Journal articles on the topic 'Indonesia History Revolution, 1945-1949'
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Fettling, David. "J.B. Chifley and the Indonesian Revolution, 1945-1949." Australian Journal of Politics & History 59, no. 4 (December 2013): 517–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12030.
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Lasmiyati, Lasmiyati. "SEJARAH UANG REPUBLIK INDONESIA BANTEN (URIDAB) (1945-1949)." Patanjala : Jurnal Penelitian Sejarah dan Budaya 4, no. 3 (September 1, 2012): 467. http://dx.doi.org/10.30959/patanjala.v4i3.159.
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AbstrakSetelah Kemerdekaan Indonesia diproklamasikan tanggal 17 Agustus 1945, di Serang Banten terdapat dua peristiwa penting, yaitu revolusi sosial dan tempat pencetakan uang daerah untuk Banten. Tahun 1947, di Serang, tentara Belanda di bawah naungan Pasukan Sekutu melakukan blokade darat dan laut. Pemerintahan di Serang pun putus komunikasi dengan Pemerintah RI yang berada di Yogyakarta. Agar perekonomian di Serang tetap berjalan, pemerintah pusat mengizinkan daerah Banten untuk mencetak uang daerah sendiri bernama Uang Republik Indonesia Daerah Banten (URIDAB). Menjadi pertanyaan tersendiri mengapa Serang Banten dipercaya oleh pemeritah pusat untuk mencetak uang dan mengapa pasukan Belanda melakukan blokade ekonomi. Tujuan penelitian ini untuk mengetahui mengapa Serang Banten dipercaya oleh pemerintah pusat untuk mencetak uang sendiri, adakah hubungannya antara URIDAB dan revolusi sosial. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode sejarah yang meliputi empat tahapan yaitu heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Melalui hasil penelitian yang dilakukan, diketahui bahwa pencetakan uang daerah di Banten diawali dengan perpindahan ibu kota RI dari Jakarta ke Yogyakarta. Belanda yang datang ke Indonesia dengan cara membonceng NICA melakukan kekacauan, penyerangan, dan memblokade ekonomi. Daerah-daerah yang lokasinya jauh dengan ibu kota RI sangat kesulitan berkomunikasi, sehingga pemerintah pusat yang berkedudukan di Yogyakarta memberikan wewenang kepada Residen Banten Achmad Chatib untuk mencetak mata uang sendiri dengan nama URIDAB kepanjangan dari Uang Republik Indonesia Daerah Banten. AbstractThere were two important things that happened in Serang (Banten) after the Indonesian independence was proclaimed on August 17, 1945: social revolution, and printing of money for Banten. In 1947 the Dutch army under the protection of the Allies blockaded either land and sea, cutting off communications between central (Yogyakarta) and regional (Serang) government. The central government in Yogyakarta gave permission to Serang to print money so that economic activity could still be running. The money was called URIDAB (Uang Republik Indonesia Daerah Banten, or the money of the Republic of Indonesia in Banten). The research questions are why central government gave permission to Banten to print money and why the Dutch army blockaded the economy. To answer these questions the author conducted histoy methods: heuristic, critique, interpretation, and historiography. Research finds that when the capital of Indonesia moved from Jakarta to Yogyakarta during the Dutch military aggression, communications were cut off and it was difficult for central government in Yogyakarta to make contact to regional governments. Therefore, the central government authorized the Resident of Banten, Achmad Chatib, to print its own money.
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Wijaya, M.Hum., Dr I. Nyoman. "Biografi Sebagai Pintu Masuk Mencermati Peristiwa Remeh Temeh Sehari-Hari Dalam Revolusi Indonesia (1945-1949) di Bali." Jurnal Sejarah Citra Lekha 5, no. 1 (April 15, 2020): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jscl.v5i1.28822.
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This study discusses biography as an entry point to talk about trivial everyday events taking place during Indonesia’s physical revolution (1945-1949) in Bali. If in the arena of guerrilla warfare trivial everyday stories can be seen, what about outside the arena? Starting from this central question, this study will attempt to see trivial everyday events in Indonesia’s revolution in Bali, especially events taking place outside the arena of guerrilla warfare. Those events, however, do not stand alone, but they are entwined with Indonesia’s revolution in Bali. Outside the arena of guerilla war, those trivial everyday events can be seen in each stage of Indonesia’s revolution in Bali distributed in various villages. The research results indicate that biographical figures born in the 1930s, aged from 11 to 15-year-old, during the period of guerrilla warfare managed to retell those trivial events. Even though not directly involved in the guerrilla warfare, they were able to provide information about those events, because some of them were actively involved as mail couriers connecting the fighters and their families. Most of the information they provided has not been recorded in the grand narrative of the history of Indonesia’s physical revolution in Bali.
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Meng, Lai Yew, and Maureen De Silva. "The Roots and Evolution of Nationalism in Indonesia." Akademika 91, no. 3 (January 13, 2022): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/akad-2021-9103-08.
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ABSTRACT The emergence of nationalism in Indonesia began at the dawn of the twentieth century, which ultimately led to the birth a new nation-state in 1949. The seeds of national consciousness were sown, and roots of Indonesian nationalism reached its apex during the Revolution (1945-49), manifesting most profoundly in the fight against the oppression of Dutch colonialism. The Revolution was central to the Indonesian republic’s perception of itself and has been influential in fostering nationalism during the post-independence period. This article examines the roots and evolution as well as dynamics and manifestations of Indonesian nationalism, throughout the different phases of Indonesia’s modern history. In doing so, it addresses three salient questions, namely i) how the seeds of national consciousness were sown; ii) what were the underlying factors/dynamics shaping the nature and development of nationalism; and iii) how nationalism and nationhood manifested in a geographically divided, ethno-culturally diverse state like Indonesia, whose citizenry has remained strongly attached to their traditional ethnological and adat communities. Emphasis is given to both stateoriented and popular manifestations of Indonesian nationalism, to highlight the state/elite-centric nature, and populist drive behind its discourses, agenda, and manifestations. Keywords: Indonesia; nationalism; national identity; state nationalism; popular nationalism
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Hefner, Robert W., and Robert Cribb. "Gangsters and Revolutionaries: The Jakarta People's Militia and the Indonesian Revolution, 1945-1949." American Historical Review 98, no. 2 (April 1993): 548. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166953.
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Brown, Colin. "The Politics of Trade Union Formation in the Java Sugar Industry, 1945–1949." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 1 (February 1994): 77–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00011707.
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Comparatively little of a scholarly nature has been written about Indonesian trade unions, particularly on the two decades from 1945 to 1965 when, like the political parties to which so many of them were affiliated, the unions had their heyday. This paper focuses on the development of trade unions in one specific industry: refined sugar production. The period to be examined—1945 to 1949—runs from the proclamation of Indonesian independence by Sukarno and Hatta, through the revolution fought against the returning Dutch, to December 1949 when the Netherlands finally acknowledged Indonesian independence. It was during this period that the major post-war sugar industry unions were established. The circumstances surrounding the establishment of these unions will be examined, along with their leaders and members, ideological leanings and political and industrial objectives.
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Gunawan, R., D. Bandarsyah, and W. I. Fauzi. "Literature, history, and neuroscience perspective toward urban family disorganization during indonesian revolution era 1945-1949." IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 485 (June 3, 2020): 012076. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/485/1/012076.
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Rasyad, Abdul, Badarudin, Lalu Murdi, and Jujuk Ferdianto. "Nasionalisme Kebangsaan Sebagai Spirit Perjuangan Tokoh Pejuang di Lombok Timur 1945-1949." Jurnal Pendidikan Sejarah 10, no. 1 (May 11, 2021): 35–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/jps.101.03.
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The struggle of the Indonesian people to achieve independence from the colonialists is as old as colonialism itself. The struggle for independence had at least begun since the establishment of the late 19th century as a chain of struggle for the people in various regions in the archipelago. The struggle of the people of East Lombok in opposing colonialism is a historical record that complements the history of the national struggle of the Indonesian nation and does not have any meaning for the national struggle of the nation. This struggle is also a very strong bond to reach the culmination point of the struggle, namely the Proclamation of Independence on August 17, 1945, as well as efforts to defend Indonesia's independence until 1950. This study has a fundamental contribution in understanding historical information related to nationalism and the spirit of struggle for warriors in East Lombok. History, in this case the revolution in East Lombok in 1945-1949, has a dedactic value for the current and future generations of the nation. The educational value that can be learned from these historical events is at least that the nation's generation has mental strength both biologically and psychologically in facing all the challenges of life and has a high sense of nationalism as part of Indonesian society that must uphold the name of the Indonesian nation.
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Herdi Sahrasad. "Sutan Sjahrir: Manusia dan Noktah Sejarahnya di Timur Tengah." SIASAT 2, no. 1 (January 15, 2018): 18–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/siasat.v3i1.3.
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This treatise opens with a small question: Why Sutan Sjahrir married Poppy Saleh Mengundiningrat in Cairo, Egypt in the 1950s and did not in Jakarta? Poppy was studying at the London School, England and Sjahrir in Jakarta, the two then flew to Cairo and married there, witnessed by Soedjatmoko, a child of revolution, which is also a leading intelligentsia and political cadre of Sjahrir. Apparently, the First Prime Minister of the Republic of Indonesia, Sutan Sjahrir had a speck of history in the Middle East during the war of independence 1945-1949, which makes its way to Egypt to meet with the Arab leaders, fighters, intellectuals, activists and warriors. Sjahrir even met Hassan al-Bana, founder of the Muslim Brotherhood persistent against colonialism and imperialism in the Muslim world, especially the Middle East. Sjahrir asked the Arab world to mobilize supports for the independence of Indonesia. Sjahrir known as the Socialists that grow from the Minangkabau world and the Western-educated to find a foothold in the Middle East struggle to carry out a diplomatic mission of the President Soekarno and Vice President M. Hatta, for the people of Indonesia. We should remember and recall, Sjarir as a hero, eventhough he is almost forgotten by this nation.
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Amalia, Maudy, Ari Sapto, and Ulfatun Nafi'ah. "APLIKASI JOURNEY GUERILLA OF REVOLUTION (JAGUAR) SEBAGAI INOVASI MEDIA PEMBELAJARAN SEJARAH BERBASIS UNITY." Jurnal Pendidikan Sejarah Indonesia 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17977/um0330v5i1p87-99.
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The basis for doing research is motivation to solve the needs and problems in history learning. Some of the needs and problems that become the focus of the study are the unavailability of interactive history learning media, teaching materials that have not ac-commodated local historical studies, and students' lack of wisdom in using gadgets. To overcome the needs and problems studied, the researcher then developed material about Tatsuo Ichiki's struggle to defend Indonesia's independence in South Malang in 1948–1949. The material is included in an application called Journey Guerilla of Revolution (JAGUAR) as an interactive history learning based on Unity. Thus, the purpose of research and development ‘JAGUAR’ is: (1) to produce the 'JAGUAR' application with material about Tatsuo Ichiki's struggle to maintain Indonesian independence in Southern Malang in 1948–1949 and (2) to test its effectiveness as a historical learning for learning history in class XI MIPA 3 SMAN 1 Turen. To help achieve this goal, researcher used method of the ADDIE (analyze, design, development, implementation, and evalua-tion) model belonging to Nunuk Suryani, Achmad Setiawan, and Aditin Putria in conducting this research and development. Then this research and development result are the 'JAGUAR' application can be used as a media of history learning because it is considered very valid and very effective. This is based on the percentage of material validity of 91.3 percent, media validity of 98.7 percent, effectiveness test in small group trial of 90.9 percent, and effectiveness test in field trial of 94.4 percent. Dasar dilakukannya penelitian adalah motivasi untuk memecahkan kebutuhan dan permasalahan dalam pembelajaran sejarah. Beberapa kebutuhan dan permasalahan yang menjadi fokus kajian adalah belum tersedianya media pembelajaran sejarah yang interaktif, bahan ajar yang belum mengakomodir kajian sejarah lokal, dan kurangnya kearifan siswa dalam menggunakan gadget. Untuk mengatasi kebutuhan dan permasalahan yang diteliti, peneliti kemudian mengembangkan materi tentang perjuangan Tatsuo Ichiki dalam upaya mempertahankan kemerdekaan Indonesia di Malang Selatan pada tahun 1948–1949. Materi tersebut dituangkan dalam sebuah aplikasi bernama Journey Guerilla of Revolution (JAGUAR) sebagai pembelajaran sejarah interaktif berbasis Unity. Dengan demikian, tujuan penelitian dan pengembangan 'JAGUAR' adalah: (1) menghasilkan aplikasi 'JAGUAR' dengan materi tentang perjuangan Tatsuo Ichiki dalam upaya mempertahankan kemerdekaan Indonesia di Malang Selatan pada tahun 1948–1949 dan (2) untuk menguji efektivitasnya sebagai pembelajaran sejarah untuk pembelajaran sejarah pada siswa kelas XI MIPA 3 SMAN 1 Turen. Untuk membantu mencapai tujuan tersebut, peneliti menggunakan metode model ADDIE. Kemudian hasil penelitian dan pengembangan ini adalah aplikasi JAGUAR dapat digunakan sebagai media pembelajaran sejarah karena dinilai sangat valid dan sangat efektif. Hal ini didasarkan pada persentase validitas materi sebesar 91,3 persen, validitas media sebesar 98,7 persen, uji keefektifan pada uji coba kelompok kecil sebesar 90,9 persen , dan uji keefektifan pada uji coba lapangan sebesar 94,4 persen.
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Heryati. "ULAMA DAN ULEE BALANG: POTRET REVOLUSI SOSIAL DI ACEH TAHUN 1945-1946." HISTORIA 3, no. 2 (August 31, 2015): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.24127/hj.v3i2.85.
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This study entitled " Ulama and Ulee Balang: Portrait of a social revolution in Aceh in 1945-1946". In this study the authors used historical method. The historical method is the process of critically examine and analyze the records and relics of the past to find the fact that strong. The purpose of this research is to investigate the activities of the Acehnese struggle in defense of the proclamation of independence, and to determine the background Cumbok Incidence marked so that it becomes a social revolution in Aceh. With the re- establishment of unity between the Ulee Balang and the Ulama in Aceh, can expel the occupation and can occupy positions in government. This is a new milestone in the history of the founding of the Republic of Indonesia, apart from any occupation or any form of bond arising from foreign colonialism in Indonesia.
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Gemini dan Kunto Sofianto, Galun Eka. "PERANAN LASYKAR HIZBULLAH DI PRIANGAN 1945-1948." Patanjala : Jurnal Penelitian Sejarah dan Budaya 7, no. 3 (September 1, 2015): 381. http://dx.doi.org/10.30959/patanjala.v7i3.107.
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AbstrakPenelitian ini menggambarkan Peranan Lasykar Hizbullah di Priangan dalam kurun waktu 1945 hingga 1948. Untuk merekontruksi permasalahan ini digunakan metode sejarah yang terdiri dari empat tahap, yaitu heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Adapun teknik yang digunakan dalam pengumpulan data digunakan studi literatur dan wawancara, yaitu mengkaji sumber-sumber literatur yang berkaitan dengan permasalahan yang diteliti dan mewawancarai saksi sejarah atau pelaku sejarah sebagai narasumbernya. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk: (1) mengetahui latar belakang terbentuknya Lasykar Hizbullah di Priangan; (2) mengetahui proses terbentuknya Lasykar Hizbullah di Priangan; dan (3) mengetahui peranan Lasykar Hizbullah di Priangan pada masa revolusi kemerdekaan (1945-1948). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Lasykar Hizbullah terbentuk pada 10 Januari 1945. Lasykar Hizbullah merupakan organisasi/sayap kepemudaan yang berada di bawah naungan Masyumi Karesidenan Priangan. Lasykar Hizbullah telah memberikan peran penting dalam mempertahankan kemerdekaan Indonesia. Mereka terlibat aktif dalam pertempuran-pertempuran melawan Belanda-Sekutu, seperti Bandung Lautan Api, Agresi Militer Belanda I, menyikapi Perjanjian Renville. Lasykar Hizbullah di Priangan pada perkembangannya terbagi menjadi dua kelompok: pertama, pro-pemerintah dan bergabung dengan TNI-Divisi Siliwangi sebagai hasil dari adanya program fusi badan-badan perjuangan dengan TNI pada 1947; kedua, kontra-pemerintah dan menjelma menjadi Tentara Islam Indonesia pada 1948, benteng terdepan Negara Islam Indonesia bentukan Kartosuwiryo. AbstractThis study illustrates the role of Laskar Hizbullah in Priangan in the period 1945 to 1948. In order to reconstruct the problem, this study uses history method which consists of four stages, namely heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The techniques of data collection used literature and interviews, including reviewing the sources of literature related to the problems studied and interviewing the witnesses of history or historical actors as the respondents. This study aims to: (1) know the background of the Laskar Hizbullah formation in Priangan; (2) recognize the process of of Lasykar Hizbollah formation in Priangan; and (3) identify the role of Laskar Hizbullah in Priangan during the revolution of independence (1945-1948). The results showed that Laskar Hizbullah was formed on January 10, 1945. It is an organization under the auspices of Masjumi Priangan Residency. Hezbollah army has given an important role in maintaining the independence of Indonesia. They are actively involved in the battles against the Dutch-ally, such as Bandung Sea of Fire, Dutch Military Aggression I, addressing the Renville Agreement. Hezbollah army in Priangan, in its development, is divided into two groups: first, pro-government and join TNI-Siliwangi Division as a result of the fusion program ofstruggle agencies with the military in 1947; second, a counter-government and transformed into Islamic Army of Indonesia in 1948, the fort leading of Indonesian Islamic State of Kartosuwiryo formation.
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Knight, G. Roger. "Death in Slawi: The “Sugar Factory Murders,” Ethnicity, Conflicted Loyalties and the Context of Violence in the Early Revolution in Indonesia, October 1945." Itinerario 41, no. 3 (December 2017): 606–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115317000705.
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In mid-October 1945, Edward and Frederika van der Sluys were murdered in gruesome circumstances, along with a number of other Dutch Eurasians, most probably in the yard of a Dutch-owned sugar factory in the Slawi district of the north coast of Central Java at which the husband had been employed since his youth. Their fate forms part of a larger narrative of the Bersiap! (“Get Ready!”) period of the Indonesian national revolution, which has attracted considerable attention from historians. Indeed, there are already two well-trod narratives of the violence accompanying the revolution and of ethnic cleansing during the Bersiap. The present paper argues, however, that there is room for a third: that of the sugar industry—and factory communities that lay at its heart—as a much older arena of social difference and conflicted loyalties. The account proceeds on the assumption that, without being embedded in a broader and deeper narrative, the story of what happened to the Van der Sluys couple remains incomplete.
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Klooster, H. A. J. "Indonesia - Gangsters and Revolutionaries: The Jakarta People's Militia and the Indonesian Revolution, 1945–1949. By Robert Cribb. North Sydney: Asian Studies Association of Australia in association with Allen & Unwin, 1991. Pp. xiii, 222. Maps, Illustrations, Notes, Bibliography, Index." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 23, no. 2 (September 1992): 448–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400006408.
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Dwijayanto, Arik, and Yusmicha Ulya Afif. "A Religious State (A Study of Hasyim Asyari and Muhammad Iqbal's Thought on the Relation of Religion, State and Nationalism)." JUSPI (Jurnal Sejarah Peradaban Islam) 3, no. 2 (January 26, 2020): 226. http://dx.doi.org/10.30829/juspi.v3i2.6778.
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<p><em>This article explores the concept of a religious state proposed by two Muslim leaders: Hasyim Asyari (1871-1947), an Indonesian Muslim leader and Muhammad Iqbal (1873-1938), an Indian Muslim leader. Both of them represented the early generation when the emerging revolution for the independence of Indonesia (1945) from the Dutch colonialism and India-Pakistan (1947) from the British Imperialism. In doing so, they argued that the religious state is compatible with the plural nation that has diverse cultures, faiths, and ethnicities. They also argued that Islam as religion should involve the establishment of a nation-state. But under certain circumstances, they changed their thinking. Hasyim changed his thought that Islam in Indonesia should not be dominated by a single religion and state ideology. Hasyim regarded religiosity in Indonesia as vital in nation-building within a multi-religious society. While Iqbal changed from Indian loyalist to Islamist loyalist after he studied and lived in the West. The desire of Iqbal to establish the own state for the Indian Muslims separated from Hindus was first promulgated in 1930 when he was a President of the Muslim League. Iqbal expressed the hope of seeing Punjab, the North West province, Sind and Balukhistan being one in a single state, having self-government outside the British empire. In particular, the two Muslim leaders used religious legitimacy to establish political identity. By using historical approach (intellectual history), the relationship between religion, state, and nationalism based on the thinking of the two Muslim leaders can be concluded that Hasyim Asyari more prioritizes Islam as the ethical value to build state ideology and nationalism otherwise Muhammad Iqbal tends to make Islam as the main principle in establishment of state ideology and nationalism.</em></p><em>Keywords: Hasyim Asyari, Muhammad Iqbal, religion, state, nationalism.</em>
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Yahaya, Nurfadzilah. "Richard McMillan, The British Occupation of Indonesia, 1945–1946: Britain, The Netherlands and the Indonesian Revolution. Royal Asiatic Society Books. New York, NY: Routledge, 2005. xii + 248 pp. ISBN: 0-415-35551-6 (hbk.)." Itinerario 30, no. 2 (July 2006): 220–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s016511530001442x.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 163, no. 1 (2008): 134–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003683.
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Andi, Andi, Rudy Gunawan, Humar Sidik, Abdulhadi Abdulhadi, Sigit Sudibyo, Ika Putri Sulistyana, and Khofifatunnisa Khofifatunnisa. "Stasiun Jatinegara Era Revolusi Kemerdekaan Indonesia 1945-1949." Fajar Historia: Jurnal Ilmu Sejarah dan Pendidikan 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.29408/fhs.v5i1.3389.
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Jatinegara, in this case Jatinegara Station, is one of the locations that has historical traces of a series of events defending the independence of the Republic of Indonesia from the threat of the Dutch Kingdom assisted by the Allies, represented by the British) in the era of the Indonesian independence revolution in 1945-1949. The purpose of this research is to raise the events surrounding the revolution for Indonesian independence at Jatinegara Station in 1945-1949. The method used in this research is the historical research method. The stages in historical research begin with heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography or historical writing. The results showed that Jatinegara Station was involved in a number of events and state duties which were quite important for the continuity of the newly independent Republic of Indonesia. The incident, namely, the takeover of the power of the Railways/Railway Department in Jakarta (September 3, 1945), and the extraordinary Railway Events of the Indonesian President's Entourage Soekarno to Yogyakarta (January 3, 1946). Jatinegara dalam hal ini Stasiun Jatinegara adalah salah satu lokasi yang memiliki jejak sejarah serangkaian peristiwa mempertahankan kemerdekaan Republik Indonesia dari ancaman Kerajaan Belanda dibantu oleh pihak Sekutu, diwakili oleh Inggris) era revolusi kemerdekaan Indonesia tahun 1945-1949. Tujuan Penelitian ini adalah untuk mengangkat peristiwa-peristiwa seputar revolusi kemerdekaan Indonesia di Stasiun Jatinegara tahun 1945-1949. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian sejarah. Tahapan dalam penelitian historis diawali dengan heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi atau penulisan sejarah. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa Stasiun Jatinegara terlibat dalam sejumlah peristiwa maupun tugas kenegaraan yang cukup penting bagi kelangsungan Republik Indonesia yang baru saja merdeka. Peristiwa tersebut yaitu, pengambilalihan kekuasaan Perkeretaapian/Djawatan Kereta Api di Jakarta (3 September 1945), dan peristiwa Kereta Api Luar Biasa rombongan Presiden RI Soekarno ke Yogyakarta (3 Januari 1946)
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Fogg, Kevin W. "Islam in Indonesia’s Foreign Policy, 1945-1949." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 53, no. 2 (December 10, 2015): 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2015.532.303-305.
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Although most policy studies argue there has been no influence of Islam on Indonesia's foreign policy, the foreign relations of the Republic of Indonesia during the revolution for independence provide a counter-example. Because of the greater role for society in conducting, rather than just influencing, foreign relations, Islam was used as a key element in Indonesia's diplomatic efforts in the Arab world between 1945 and 1949. This led to several key, early successes for Indonesia on the world stage, but changing circumstances meant that relations with the Arab world and thus the place of Islam in foreign policy were no longer prominent from 1948.[Meskipun sebagian besar studi mengenai kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia menyatakan tidak adanya pengaruh Islam dalam hal tersebut, kebijakan pada zaman revolusi kemerdekaan memperlihatkan adanya pengaruh itu. Karena adanya peran yang lebih besar bagi masyarakat dalam membentuk dan menjalankan kebijakan pada saat itu, Islam digunakan sebagai sebuah elemen pokok dalam menjalankan hubungan diplomatik Indonesia dengan dunia Arab dari tahun 1945 hingga 1949. Hal ini mengarah ke beberapa keberhasilan awal yang menonjol bagi Indonesia di pentas internasional. Namun, sesuai dengan perubahan keadaan dunia sesudah tahun 1948, hubungan dengan dunia Arab menjadi tidak sepenting sebelumnya serta peranan Islam semakin memudar dan tidak lagi menjadi elemen kebijakan luar negeri.]
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Cribb, Robert. "Opium and the Indonesian Revolution." Modern Asian Studies 22, no. 4 (October 1988): 701–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00015717.
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The Indonesian revolution was a costly affair. Not only was it accompanied by the extensive destruction of life and property, but the actual logistics of fighting a protracted revolution placed enormous financial demands on the new Indonesian Republic, founded on 17 August 1945, three days after the Japanese surrendered, at a time when the revolutionary government was decidedly ill-equipped to meet them. The Republic was unable to take over immediately all the revenue sources of the colonial government and faced major difficulties in rapidly building up an alternative taxation structure. Needing a ‘soft’ form of taxation which was easily collected and which did not fall too obtrusively on the shoulders of its citizens, it turned to opium. The sale of opium to addicts had been used by colonial governments in Southeast Asia as a source of revenue, although its importance had greatly declined in the twentieth century. The Republic, however, not only maintained the colonial distribution and sales network but expanded its use of opium to make the drug an important source of government revenue and, for a time, a major source of foreign exchange.
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Satia, Agil Burhan, Cicik Nike Rimayani, and Hesti Nuraini. "SEJARAH KETATANEGARAAN PASCA PROKLAMASI KEMERDEKAAN 17 AGUSTUS 1945 SAMPAI 5 JULI 1959 DI INDONESIA." MIMBAR YUSTITIA 3, no. 1 (August 22, 2019): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/mimbar.v3i1.1864.
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A number of historians and legal experts consider that a number of major events in 1945 to 1959 affected the foundations and structures of Indonesian law. Therefore, through a theoretical and legislative approach, this paper discusses the history of Indonesian state administration from August 17, 1945 to July 5, 1959. The author concludes that the history of Indonesian state administration is inseparable from Proklamasi Kemerdekaan 17 Agustus 1945, the birth of UUD 1945, the birth of Konstritusi RIS 1949, Dekrit Presiden 5 Juli 1959, and the change of government system in the constitution. Proklamasi Kemerdekaan 17 Agustus 1945 contained three meanings, namely the sovereignty of the nation, the statement of independence, and efforts to uplift the nation's dignity. The birth of UUD 1945 contains a number of historical facts, namely the presentation of ideas on the basis of the state, the formation of the Draft Constitution and the establishment of UUD 1945. The birth of Konstritusi RIS 1949 included two historic events, namely the Perundingan Linggajati which gave rise to a variety of interpretations of Indonesian-Dutch sovereignty and the Konferensi Meja Bundar (KMB) which resulted in the formation of the United States of the Republic of Indonesia. Dekrit Presiden 5 Juli 1959 which contained the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, the re-enactment of UUD 1945, and the formation of the MPR. The change in the system of government outlined by the constitution also affected Indonesian state administration.
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Benton, Gregor, and Joseph K. S. Yick. "Making Urban Revolution in China: The CCP-GMD Struggle for Beiping-Tianjin, 1945-1949." American Historical Review 102, no. 2 (April 1997): 500. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170931.
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Alfatiana, Lesta, and Ayu Wulandari. "Di Balik Layar Penyelundupan: Tokoh-Tokoh dalam Perdagangan Gelap Pemerintah Republik di Singapura, 1947-1949." Lembaran Sejarah 18, no. 1 (January 10, 2023): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.80452.
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This article discusses the figures who were involved in the smuggling of illegal trades carried out by the Republican Government during the revolutionary period of 1945-1949 in Singapore. Illegal trade is one of the Republican Government’s efforts to fill the void of state treasury after the imposition of an economic blockade by the Dutch Government during the revolutionary period. The economic blockade, especially on Sumatra, closed the flow of international trades entering Indonesia. Through this illegal trade, the Republican Government succeeded in filling the void in the state treasury and in providing financial support during the 1945-1949 revolution. However, the process of this illegal trade was carried out with great obstacles and challenges by several figures who made major contributions. Several figures known to have played an important role in this action include Ali Djajengprawira, Utoyo Ramelan, Zairin Zain, Suryono Darusman, R.E. Bajened, Dr. Samad, Joe Loh, Tan Chi Ku, and the last one is Djumbang Roesad.
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Oostindie, Gert, Ireen Hoogenboom, and Jonathan Verwey. "The decolonization war in Indonesia, 1945–1949: War crimes in Dutch veterans’ egodocuments." War in History 25, no. 2 (April 2018): 254–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344517696525.
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Between August 1945 and December 1949, the Netherlands deployed some 220,000 military in the Indonesian decolonization war. Both during and long after this war, the Dutch government has denied that its armed forces engaged in war crimes, apart from a limited number of identified transgressions characterized as ‘exceptional’. This position has increasingly been criticized by scholars and in public debates, but it remains a daunting task to present conclusive evidence. This paper, based on an exhaustive analysis of all published egodocuments of Dutch soldiers and veterans, is a first attempt at quantification and confirms earlier suggestions that war crimes formed a structural ingredient of Dutch warfare. This extensive and unique corpus also discloses valuable information about the context in which such crimes were perpetrated.
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Suwignyo, Agus. "School Teachers and Soft Decolonisation in Dutch–Indonesian Relations, 1945–1949." Itinerario 46, no. 1 (November 29, 2021): 150–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115321000309.
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AbstractThe emergence of two states in Indonesia in the aftermath of the Second World War, namely the Republic of Indonesia and the Netherlands Indies Civil Administration, instigated a war that imposed citizenship, which schoolteachers had to choose carefully. By examining the quest for professional trajectories of Dutch and Indonesian schoolteachers during the 1945–1949 period, this paper argues that expanding citizenship fostered decolonisation through the teachers’ detachment from a shared dream of social mobility. The post–World War II reconstruction project, which is largely depicted as narratives of state building in many of the existing bibliographies, reflected a growing discontent in teachers’ expectations for economic reestablishment at the personal levels. The teachers’ detachment from a shared dream of social mobility reflected the dissolution of an imagined community where transnational cultural identities had met and melded in the early twentieth century. In contrast to the emerging historiography that emphasises atrocities and violence, this paper offers a perspective on the soft process of decolonisation.
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Wemheuer, Felix. "The Chinese Revolution and “Liberation”: Whose Tragedy?" China Quarterly 219 (September 2014): 849–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741014001052.
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Once upon a time in China, Ella Fitzgerald sang in Shanghai's jazz clubs; bright neon lights with English advertisements shone in the dark; and, even in provincial Kunming, people saw 166 shows of the Hollywood movieI Wonder Who's Kissing Her Now. This was before 1949, when the communist peasants' army entered the cities and turned China in the first decade of Maoist rule into “one of the worst tyrannies in the history of the twentieth century, sending to an early grave at least 5 million civilians and bringing misery to countless more” (p. xiii). This tyranny is the focus of Frank Dikötter'sThe Tragedy of Liberation: A History of the Chinese Revolution 1945–57.
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Pratiwi, Geza Surya. "Kekerasan Terhadap Golongan Tionghoa pada Masa Revolusi di Malang, 1945–1949." Lembaran Sejarah 18, no. 1 (January 10, 2023): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.80455.
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This article discusses mass-violence during the revolutionary period directed to the Chinese, who were considered to have received economic and political benefits during the colonial period. It aims to examine the roots of violence perpetrated against the Chinese since the Dutch colonial period in the city of Malang. To do so, this study uses primary sources such as archives, newspapers and photographs that were produced during the revolutionary period. In addition, this study also collected oral history through interviews with the survivors and other related parties. Based on the conducted research, it was found out that the violence against the Chinese during the revolution period in Malang occurred as a result of the accumulation of anger among the local population over the injustice policy of the colonial government benefitting the Chinese economically as well as politically.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 158, no. 3 (2002): 535–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003776.
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-Martin Baier, Han Knapen, Forests of fortune?; The environmental history of Southeast Borneo, 1600-1880. Leiden: The KITLV Press, 2001, xiv + 487 pp. [Verhandelingen 189] -Jean-Pascal Bassino, Per Ronnas ,Entrepreneurship in Vietnam; Transformations and dynamics. Copenhagen: Nordic Institute of Asian Studies (NIAS) and Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2001, xii + 354 pp., Bhargavi Ramamurty (eds) -Adriaan Bedner, Renske Biezeveld, Between individualism and mutual help; Social security and natural resources in a Minangkabau village. Delft: Eburon, 2001, xi + 307 pp. -Linda Rae Bennett, Alison Murray, Pink fits; Sex, subcultures and discourses in the Asia-Pacific. Clayton, Victoria: Monash Asia Institute, 2001, xii + 198 pp. [Monash Papers on Southeast Asia 53.] -Peter Boomgaard, Laurence Monnais-Rousselot, Médecine et colonisation; L'aventure indochinoise 1860-1939. Paris: CNRS Editions, 1999, 489 pp. -Ian Coxhead, Yujiro Hayami ,A rice village saga; Three decades of Green revolution in the Philippines. Houndmills, Basingstoke: MacMillan, 2000, xviii + 274 pp., Masao Kikuchi (eds) -Robert Cribb, Frans Hüsken ,Violence and vengeance; Discontent and conflict in New Order Indonesia. Saarbrücken: Verlag für Entwicklungspolitik, 2002, 163 pp. [Nijmegen Studies in Development and Cultural Change 37.], Huub de Jonge (eds) -Frank Dhont, Michael Leifer, Asian nationalism. London: Routledge, 2000, x + 210 pp. -David van Duuren, Joseph Fischer ,The folk art of Bali; The narrative tradition. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1998, xx + 116 pp., Thomas Cooper (eds) -Cassandra Green, David J. Stuart-Fox, Pura Besakih; Temple, religion and society in Bali. Leiden: KITLV Press, xvii + 470 pp. [Verhandelingen 193.] -Hans Hägerdal, Vladimir I. Braginsky ,Images of Nusantara in Russian literature. Leiden: KITLV Press, 1999, xxvi + 516 pp., Elena M. Diakonova (eds) -Hans Hägerdal, David Chandler, A history of Cambodia (third edition). Boulder, Colorado: Westview, 2000, xvi + 296 pp. -Robert W. Hefner, Leo Howe, Hinduism and hierarchy in Bali. Oxford: James Currey, Santa Fe: School of American Research Press, 2001, xviii + 228 pp. -Russell Jones, Margaret Shennan, Out in the midday sun; The British in Malaya, 1880-1960. London: John Murray, 2000, xviii + 426 pp. -Russell Jones, T.N. Harper, The end of empire and the making of Malaya. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, xviii + 417 pp. -Sirtjo Koolhof, Christian Pelras, The Bugis. Oxford: Blackwell, 1996, xvii + 386 pp. [The People of South-East Asia and the Pacific.] -Tania Li, Lily Zubaidah Rahim, The Singapore dilemma; The political and educational marginality of the Malay community. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1998, xviii + 302 pp. -Yasser Mattar, Vincent J.H. Houben ,Coolie labour in colonial Indonesia; A study of labour relations in the Outer Islands, c. 1900-1940. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1999, xvi + 268 pp., J. Thomas Lindblad et al. (eds) -Yasser Mattar, Zawawi Ibrahim, The Malay labourer; By the window of capitalism. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1998, xvi + 348 PP. -Kees Mesman Schultz, Leo J.T. van der Kamp, C.L.M. Penders, The West Guinea debacle; Dutch decolonisation and Indonesia 1945-1962. Leiden: KITLV Press, 2002, viii + 490 pp. -S. Morshidi, Beng-Lan Goh, Modern dreams; An inquiry into power, cultural production, and the cityscape in contemporary urban Penang, Malaysia. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Southeast Asia Program, 2002, 224 pp. [Studies on Southeast Asia 31.] -Richard Scaglion, Gert-Jan Bartstra, Bird's Head approaches; Irian Jaya studies - a programme for interdisciplinary research. Rotterdam: Balkema, 1998, ix + 275 pp. [Modern Quarternary Research in Southeast Asia 15.] -Simon C. Smith, R.S. Milne ,Malaysian politics under Mahathir. London: Routledge, 1999, xix + 225 pp., Diane K. Mauzy (eds) -Reed L. Wadley, Christine Helliwell, 'Never stand alone'; A study of Borneo sociality. Phillips, Maine: Borneo Research Council, 2001, xiv + 279 pp. [BRC Monograph Series 5.] -Nicholas J. White, Francis Loh Kok Wah ,Democracy in Malaysia; Discourses and practices. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, 2002, xiii + 274 pp. [Nordic Institute of Asian Studies Democracy in Asia Series 5.], Khoo Boo Teik (eds)
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Molyneux, John. "How Not To Write About Lenin." Historical Materialism 3, no. 1 (1998): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920698100414275.
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AbstractEighty one years on, the Russian Revolution remains an event of unique significance for socialists, Marxists and historical materialists. It is the only occasion to date of which it can plausibly be claimed that the working class itself overthrew the capitalist state, established its own power and maintained it on a national scale for a significant period of time. Discount the Russian Revolution and we are left only with heroic but local and short-lived attempts and near-misses such as the Paris Commune, the Hungarian Revolution of 1919, the Munich Soviet and Barcelona 1936, or the long list of seizures of power, usually by armed forces of one sort or another, in the name of the working class or Marxism (Eastern Europe 1945–47, China 1949, Cuba 1959, etc.).
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CRIBB, ROBERT. "A Revolution Delayed: The Indonesian Republic and the Netherlands Indies, August-November 1945." Australian Journal of Politics & History 32, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 72–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1986.tb00342.x.
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Luttikhuis, Bart. "Generating distrust through intelligence work: Psychological terror and the Dutch security services in Indonesia, 1945–1949." War in History 25, no. 2 (April 2018): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344516652421.
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In insurgent wars, gaining reliable intelligence is of essential importance to both sides of the conflict. This paper examines the functioning of Dutch intelligence and security services in the Indonesian decolonization war (1945–1949), focusing in particular on their practices of arresting people to be questioned or interrogated. On the basis of interrogation reports produced by the various intelligence and security services, it argues that the arrest and interrogation practices of the intelligence apparatus itself should be seen as a form of violence. These practices created a psychological terror that forced ‘ordinary’ citizens to choose a side, exposing them to retribution from the other. The consequence was increasing social distrust, with potentially long-lasting effects.
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Protschky, Susie. "Burdens of Proof." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 176, no. 2-3 (June 11, 2020): 240–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-bja10015.
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Abstract There is but a limited scholarship on photographic sources from the Dutch military actions during the Revolusi Nasional Indonesia (Indonesian National Revolution) (1945–1949), and what exists almost entirely neglects perhaps the largest component of the archives: Dutch soldiers’ amateur photographs. Yet this category of photographs has simultaneously attracted much public and media controversy. This article contends that a narrow range of soldiers’ amateur photographs have thus far borne an anomalously weighty burden of proof to substantiate the nature and limits of extreme violence during the National Revolution, one that is brittle and difficult to sustain unless historians begin to broaden the focus of investigations into photographic archives. This article also investigates what it may mean for present-day Indonesians to see their ancestors as perpetrators as well as victims of violence and, importantly, as occupants of the ambiguous categories between both ends of this spectrum. What are the ethics of looking at and reproducing these photographs, and to whom do they belong?
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Shivji, Issa G. "Mwalimu and Marx in Contestation: Dialogue or Diatribe?" Agrarian South: Journal of Political Economy: A triannual Journal of Agrarian South Network and CARES 6, no. 2 (August 2017): 188–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2277976017731844.
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The October Russian Revolution of 1917 inaugurated the era of social transformation challenging the dominance of global capitalism. 1 It set in motion two lineages, one tracing its ancestry directly to October and its Marxist leader Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. Among these must be included the Chinese revolution of 1949, the Vietnamese revolution of 1945, and the Cuban revolution of 1959. The second lineage is that of national liberation movements in the former colonized countries of Africa and Asia. Tanzania’s independence movement Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) under the leadership of Julius Nyerere was one such national-popular movement that questioned both capitalism and imperialism with its blueprint called the Arusha Declaration: policy of socialism and self-reliance proclaimed in 1967. This essay focuses on Nyerere’s philosophical and political outlook and his contentious relationship with Marxism. It also documents the intellectual history of Marxist ideas in Tanzania.
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Wong, Nicholas Y. H. "Inter-imperial, Ecological Interpretations of the “Five Coolies” Myth in Penang and Medan." Prism 19, no. 2 (September 1, 2022): 319–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/25783491-9966667.
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Abstract This article proposes resource extraction politics as a lens to analyze the relationship between Malaysian Chinese (or Mahua) literature and the global literary economy. Rather than ascribe Mahua literature to its present national boundaries and diasporic communities, the article locates its formation in inter-imperial nodes of trafficked labor and art production, as well as a global system of colonial plantations. The article revisits Zeng Huading's 曾華丁 (1906–1942) short story (1928) and Ba Ren's 巴人 (1901–1972) historical drama (1949) about the myth of five Chinese coolies and their execution in 1871 for murdering a Dutch foreman in a Deli tobacco plantation in East Sumatra. The Anglo-Dutch migration corridor, or the cross-straits coolie trade between the two imperial jurisdictions of Penang (Straits Settlements) and Medan (East Sumatra), now part of Malaysia and Indonesia respectively, was one Nanyang connection, but these writers have been discussed separately within Mahua and Yinhua 印華 (Indonesian Chinese) contexts. Ba Ren, in particular, is studied as a leftist writer who contributed artistically to the Indonesian and Chinese revolutions in the 1940s and 1950s. Here, the article rethinks Ba Ren's legacy within a Mahua corpus, and Zeng Huading's fiction within a cross-straits history of labor. This ecological reading of their works also highlights their critique of Mahua's peripheralization within a world economy and global literature.
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de Jager, Koos-jan. "Gewetensbezwaarden onder vuur." Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 134, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 385–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvg2021.3.003.jage.
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Abstract Conscientious objectors under fire. Vaccine refusal among orthodox-Protestant soldiers in the Dutch Armed Forces, 1945-1950 During the Indonesian War of Independence (1945-1949), the Dutch government deployed 220,000 soldiers in the Indonesian archipelago. Among them was a group of conservative Christian soldiers who refused vaccinations against smallpox for religious reasons. Initially this caused no problems, but the situation changed after the outbreak of a smallpox epidemic in Indonesia in 1948. The non-vaccinated soldiers could not return to the Netherlands due to international restrictions. Although compulsory vaccination was abolished in 1939, some soldiers were forced to accept vaccination. In the Netherlands, representatives of the Reformed Political Party (SGP) and the conservative churches accused the Army of illegal actions. The central question in the debate was the space for religious minorities and divergent views on vaccination in the Dutch Armed Forces. This article studies the process of negotiation between the Dutch Armed Forces and the political and ecclesiastical representatives of this conservative religious group. Finally, this article argues for more research into religious diversity in the Dutch Armed Forces.
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Lindblad, J. Thomas. "The Economic Decolonisation of Indonesia: a Bird�s-eye View." Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities 4 (March 25, 2019): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jissh.v4i0.71.
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An oft-quoted statement by the Indonesian nationalist leader Haji Agus Salim runs as follows: The economic side of the Indonesian Revolution has yet to begin. (Higgins, 1957: 102, cited in Lindblad, 2008: 2). The statement was made shortly before or shortly after the transition of sovereignty from Dutch colonial rule on 27 December 1949. At long last, the Netherlands had acknowledged that Indonesia was independent, which brought the Indonesian Revolution to its logical conclusion. But, by the conditions laid down at the Round Table Conference in The Hague in late 1949, the interests of Dutch private capital were still omnipresent in the Indonesian economy. In addition, the Indonesian government was obliged to consult the Netherlands government in matters affecting the economy until the debt of the former colony to the metropolitan mother country had been repaid in full. As Haji Agus Salim rightly stressed, economic and political decolonisation did not coincide but followed different historical trajectories.This contribution offers an abridged account of the process of economic decolonisation as it unfolded between 1945 and 1959, from the proclamation of independence until the nationalisation of the vast majority of Dutch-owned companies that had retained operations in Indonesia after independence.1 Four themes serve as devices tofurther our understanding of the process of economic decolonisation. These four themes, in order of appearance, are below: the new spirit in Indonesian economic life following the transfer of sovereignty; the changing climate of economic policy-making during the 1950s; the response and accommodation by remaining Dutch companies; and, finally, the concluding phase of expropriation and nationalisation.A couple of points of departure need to be spelled out. The ideological basis of the thrust towards economic decolonisation in Indonesia was provided by a small booklet, Ekonomi Indonesia, which made a very timely appearance in 1949. Its subtitle, Dari ekonomi kolonial ke ekonomi nasional, carried an immediate appeal to contemporary public discourse, offering the briefest possible summary of what economic decolonisation in Indonesia was all about. For the remainder, the book offered very little concrete guidance (Hadinoto, 1949). A second point of departure may be traced in the international historiography on Indonesian decolonisation, notably John Sutters voluminous PhD dissertation on domestic developments up to the general election in 1955 (Sutter, 1959). Although providing a wealth of information from government sources and press material, Sutters survey offers little on the fate of private business enterprises; in addition, he did not consult Dutch-language sources. Yet another point of departure in our quest to better understand economic decolonisation in Indonesia is, of course, the wider international context of the Cold War. Decolonisation in Indonesia, whether political or economic, did not take place in a vacuum but was intrinsically linked to Indonesias efforts to position itself in the tension between the Western powers and the Soviet bloc. Just as Sukarnos young republic secured American support against the returning Dutch by heavy-handedly crushing the Communist uprising in Madiun in 1948; did increasing flirtation with the Soviet bloc during the Guided Democracy period alienate Indonesia from the internationalcommunity and bring flows of incoming foreign investment to a virtual standstill?
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Booth, Anne. "Government and Welfare in the New Republic: Indonesia in the 1950s." Itinerario 34, no. 1 (March 2010): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115310000057.
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When Indonesia finally received de jure independence in December 1949, the infant republic faced a range of serious problems, but nowhere were the problems more pressing than in the field of economic policy. In contrast with the Philippines and India, where the USA and Britain had honoured previous commitments and granted independence in 1946 and 1947 respectively, the refusal of the Netherlands to recognise the 1945 declaration of independence had led to four years of bitter and destructive fighting. Infrastructure on Java and elsewhere, already damaged during the Japanese occupation, deteriorated further after 1945, and by the end of the decade most of the important export industries were producing only a small fraction of their pre-1942 output. Smallholder agricultural output in Java was also well below pre-1942 levels. De Vries observed that many seed farms had been destroyed, irrigation systems had not been maintained and “vast areas of hill country” had been damaged by soil erosion. In the final years of the Japanese occupation, the Japanese army commandeered large amounts of rice, while the widespread issue of Japanese banknotes caused mounting inflation. Food was scarce everywhere and those with little or no land were most severely hit; most demographers concur that the population actually declined in Java after 1943, indicating a sharp increase in mortality.
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Zara, Muhammad Yuanda. "Indonesian Mockery of the Dutch during the Indonesian Struggle to Maintain Independence (1945-1948)." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 136, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 31–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.51769/bmgn-lchr.6885.
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Research on the struggle for Indonesian independence (1945-1949) and the harsh response of the Dutch to their former colony is abundant, with most studies focusing on the nature and forms of violence. One neglected area of research is how Indonesian nationalists represented the conflict in the form of mockery. This study intends to fill this gap by examining mocking textual representations of the Dutch, created and disseminated by Indonesians through print media. By 1945, the Indonesians had declared their independence and considered themselves fully capable of taking care of their new country. When the Dutch tried to take back rule in Indonesia, they were sarcastically accused of trying to recolonise Indonesia by cruel means. By contrasting the good ‘us’ with the bad ‘them’, mocking representations became a way for Indonesians to ridicule the Dutch. In these representations, the Dutch were portrayed as the people of a tiny country – compared to a large Indonesia – who were colonial-minded in an equal post-war world. Indonesians moreover emphasised the weak authority of the Dutch in Java and depicted them as perpetrators who falsely arrested innocent Indonesians, as producers of false propaganda, and as people who often boasted to be clever but actually lacked knowledge and were easily deceived by Indonesian fighters. This paper elucidates issues pertaining a type of representations that should be understood as an additional, yet often forgotten form of resistance against occupying foreign forces in the post-World War II era.De Indonesische onafhankelijkheidsstrijd (1945-1949) en de felle response van de Nederlanders op hun voormalige kolonie is veelvuldig onderzocht, waarbij de meeste studies zich richten op de aard en de vormen van geweld. Een grotendeels verwaarloosd onderzoeksgebied is de vraag hoe Indonesische nationalisten het conflict verbeeldden in de vorm van spot. Dit artikel tracht deze leemte te vullen en onderzoekt spottende tekstuele representaties van Nederlanders, gemaakt en verspreid door Indonesiërs via gedrukte media. In 1945 hadden de Indonesiërs de onafhankelijkheid uitgeroepen en achtten zij zichzelf volledig in staat om hun eigen land te besturen. Toen Nederland probeerde de macht in Indonesië terug te grijpen, gebruikten Indonesiërs sarcasme om te wijzen op de wrede acties van de Nederlanders in hun pogingen het land te herkoloniseren. Door de goede ‘wij’ te contrasteren met de slechte ‘zij’, werden spottende representaties een manier voor Indonesiërs om de Nederlanders belachelijk te maken. In deze voorstellingen werden de Nederlanders onder andere afgeschilderd als het volk van een piepklein land – vergeleken met het grote Indonesië – dat in het naoorlogse klimaat van gelijkwaardigheid vasthield aan koloniale gebruiken en denkpatronen. Daarnaast benadrukten Indonesiërs het zwakke gezag van de Nederlanders op Java en schilderden zij hen af als daders die ten onrechte onschuldige Indonesiërs arresteerden, als makers van valse propaganda, en als mensen die er prat op gingen slim te zijn, maar in werkelijkheid dom waren en makkelijk te misleiden waren door Indonesische strijders. Door te focussen op dergelijke humoristische, satirische representaties, analyseert dit artikel een belangrijke, maar vaak vergeten vorm van verzet tegen bezettende buitenlandse machten in het tijdperk na de Tweede Wereldoorlog.
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Dominggus, Markus. "Giat Gereja Kristus Tuhan (GKT) Mewartakan Injil Di Dalam Enam Periode Sejarahnya Di Indonesia." Seri Filsafat Teologi 32, no. 31 (December 12, 2022): 289–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.35312/serifilsafat.v32i31.189.
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Artikel ini berfokus pada usaha-usaha Gereja Kristus Tuhan (GKT) dalam melakukan pengabaran Injil di Indonesia, terlebih yang telah dilakukan oleh orang-orang Tionghoa Kristen, di tengah situasi politik saat itu. Dalam meneropong kegiatan pewartaan iman orang-orang Tionghoa Kristen tersebut, penulis mengikuti jalan pikiran sejumlah pengamat sejarah gereja di Indonesia dan Asia, yang berpendapat bahwa kegiatan pewartaan iman dipengaruhi oleh peran dan operasi kekuasaan negara terhadap Gereja dan orang Kristen serta faktor-faktor kebudayaan dari pewarta iman dan masyarakat di mana iman itu diberitakan. Oleh karena itu, artikel ini akan disajikan dengan mengikuti lima periode waktu kehidupan mereka di Indonesia selama ini, yaitu Periode Kolonial Belanda (1900-1942), Periode Pendudukan Jepang (1942-1945), Periode Revolusi Kemerdekaan (1945- 1949), Periode Orde Lama (1950-1965), Periode Orde Baru (1966-1998) dan Periode Pasca Reformasi (1998-kini). Studi ini menemukan bahwa, terlepas dari berbagai langkah yang diambilnya, orang-orang Tionghoa Kristen di GKT telah berusaha sebaik mungkin untuk memitigasi situasi dan dalam segala keadaan berjuang mewartakan Injil itu dengan sebaik-baiknya. Apakah situasi sosial dan politik yang diciptakan oleh berbagai kebijakan itu baik atau tidak baik baginya, mendatangkan kerugian atau keuntungan, orang-orang Tionghoa Kristen di GKT sadar betul bahwa Injil harus tetap diberitakan.
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Gunawan, Rudy, Desvian Bandarsyah, and Wildan Insan Fauzi. "CHAOS, MORAL DECADENCE, AND BETRAYAL (SATIRE IN "DI TEPI KALI BEKASI" NOVEL BY PRAMOEDYA ANANTA TOER)." LITERA 18, no. 1 (March 26, 2019): 71–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/ltr.v18i1.21146.
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Indonesian revolution in 1945-1949 is a remarkable moment for all of Indonesian people which is full of heroic spirit. Interestingly, Pramoedya portrayed the revolution moment in the novel entitled “Di Tepi Kali Bekasi” with different point of view in which he used a sarcasm style of language to depicts the conditions and deliver his critics about behaviors of people from various clusters at that time. Therefore, this current study is motivated by interest to explore how satirical narrative is used in the novel. A qualitative content analysis with context unit was employed as a research method to describe and analyze in detail the description and characteristics of satire in the novel. Specifically, a concept of satire intended in this study is sarcasm, social criticism, and irony. Based on the results of analysis, there are some satirical elements in the novel namely social chaos, public unrest, bandits and robbery, betrayal, generation conflicts, youth nationalism, and immoral behavior and corruption of the army. In addition, according to Pramoedya's view, revolution is considered as an animalistic age where the revolution of soul is more important and needed by the nation instead of the armed revolution. Due to those facts, independence remains as a fake independence where unheard voice of the periphery and moral destruction are still the main problem. Generally, it is found that the satirical root in the novel is laid on two things namely Pramoedya's direct experience as a soldier and his ideas he wants to convey in the novel.Kata Kunci: Di Tepi Kali Bekasi, novel sejarah, Pramoedya Ananta Toer, satireCHAOS, DEKANDENSI MORAL, DAN PENGKHIANATAN(Satir dalam Novel Di Tepi Kali Bekasi karya Pramoedya Ananta Toer)AbstrakRevolusi fisik 1945-1949 merupakan periode yang disakralkan dan digambarkan penuh dengan semangat kepahlawanan. Namun, Pramoedya menggambarkan revolusi Indonesia dalam novel di Tepi kali Bekasi dengan gaya bahasa satir yang berisi kritikan tajam dan ironi terhadap perilaku berbagai kalangan. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah mendeskripsikan narasi satir dalam novel Di Tepi Kali Bekasi karya Pramoedya Ananta Toer. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode analisis isi kualitatif untuk menggambarkan dan menganalisis secara detail deskripsi dan karakteristik satir dalam novel. Analisis data yang digunakan adalah unit konteks. Konsep satir yang dimaksud adalah sindiran, kritik sosial, dan ironi. Unsur satir yang terdapat dalam novel adalah kekacauan sosial (chaos), keresahan masyarakat, bandit dan rampok, pengkhianatan, konflik generasi, nasionalisme pemuda, serta perilaku amoral dan korupsi tentara. Cara pandang Pramoedya mengenai revolusi adalah revolusi sebagai zaman kebinatangan, revolusi jiwa lebih berhasil daripada revolusi bersenjata, kemerdekaan hanya kemerdekaan semu, suara kaum pinggiran, dan kehancuran moral. Akar satir dalam novel Di Tepi Kali Bekasi bertumpu pada dua hal, yaitu pengalaman langsung Pramoedya sebagai tentara dan gagasan-gagasan yang ingin disampaikannya dalam novel.Kata Kunci: Di tepi kali bekasi, novel sejarah, Pramoedya Ananta Toer, Satir
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JOHNSON, MATTHEW D. "Propaganda and Sovereignty in Wartime China: Morale Operations and Psychological Warfare under the Office of War Information." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 2 (February 14, 2011): 303–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000023.
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AbstractDuring the later years of the War of Resistance to Japan (1937–1945), United States (US) propaganda activities intensified in both Japanese military-occupied and ‘free’ regions of China. One of the most important organizations behind these activities was the Office of War Information (OWI). This paper examines the OWI, and particularly its Overseas Office, as key institutional actors within a broader US total war effort which touched the lives of civilian populations in East Asia as well as combatants, arguing that: •US propaganda institutions and propagandists played demonstrable roles in representing and shaping the experience of war in China;•these institutions, which included Asians and individuals of Asian descent, simultaneously acted to advance US goals in the wartime ‘Far East’;•while cooperation between US and Chinese governments was sporadic in the area of psychological warfare, conflicts over control often undermined or limited operations;•despite these shortcomings, US propaganda institutions (which included both the OWI and offices within the Department of State) had developed comparatively wide-ranging capabilities by the end of the war, and continued operations into the Civil War of 1945–1949.By 1945 propaganda had become an activity which regularly targeted allied populations as well as enemies. This process was facilitated by the early twentieth-century communications revolution, but was planned and controlled by the new engineers of the post-war order.
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Hung, Chang-Tai. "The Politics of Songs: Myths and Symbols in the Chinese Communist War Music, 1937–1949." Modern Asian Studies 30, no. 4 (October 1996): 901–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016838.
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Nie Er (1912–1935), a young Communist musician from Yunnan, could not possibly have imagined that when he wrote this patriotic song (with lyrics by the left-wing writer Tian Han [1898–1968]) for the 1935 filmChildren of Troubled Times (Fengyun ernü) it would soon become one of the most popular tunes in China. The overwhelming success of the song reflected a nation, long frustrated by imperialist (especially Japanese) aggression, thwarted reforms, domestic armed conflicts, and government ineptitude, venting its anger and crying out for a solution. When the Japanese invaded China two years later, ‘The March of the Volunteers’ was rapidly transformed into the quintessential song of resistance against Japan, sung at schools, in the army, at rallies, and on the streets. The song was influential in capturing the hearts and minds of millions during China's eight-year War of Resistance against Japan (1937–1945); its impact, in the words of one contemporary song critic, was ‘similar to that of the “Marseillaise” [in the French Revolution]’. When the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) seized power in it adopted the song as the official national anthem.
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Knight, G. Roger. "From Merdeka! to massacre: The politics of sugar in the early years of the Indonesian republic." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 43, no. 3 (August 22, 2012): 402–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463412000318.
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Between 1945 and 1965, what may be broadly defined as the politics of sugar in Indonesia passed through several critical stages. The industrial manufacture of sugar had begun in the Netherlands Indies in the mid-nineteenth century, but after a slump during the 1930s Depression, the industry virtually went into abeyance during the Japanese Occupation (1942–45). After the war, the years of struggle for Merdeka! (freedom) also saw a partial revival of the industry, which continued through national revolution and independence (1949) through to an incremental nationalisation in the late 1950s. Developments in the sugar industry culminated in massacre, rather than merdeka, however. The campaign against the PKI (Indonesian Communist Party) which began in 1965 resulted in the murder of labour unionists and peasant activists associated with the sugar industry. This paper traces the course of events from Merdeka to massacre, focusing on the sugar industry of East Java's Brantas valley. Its themes, however, relate to the industry in Java as a whole, and the question of why the commodity production of sugar came to be so deeply embroiled in the politics of the new republic.
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Seng (成国泉), Guo-Quan. "Revolutionary Cosmopolitanism and its Limits." Journal of Chinese Overseas 16, no. 1 (May 12, 2020): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341411.
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Abstract This article analyzes the extent and limits of the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) revolutionary cosmopolitanism in Southeast Asia. Between 1945 and 1949, the CCP intellectuals Hu Yuzhi and Wang Renshu operated a network of leftwing newspapers in Southeast Asia’s major urban centers. They championed the revolution in the homeland, while supporting anti-colonial nationalist movements in the region. Taking a comparative approach, I argue that the CCP’s revolutionary cosmopolitanism developed and diverged on the ground according to the diasporic community’s social structure, the contingency of events in the process of decolonization and initiatives taken by local CCP leaders. While the CCP in Jakarta turned neutral in the face of republican atrocities against Chinese, Singapore and Medan went on to mobilize merchants and youths to take part in local anti-colonial movements. The CCP stood for a moderate, anti-colonial Malayan nationalism in Singapore, in comparison with a more radical, non-assimilationist position in solidarity with Indonesia’s independence struggle in Medan.
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Malhi, Amrita. "Race, Space, and the Malayan Emergency: Expelling Malay Muslim Communism and Reconstituting Malaya's Racial State, 1945–1954." Itinerario 45, no. 3 (November 24, 2021): 435–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115321000279.
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ABSTRACTThis article analyses the physical and discursive displacement of Malay Muslim advocates of a cosmopolitan and multiracial form of Malayan citizenship from the arena of “legitimate” national politics between the Second World War and the mid-1950s. It discusses the trajectory of the Malayan Left during this period, with a special focus on the work of Abdullah C. D., a Malay Muslim leader of the Malayan Communist Party (MCP). Abdullah's work included helping to build the Malay Nationalist Party of Malaya (PKMM) under the MCP's United Front strategy from 1945, creating the MCP's Department of Malay Work in 1946, and establishing the Tenth Regiment of the Malayan National Liberation Army (MNLA) in 1949. This work was essential to the MCP's outreach to Malay Muslims after Malaya's failed national revolution, which collapsed into racial conflict without achieving independence for the British colony. The Malayan Emergency was declared in 1948, and its military and social campaigns eliminated or displaced the MCP's leadership and much of the MNLA, including Abdullah and the rest of the Tenth Regiment, to Thailand by 1954. Despite his continued engagement with political movements in Malaya, Abdullah's vision for a new politics for Malay Muslims was effectively displaced into the realm of nostalgia. His ideas, outlined in MNLA pamphlets and periodicals like Tauladan (Exemplar), never made significant inroads in Malaya, whose racial state the Emergency re-established, using race to manage the threat to its interests posed by leftist politics.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 163, no. 4 (2008): 559–621. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003696.
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Benedict Anderson; Under three flags; Anarchism and the anticolonial imagination (Greg Bankoff) Leakthina Chau-Pech Ollier, Tim Winter (eds); Expressions of Cambodia; The politics of tradition, identity and change (David Chandler) Ying Shing Anthony Chung; A descriptive grammar of Merei (Vanuatu) (Alexandre François) Yasuyuki Matsumoto; Financial fragility and instability in Indonesia (David C. Cole) Mason C. Hoadley; Public administration; Indonesian norms versus Western forms (Jan Kees van Donge) Samuel S. Dhoraisingam; Peranakan Indians of Singapore and Melaka (Joseph M. Fernando) Vatthana Pholsena; Post-war Laos; The politics of culture, history and identity (Volker Grabowksy) Gert Oostindie; De parels en de kroon; Het koningshuis en de koloniën (Hans Hägerdal) Jean-Luc Maurer; Les Javanais du Caillou; Des affres de l’exil aux aléas de l’intégration; Sociologie historique de la communauté indonésienne de Nouvelle-Calédonie (Menno Hecker) Richard Stubbs; Rethinking Asia’s economic miracle; The political economy of war, prosperity and crisis (David Henley) Herman Th. Verstappen; Zwerftocht door een wereld in beweging (Sjoerd R. Jaarsma) Klokke, A.H. (ed. and transl.); Fishing, hunting and headhunting in the former culture of the Ngaju Dayak in Central Kalimantan; Notes from the manuscripts of the Ngaju Dayak authors Numan Kunum and Ison Birim; from the Legacy of Dr. H. Schaerer; With a recent additional chapter on hunting by Katuah Mia (Monica Janowski) Ian Proudfoot; Old Muslim calendars of Southeast Asia (Nico J.G. Kaptein) Garry Rodan; Transparency and authoritarian rule in Southeast Asia (Soe Tjen Marching) Greg Fealy, Virginia Hooker (eds); Voices of Islam in Southeast Asia; A contemporary sourcebook (Dick van der Meij) Eko Endarmoko; Tesaurus Bahasa Indonesia (Don van Minde) Charles J.-H. Macdonald; Uncultural behavior; An anthropological investigation of suicide in the southern Philippines (Raul Pertierra) Odd Arne Westad, Sophie Quinn-Judge (eds); The Third Indochina War; Conflict between China, Vietnam and Cambodia, 1972-79 (Vatthana Pholsena) B. Bouman; Ieder voor zich en de Republiek voor ons allen; De logistiek achter de Indonesische Revolutie 1945-1950 (Harry A. Poeze) Michel Gilquin; The Muslims of Thailand (Nathan Porath) Tom Boellstorff; The gay archipelago; Sexuality and nation in Indonesia (Raquel Reyes) Kathleen M. Adams; Art as politics; Re-crafting identities, tourism, and power in Tana Toraja, Indonesia (Dik Roth) Aris Ananta, Evi Nurvidya Arifin, Leo Suryadinata; Emerging democracy in Indonesia (Henk Schulte Nordholt) Casper Schuring; Abdulgani; 70 jaar nationalist van het eerste uur (Nico G. Schulte Nordholt) Geoff Wade (ed. and transl.); Southeast Asia in the Ming Shi-lu; An open access resource (Heather Sutherland) Alexander Horstmann, Reed L. Wadley (eds); Centering the margin; Agency and narrative in Southeast Asian Borderlands (Nicholas Tapp) Marieke Brand, Henk Schulte Nordholt, Fridus Steijlen (eds); Indië verteld; Herinneringen, 1930-1950 (Jean Gelman Taylor) Tin Maung Maung Than; State dominance in Myanmar; The political economy of industrialization (Sean Turnell) Henk Schulte Nordholt, Ireen Hoogenboom (eds); Indonesian transitions (Robert Wessing) In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde no. 163 (20075), no: 4, Leiden
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Wade, Geoff. "The beginnings of a ‘Cold War’ in Southeast Asia: British and Australian perceptions." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 40, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 543–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463409990063.
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The questions of how and when the Cold War manifested itself in Southeast Asia are here examined through the perceptions of Britain and Australia to regional and global events from 1945 to 1950. Both had major stakes in the eventual results of the local contentions in Southeast Asia, as well as in the global effects of great power rivalry. Yet even for these powers, determining when they believed the Cold War came to Southeast Asia is dependent on the definition adopted. By 1946, there was already recognition of entrenched ideological conflict in Southeast Asia, and that this threatened Western interests. In 1947, there was recognition of connections between the local communist parties and the ‘global designs’ of the Soviet Union. In 1948, there was the outbreak of armed violence in Burma, Malaya and Indonesia, though there was no evidence of direct Soviet involvement in these. Ultimately, however, it was the establishment of the PRC in 1949 (as a major regional communist power), in tandem with plans by non-communist states to coordinate policy against communism, which was seen as marking the arrival of fully-fledged Cold War in Southeast Asia.
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BEGLOV, A. L. "International Activity of the Russian Orthodox Church during the “New Deal” Between the State and the Church. Periodization and the Elements of Crisis." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 4 (October 16, 2018): 104–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-4-104-129.
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The article describes the international activities of the Russian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate during the “new deal” in the state-church relations (late 1930s – first half of the 1950s). Depending on the direction of the international activities of the Russian Church, which the Soviet leadership considered to be the priority of the moment, the author outlines five main stages of the “new deal”. The first stage dated to the late 1930s – 1943, when the “new policy” remained a secret policy of the Stalinist leadership aimed at including Orthodox religious structures in the new territories, included into the USSR in 1939–1940, into the management system of the Moscow Patriarchate, and then to establish contacts with allies on religious channels through the anti-Hitler coalition. The second stage occurred in 1943–1948, when the main efforts of church diplomacy were aimed at including the Orthodox Churches of Eastern Europe in the orbit the influence of the Moscow Patriarchate and (after 1945) an unsuccessful attempt was made to achieve the leading role of the Russian Orthodox Church in the world Orthodoxy. The third stage occurred in 1948– 1949, when the crisis of the “new deal” took shape. Finally, the fourth stage began after 1949 with the inclusion of the Russian Orthodox Church in the international movement for peace and overcoming the crisis of state-church relations. The author pays special attention to the Moscow meeting of the heads and representatives of the Orthodox Churches of 1948, which revealed a divergence in the interests of the state and the Church and launched a crisis of the “new deal”. In addition, the article makes an excursion into the history of foreign policy activity of representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church in the period before the 1917 revolution, as well as its international relations in the interwar period�
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Hack, Karl. "Singapore and the Indonesian Revolution 1945–50: Recollections of Suryono Darusman. By Suryono Darusman. Introduction by Mochtar Kusmaatmadja. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1992. Pp. x, 73." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 31, no. 2 (September 2000): 412–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400017690.
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Petrova, G. V. "Old Believers in Brazil: preserving linguistic identity." Linguistics & Polyglot Studies 8, no. 3 (October 2, 2022): 109–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2410-2423-2022-3-32-109-121.
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This article is devoted to studying the history of Russian Old Believers’ emigration to Brazil, to analyzing the reasons that allowed them to maintain their linguistic identity, and to identifying the features of the dialect of the Russian language of the Old Believers living in Latin America and in Brazil, in particular. Old Believers moved to Brazil after centuries of oppression, as a result of which they first left Central Russia for the East of the country, Siberia and Primorye, and after the 1917 Revolution, many of them moved to Harbin (China). After the 1949 Revolution in China, they turned to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, who sent them to the United States, Canada, Australia and Brazil. Brazil was the first country to grant them visas. The main wave of Old Believers’ migration to Brazil falls on 1957–58, that is why they managed to avoid the policy of nationalization of the New State, carried out in 1937–1945 by Getúlio Vargas, whose goal was to turn all immigrants into Brazilian citizens by banning their native language not only in official but also in everyday communication. Thus, the Old Believers managed to fully preserve their religious, cultural and linguistic identity due to a certain hermeticism of their communities and the preservation of their traditional way of life. The dialect of the Old Believers of Brazil retains the typical features of the Nizhny Novgorod dialect of the 19th century, in which archaic linguistic features and semantic shifts in the meaning of words were conserved. However, it also contains lexical innovations denoting new concepts of modern life, Spanish and Portuguese borrowings and their adaptation. At the beginning of the 21st century, within the framework of the State Program to Assist the Voluntary Resettlement to Russia of Compatriots Living Abroad, several Old Believer families decided to return to Russia, to Primorye, thus completing their round-the-world trip.