesian government. The problem is not merely a matter of integrity, and economy. However, it is also about human security’s matter, especially, political security in Papua. Until now, Papuans still face different treatment than those in other parts of Indonesia. Violence and abuse of human rights, also other form of cruelty still happen there. As president of Indonesia, Jokowi is expected to be able to solve the political security’s matter in Papua. However, it should be admitted that solving political security’s matter in Papua is not that easy. Nevertheless, Jokowi has shown good intentions to restore Indonesia’s relations with Papua through economic approach. This research will discuss about how human security in Papua under Jokowi with focus on the review of political security in Papua.
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Vanhaeren, Marian, I. Made Geria, Gusti Made Sudarmika, Hari Suroto, Enrico Kondologlt, and Wulf Schiefenhoevel. "OPTIONS FOR JOINT ARCHAEOLOGICAL, ETHNO-ARCHAEOLOGICAL, AND ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN PAPUA." AMERTA 40, no. 1 (June 26, 2022): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.55981/amt.2022.16.
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Abstrak. Opsi untuk Penelitian Arkeologi Bersama, Ethno-Arkeologi dan Antropologi di Papua. Papua memiliki potensi arkeologi yang besar, serta masih dijumpai tradisi prasejarah yang masih berlangsung hingga saat ini. Provinsi Papua dan Papua Barat menawarkan kesempatan yang sangat menarik untuk penelitian interdisipliner di bidang prasejarah dan keragaman budaya. Temuan arkeologis menunjukkan bahwa manusia mendiami bagian timur New Guinea sekitar 40.000-50.000 tahun yang lalu. Karena imigrasi utama kemungkinan besar terjadi dari barat Pulau New Guinea dihuni lebih awal. Penelitian arkeologi dan terkait sejauh ini hanya menetapkan beberapa situs dan bukti-bukti lain dari hunian awal manusia prasejarah di Papua Nugini. Tulisan ini bertujuan menggambarkan potensi penelitian arkeologi, antropologi, etnografi di Papua dan menyebutkan secara khusus penelitian arkeologi dan etnoarkeologi di Kabupaten Pegunungan Bintang, di wilayah suku Mek dan Ok. Metode penelitian dalam tulisan ini yaitu studi pustaka, survei, ekskavasi dan pendekatan etnoarkeologi. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa pegunungan Papua menjadi pusat pertanian awal di dunia. Hingga saat ini masih dijumpai tradisi prasejarah di Papua yaitu pembuatan kapak batu, alat tulang dan tradisi megalitik. Tradisi prasejarah ini dijumpai di wilayah pegunungan dan pesisir. Penelitian, pertanggalan absolut situs dan publikasi arkeologi Papua masih sedikit jika dibandingkan dengan Papua Nugini. Hal ini menjadi potensi ke depan untuk melakukan penelitian dan publikasi bersama. Kata kunci: Etnografi, prasejarah, warisan budaya, rumah peradaban Abstract. With its prehistoric tradition still found to this present day, Papua is considered to have high archaeological potential. Papua and West Papua Provinces offer particularly interesting opportunities for interdisciplinary research in prehistory and cultural diversity. Archaeological findings show that humans inhabited the eastern half of New Guinea (NG) at least 40,000–50,000 years ago. As primary immigration most likely happened from west to east, the western half of the island of NG must have been inhabited even earlier. Archaeological and related research has established only a few sites and other signs of early human occupancy in the Indonesian part of NG. This review describes the potential of archaeological, anthropological, and ethnographic research in the Indonesian Papuan Provinces and specifically discusses recent ethnographic, archaeological, and ethno-archaeological work carried out in the Star Mountain Regency among the Mek and the Ok. The research methods employed in this research were literature review, survey, excavation, and ethnoarchaeological approaches. The findings show that Papuan highlands became one of the earliest centres of horticulture. Until now, there are still prehistoric traditions found in Papua, such as stone adzes, bone tools, and megalithic traditions. These prehistoric traditions are easily found in the highlands and coastal areas. Research sites absolute dating, and archaeological publication related to Papua is still considered low compared to PNG. Many facets of Papuan cultural diversity are still to be discovered for future research and collaborative publication. Keywords: Ethnography, prehistory, cultural heritage, rumah peradaban
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Hartini, Sri, and Gen Takaku. "Macrochelid mites (Acari: Gamasida) from Kaimana of West Papua, Indonesia, and endemism of macrochelid mite fauna in New Guinea Island." TREUBIA 42 (December 3, 2015): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/treubia.v42i0.616.
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As a result of our investigation in Lengguru area, Kaimana, West Papua, Indonesia, 6 species belonging to 2 genera of macrochelid mites(Acari: Gamasida: Macrochelidae) were collected from body surface of dung beetles (Scarabaeidae). Of these, one is undescribed species Macrocheles kaimanaensis sp. nov., and Macrocheles hallidayiWalter & Krantz, 1986is new record from Papua and West Papua (Indonesian parts of New Guinea Island).Male and deutonymph of Holostaspella rosichoni Hartini & Takaku, 2006 originally described from Papua were recorded for the first time. The remaining three species were M. amaliae Hartini, 2008, M. dispar (Berlese, 1910) and M. waigeoensis Hartini, 2008, which were previously collected from Raja Ampat, West Papua, and they are new to location in West Papua. Â Â Â Â Â In total, 18 macrochelid species of 3 genera, including the results of the present study, have been recorded from New Guinea Island. Of these 10 species are endemic to New Guinea Island, and some are also distributed in Australia. So, macrochelid mite fauna of the island is clearly different from Indonesian fauna. Besides, macrochelids in the island tend to have characteristic patterns in some morphological features, e.g., 27 or 29 paris of dorsal setae, dinstinct pilose or plumose dorsal setae, and so on. Key words: Indonesia, Kaimana, Macrochelid mite, New Guinea Island, West Papua
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Robie, David. "REVIEW: Indonesian repression and betrayal in West Papua." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 24, no. 2 (November 2, 2018): 266–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v24i2.438.
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Papua Blood: A Photographer’s Eyewitness Account of West Papua Over 30 Years, by Peter Bang. Copenhagen, Denmark: Remote Frontlines, 2018. 248 pages. ISBN 978-87-430-0101-0 See No Evil: New Zealand’s Betrayal of the People of West Papua, by Maire Leadbeater. Dunedin, NZ: Otago University Press, 2018. 310 pages. ISBN 978-1-98-853121-2
TWO damning and contrasting books about Indonesian colonialism in the Pacific, both by activist participants in Europe and New Zealand, have recently been published. Overall, they are excellent exposés of the harsh repression of the Melanesian people of West Papua and a world that has largely turned a blind eye to to human rights violations.
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Pamungkas, Cahyo. "The Campaign of Papua Peace Network for Papua Peace Land." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 21, no. 2 (December 5, 2017): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jsp.30440.
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This article aims to narrate a series of peaceful campaigns conducted by Papua Peace Network (PPN) for Papua Peace Land. This informal network consists of several groups of civil societies, such as religious organizations, ethnic groups, NGOs, and academicians. The PPN has some objectives that are to connect conflicted groups in Papua land, and to help both Papuan people and Indonesian government preparing an inclusive dialogue. This article results from research between 2013 and 2017. The data collection used observation of peaceful campaign of PPN, interviews, and archival research. This research shows that although a series of peaceful campaigns have been conducted by PPN both at the national and local levels between 2013 and 2016, but political violence still increases in Papua land. On another side, the national government only focuses on social and economic development issues, in particular, infrastructure projects, instead of political issues. Government officials involved in peaceful campaigns conducted by PPN had no power enough to implement some peace recommendations due to the national government has no a roadmap to resolve the conflict between Jakarta and Papua peacefully. The article argues that a continuously informal communication between conflicted parties is a necessary condition, but it is not a sufficient condition to create a positive peace. Therefore, the National Government is strongly suggested to implement an inclusive national dialogue with Papuan people.
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Sumule, Leonard, and Agam Iheanyi-Igwe. "The Potential Advantages Of Utilizing Venacular Language In Early Education In Papua As A Bridge To The Indonesian National Educational System." International Journal of Indonesian Philosophy & Theology 1, no. 1 (June 29, 2020): 14–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.47043/ijipth.v1i1.1.
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This paper discusses the potential advantages of using vernacular language instruction to address the high drop out rates of indigenous elementary students in Highlands Papua, Indonesia. The effect of challenges created by differences between local culture and the culture presented in the national Indonesian educational system is discussed. David Kolb’s Experiential Learning theory is discussed as a method that can improve student outcomes by encouraging early comprehension through linguistically and culturally relevant experiences. Successful bilingual primary education programs in various countries are discussed. Examples are presented that illustrate the importance and advantages of foreigners acknowledging local language and culture while amongst the Papua people. This paper proposes steps that the Indonesian government, especially the local jurisdiction of Papua province’s governance, can take to utilize vernacular language to address the achievement gap of indigenous elementary students in Highlands Papua.
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Bramasta, Bima, and Praja Nuryananda. "Strategi Pemerintah Indonesia Meredam Isu Papua : Analisis Bantuan Luar Negeri Indonesia ke Tiga Negara Pasifik Selatan (Fiji, Kep. Solomon, dan Vanuatu) Tahun 2015-2019." PROCEEDING INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ON INDONESIAN FOREIGN POLICY CONFERENCE 1, no. 1 (December 2, 2021): 58–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.33005/irofonic.v1i1.13.
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The Papua issue is a criticism directed at the Indonesian government which is often raised by Pacific countries in the United Nations session, especially by the countries of Fiji, Vanuatu and also the Solomon Islands regarding their views on Papua which is part of Indonesia. Feeling a little swayed by the criticism, the Indonesian government then responded by providing foreign aid which had a motive in it, namely to reduce criticism regarding the Papua issue. Foreign aid carried out by the Indonesian government is implemented in the Triangular South-South Technical Cooperation (KSSY), where this SSTC itself will be a milestone in the strategy to reduce criticism from Fiji, Vanuatu and Solomon Islands regarding the Papua issue. The research method used in this journal is a qualitative-descriptive research method, where this method will assist the author in describing the results of this journal by better describing the mechanism and course of a foreign aid process implemented in SSTC to reduce the issue of Papua. The data to be used comes from in-depth interviews with resource persons, as well as from academic journal literature, the media, and official government data which includes books and official annual reports from the government. The results of the research obtained will explain the results of the foreign aid process that was able to reduce the Papua issue raised by Fiji, Vanuatu and Solomon Islands.
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Siagian, Muhnizar, and Monika Sri Yuliarti. "Papua’s Internet Ban 2020: Politics, Information Democracy, and Digital Literacy." Jurnal Komunikasi: Malaysian Journal of Communication 37, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 304–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/jkmjc-2021-3703-18.
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Internet ban in the middle of 2019 in Papua after the outbreaks of demonstrations and riots in Papua and West Papua, still leaves various speculations and question marks. The court ruling which had won the lawsuit of the Press Freedom Defender Team against the President and the Minister of Communication and Information of Indonesia also seemed to pass by without any significant follow up. Many studies on this phenomenon in terms of law and human rights have been carried out. However, several other aspects that are also interesting and useful have not been much elaborated. This paper explores this phenomenon based on political aspects, information democracy, and digital literacy that is closely related to communication. This is a literature review that employs document study data collection techniques and interactive data analysis. From the analysis it can be found that the Papua’s internet ban relates to the effort by the Indonesian government to domesticate Papua issue in the context of politics. In terms of information democracy, there is a violation in citizen rights that intend to internationalize the issue. Finally, in the context of digital literacy, there is a need to collaborate in order to improve digital literacy skills among Papuan. The implication of this study is the richer perspective in viewing a controversial phenomenon and involves the wider community, considering that this phenomenon is very likely to still occur in Indonesia in the future. Keywords: Internet ban, Papua, information democracy, digital literacy, political aspect.
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Rudiawan, Beni, Amarulla Octavian, Rizerius Eko Hadi Sancoko, Wayan Nuriada, Buddy Suseto, Martinus Dwi Arjanto Widodo, and Endah Sri Rejeki. "Building an Integrated Food Estate to Realize Territorial Resilience in Papua." Open Access Indonesia Journal of Social Sciences 4, no. 2 (June 16, 2021): 360–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37275/oaijss.v4i2.60.
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The problem of the high social gap in Papua, which is the cause of marginalization and discrimination against the Papuan people, and the different perceptions of some Indonesians at home and abroad towards armed separatist conflicts are push factors to corner the Indonesian government. In addition, the issue of internationalization of the 1969 referendum mechanism, violations of human rights, and the management of natural resources by multinational companies that do not have an impact on improving the welfare of the Papuan people also complement the opinion of the government's failure. Against the background of these problems, this study uses a quasi-qualitative research method. We collected research data through focus group discussions (FGD), in-depth interviews, and direct discussions with various informants (academics, practitioners, bureaucracy, and community leaders), completed with literature review as secondary data. The results of this study recommend the development of an Integrated Food Estate (IFE) in stages according to customary areas in Papua, which will indirectly support the realization of territorial resilience and the Universal Defense System (Sishta). In conclusion, with all implementation of recommendations, it is hoped the completion of peaceful and prosperous Papuan people will come true.
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Suseno, Bayu Aji, Retnoning Adji Widi Astuti, and Muchammad Rizky Kadafi. "Simulator Tato Tradisional Papua dengan Aplikasi Inkhunter Mengunakan Model ADDIE." Imaji 20, no. 2 (October 6, 2022): 172–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/imaji.v20i2.48506.
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Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengeksplorasi pengembangan dan penggunaan aplikasi InkHunter berbasis Augmented Reality untuk mengoptimalkan aspek pengetahuan dan keterampilan mahasiswa dalam merancang motif tato tradisional Papua dalam perkuliahan ornamen di Jurusan Seni Rupa dan Desain Institut Seni Budaya Indonesia Tanah Papua. InkHunter adalah aplikasi simulator tato yang menggunakan metode marker based tracking untuk mengidentifikasi pola atau marker dari motif ornamen pada tato tradisional Papua melalui kamera perangkat mobile (smartphone atau gadget) menjadi objek virtual 3D ke lingkungan nyata secara real time. Penelitian ini termasuk jenis penelitian dan pengembangan (research and development) yang bertujuan untuk mengembangkan perangkat lunak (software) menjadi media pembelajaran dalam prosedur praktikum mata kuliah. Model ADDIE digunakan dalam penelitian pengembangan desain pembelajaran yang terdiri dari lima fase yaitu analysis (A), design (D), development (D), implementation (I) dan evaluation (E). Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa teknologi augmented reality dapat digunakan untuk membuat media pembelajaran interaktif, sehingga mampu meningkatkan kemampuan mahasiswa untuk memahami keberadaan tato tradisional di Papua yang terancam punah. Kata Kunci: augmented reality, inkhunter, motif, tato, papua. Papuan Traditional Tattoo Simulator with Inkhunter Application Using the ADDIE Model Abstract This study aims to explore the development and use of Augmented Reality-based InkHunter applications to optimize students' knowledge and skills in designing traditional Papuan tattoo motifs in ornamentation lectures at the Department of Fine Arts and Design at the Indonesian Institute of Cultural Arts, Tanah Papua. InkHunter is a tattoo simulator application that uses a marker-based tracking method to identify patterns or markers from ornamental motifs on traditional Papuan tattoos through a mobile device camera (smartphone or gadget) into 3D virtual objects to a real environment in real time. This research is a type of research and development which aims to develop software into learning media in course practicum procedures. The ADDIE model is used in learning design development research which consists of five phases, namely analysis (A), design (D), development (D), implementation (I) and evaluation (E). The results of this study indicate that augmented reality technology can be used to create interactive learning media, so as to improve students' ability to understand the existence of traditional tattoos in Papua which are threatened with extinction. Keywords: simulator, augmented reality, inkhunter, motif, tattoo, papua, ADDIE
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DRUGOV, Alexey Yu. "INDONESIAN ARMY: PRESENT POLITICAL ROLE." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 1 (54) (2022): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-1-1-54-089-108.
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The evolution of the Indonesian Army political role in the society reflects the problems arising before the democratic reforms in Indonesia since 1998. Generals Andika Perkasa and Dudung Abderachman appointed in 2021 respectively Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and the Chief-of-Staff of the Land Forces repeatedly expressed their intention to limit the Army’s role to merely defense problems. But remaining real threat of Islamic radicalism and terrorism as well as armed separatist movement in Papua provinces become the reason and pretext for the army’s involvement in internal problems including religious ones. Some Indonesian analysts consider it to be a threat to democratic process. The military leaders express their intention to use political approach to face separatism in Papua, but separatist leaders are not yet inclined to dialogue. Indonesia – US military cooperation is rising including series of joint military exercises. Considerable measures are taken for technical re-equipment of the Armed Forces, especially Air Forces.
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Sugiharto, Agus, Paulus Waterpauw, and Audry G Tangkudung. "Policing Model in Building Synergy to Improve Papuan Welfare." Jurnal Keamanan Nasional 6, no. 2 (January 12, 2021): 322–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31599/jkn.v6i2.478.
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Papua is one of the regions in the eastern part of Indonesia. Papua has great wealth and potential, however, there are several conflicts that often occur in Papua. The Papua problem must be resolved through dialogue with local leaders in order to restore political confidence in joining Indonesia. The method used in this research is qualitative by means of interviews and focus group discussions (FGD). Meanwhile, the theory used in this research is conflict resolution theory and the concept of policing in dealing with this conflict. The result of this research is a model of policing to build synergy between the Police-Indonesian National Army, the Regional Government, and the Community that integrate to deal with conflicts that occur in Papua. With an approach through communication with the heart and conducting the discussion goes down directly to the community.
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Ernas, Saidin, Ismail DP, and Ismail Kilderak. "Islam, Papuanness and Indonesianess within Papuan Muslims in Fakfak." Al-Albab 10, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 275–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.1990.
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This study shows that the long historical process associated with Islam in West Papua has an impact on defining a unique identity, and significantly interrelating Islam, Papuanness and Indonesianness. The data in this study were collected for three months in Fakfak of West Papua eploying methods of observation, interview and documentation. There were some key informants being the data sources consisting of religious leaders, community leaders and government employees. Two impotrant findings are found in this work. First, the presence of Islam in Papua has significantly contributed to the formation of the identity of the Fakfak community in Papua through an intense and strong acculturation process between Islam and local Papuan culture. This process has formed new inclusive and tolerant values that are reflected in the local wisdom of satu tungku tiga batu (one stove with three stones). Second, Islam and Papuanness in Fakfak appear to have certain implications on the formation of Indonesian (national) identity. Theoretically, this research shows that identity is not something fixed and natural, but a process that is constantly changing, with regard to the socio-political dynamics that affect it. That is why Papuan Muslims strive to continue to define themselves amid the construction of Papuan identity which is often defined as Christian and Melanesian.
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Febrianti, Sekar Wulan, Ajeng Sekar Arum, Windy Dermawan, and Akim Akim. "Internal Conflict Resolution between Government of Indonesia and Separatist Movement in Papua using Horse-Trading Mechanism." Society 7, no. 2 (December 17, 2019): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.33019/society.v7i2.86.
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The study aims to analyze the process of internal conflict resolution between the Government of Indonesia and the separatist movement in Papua (Free Papua Movement (Indonesian: Organisasi Papua Merdeka or OPM)) using a horse-trading mechanism. This study was qualitative method by discussing the Free Papua Movement background and the conflict, then discussing the conflict process of timeline analysis tool to understand the development of its movement based on chronological order, and discussing the conflict resolutions that have been carried out with conflict mapping analysis tool to understand the actors that involved and their objectives. The conflict is the result of complexity among historical backgrounds, ideology, and a sense of injustice in Papua, on the other hand, the international community has increasingly supported Papua. Horse-trading has been used to resolve the conflict of Free Papua Movement and the Government of Indonesia, yet it has not yet reached a new resolution. The horse-trading mechanism effectively resolves the conflict when trust has been achieved between them to communicate both of them where they can deliver their objectives openly.