Academic literature on the topic 'Indonesia ;Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Elections, 1971'

Indonesia is a constitutional democracy which in a democratic country, general elections including regional head elections (Pemilukada) are a way of being a form of people's sovereignty in playing an active role in state administration. The existence of post-conflict local elections is held at all types of political levels either in a democratic, authoritarian or totalitarian system and is recognized by States adhering to the principle of people's sovereignty. As for the formulation of the problem of this scientific paper, namely (1) How are the requirements for the nomination of members of the People's Representative Council and Regional People's Representative Council members in the election (general election)? (2) What are the implications of corruption convicts running for members of the people's representative council and regional people's representative council? This research uses normative legal research methods, statutory and conceptual approaches, primary and secondary legal sources, document studies and literature studies, and analysis of legal interpretations and descriptive analysis. On human rights, a person who has served a sentence as a prisoner has the same rights as other citizens and because the prisoner has already served the consequences of his actions with a sentence.

Representation of the people through the Parliament is not yet fully qualified, due to the influence of the party's board members is more dominant than the existence as the people's representatives who are directly elected by the people. Political system adopted can not fully realize the representation of the people who correspond the expectations of society, although it has been supported by a system of democratic elections based on the sovereignty of the people. Abstrak Representasi rakyat melalui DPR belum sepenuhnya memenuhi syarat, karena pengaruh anggota dewan partai lebih dominan daripada keberadaannya sebagai wakil rakyat yang dipilih langsung oleh rakyat. Sistem politik yang diadopsi tidak dapat sepenuhnya mewujudkan representasi rakyat yang sesuai dengan harapan masyarakat, walaupun telah didukung oleh sistem pemilihan demokratis berdasarkan kedaulatan rakyat.

Representation of the people through the Parliament is not yet fully qualified, due to the influence of the party's board members is more dominant than the existence as the people's representatives who are directly elected by the people. Political system adopted can not fully realize the representation of the people who correspond the expectations of society, although it has been supported by a system of democratic elections based on the sovereignty of the people. Abstrak Representasi rakyat melalui DPR belum sepenuhnya memenuhi syarat, karena pengaruh anggota dewan partai lebih dominan daripada keberadaannya sebagai wakil rakyat yang dipilih langsung oleh rakyat. Sistem politik yang diadopsi tidak dapat sepenuhnya mewujudkan representasi rakyat yang sesuai dengan harapan masyarakat, walaupun telah didukung oleh sistem pemilihan demokratis berdasarkan kedaulatan rakyat.

Abstract Based on Article 99 of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections that the authority of Bawaslu is to receive and follow up on reports relating to alleged violations of the implementation of laws and regulations governing elections, examine and review election violations in the province and recommend the results of the examination and review of parties regulated by law. Dispute resolution is a process, method or act of resolving something that causes differences of opinion, disputes or quarrels. Every dispute, whatever happens, always demands a solution and resolution. Based on Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections, Article 469 Paragraph (1) states that the Bawaslu decision regarding disputes over the General Election process is a final and binding decision. General Election, hereinafter referred to as General Election, is a means of people's sovereignty to elect members of the People's Representative Council, members of the Regional Representatives Council, President and Vice President, and to elect members of the Regional People's Representative Council, which are carried out directly, publicly, freely, confidentially, honestly and fairly. within the unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. Keywords: Authority, Bawaslu, Dispute Resolution, Election Abstrak Berdasarkan Pasal 99 Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pemilihan Umum bahwa kewenangan bawaslu dengan menerima dan menindak lanjuti laporan yang berkaitan dengan dugaan pelanggaran terhadap pelaksanaan peraturan perundang-undangan yang mengatur tentang pemilu, memeriksa dan mengkaji pelanggaran pemilu diwilayah provinsi serta merekomendasikan hasil pemeriksaan dan pengkajian kepada pihak yang diatur dalam undang-undang. Penyelesaian sengketa adalah proses, cara atau perbuatan dalam menyelesaikan sesuatu yang menyebabkan perbedaan pendapat, perselisihan atau pertengkaran. Setiap sengketa apapun yang terjadi, selalu menuntut pemecahan dan penyelesian. Berdasarkan Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 tentang Pemilihan umum Pasal 469 Ayat (1) Menyebutkan bahwa putusan Bawaslu mengenai sengketa proses Pemilihan Umum merupakan keputusan yang bersifat final dan menginkat. Pemilihan Umum yang selanjutnya disebut Pemilu adalah sarana kedaulatan rakyat untuk memilih anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, anggota Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, Presiden dan Wakil Presiden, dan untuk memilih anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah, yang dilaksanakan secara langsung, umum, bebas, rahasia, jujur dan adil dalam Negara kesatuan Republik Indonesia berdasarkan Pancasila dan Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945. Kata kunci: Kewenangan, Bawaslu, Penyelesaian Sengketa, Pemilu

In the 2019 election, the proportion of women elected to Indonesia’s People’s Representative Assembly ( Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR) increased significantly to almost 21 per cent. In this article, we ask whether an institutional innovation – the introduction of simultaneous presidential and legislative elections – contributed to this change. We examine the election results, demonstrating that, overall, women candidates did particularly well in provinces where the presidential candidate nominated by their party won a majority of the vote. Having established quantitatively a connection between results of the presidential elections and outcomes for women legislative candidates, we turn to our qualitative findings to seek a mechanism explaining this outcome. We argue that the simultaneous elections helped women candidates by easing their access to voters who supported one of the presidential candidates, but who were undecided on the legislative election. Rather than imposing additional burdens on female candidates, simultaneous elections assisted them.

The hallmark of a state of democracy is the implementation of the general election.The system was based on the implementation of the elections of the form ofdemocracy there , either directly or indirectly (representatives) .The state of theunity of the republic of indonesia as an archipelago is one of the state an adherentof the popular sovereignty, namely democracy pancasila .So that all the activitiesof the state and government shall not contravene with the values of philosophypancasila and still consider the constitution state that is the Undang Undang Dasar1945.Keywords: Democracy, Local Election, Pancasila

This paper aims to describe the recruitment of young legislative candidates for the Golkar Party in the 2019 elections. The problem is focused on how the recruitment of young legislative candidates is carried out by the Golkar party. In order to approach this problem, the theory of political recruitment from Michael Rush and Philip Althoff was used. The data were collected through interviews and analyzed qualitatively. The type of research used is descriptive which intends to provide the results of exploration or exploration of information on the research objectives. This study concludes that the political recruitment of young golkar party legislative candidates for the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia for the 2019-2024 period includes five activity processes, namely: supply and demand, agency, criteria, control and demand.

Abstract: This article tries to trace the steps of the House of Representatives which revoked two articles in Law Number 11 of 2006 concerning Aceh Governance, namely Article 57 and Article 60 paragraph (1), (2) and (4), which relate to the Aceh election institution through Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. Later, the Constitutional Court's action was annulled by the Constitutional Court because it violated the formal procedure for amending the Aceh Governance Law. The research method was carried out normatively with two problem formulations, why did the House of Representative revoke two articles of the Aceh Governance Law related to election management institutions in Aceh without complying with and even violating the procedures regulated by the Aceh Governance Law as a special law? Why did the Constitutional Court annulled the revocation of the two articles and consider them unconstitutional? The result showed that the revocation of the two articles was carried out by the House of Representative for several reasons, namely removing the dualism of the election supervisory agency in Aceh and tidying up the structure of the election management body in Indonesia to comply with the provisions of Article 22E paragraph (5) of the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. In 1945 and strengthening election administration institutions in the face of simultaneous elections in 2019. Meanwhile, the steps were taken by the Constitutional Court to cancel the revocation of the two articles and judge them as unconstitutional because the House of Representative did not conduct consultations and asked the Aceh People's Representative Council for consideration in the revocation process.Keywords: Aceh Election Commission; Election Supervisory Committee; Aceh Governance Law; Election Law.Abstrak: Artikel ini bertujuan menelusuri langkah DPR yang mencabut dua pasal dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 11 Tahun 2006 tentang Pemerintahan Aceh (UUPA), yakni Pasal 57 dan Pasal 60 ayat (1), (2) dan (4), yang berhubungan dengan lembaga penyelenggara pemilu di Aceh melalui Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 tentang Pemilihan Umum. Belakangan, pencabutan itu dibatalkan oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi karena dinilai inkonstitusional. Metode penelitian dilakukan secara normatif dengan dua rumusan masalah, mengapa DPR mencabut dua pasal UUPA terkait lembaga penyelenggara pemilu di Aceh tanpa mematuhi tata cara yang telah diatur oleh UUPA sebagai undang-undang khusus? Mengapa Mahkamah Konstitusi membatalkan pencabutan kedua pasal tersebut dan menilainya sebagai tindakan inkonstitusional? Adapun metode penelitian adalah hukum normatif dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan, teori, dan historis. Hasilnya diperoleh bahwa pencabutan kedua pasal tersebut dilakukan DPR karena beberapa alasan, yakni menghapus dualisme lembaga pengawas pemilu di Aceh dan menertibkan struktur lembaga penyelenggara pemilu di Indonesia agar sesuai dengan ketentuan Pasal 22E ayat (5) Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945. Sementara langkah Mahkamah Konstitusi membatalkan pencabutan kedua pasal tersebut dan menilainya sebagai tindakan inkonstitusional dikarenakan DPR tidak melakukan konsultasi dan meminta pertimbangan DPRA dalam proses pencabutan.Kata Kunci: Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat; Mahkamah Konstitusi; Lembaga Pemilu Aceh; Undang-undang Pemilu.

Abstrak: Rendahnya angka keterpilihan perempuan di lembaga Legislatif di Indonesia masih menjadi kajian menarik oleh beberapa kelompok sampai sekarang, sebut saja diantaranya yaitu kelompok pegiat gender. Salah satu lembaga legislatif di Indonesia yang memiliki masalah dengan angka rendahnya keterpilihan perempuan adalah Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah Provinsi Sumatera Barat. Sejak hadirnya kebijakan pemerintah yang tertuang dalam pasal 65 UU nomor 12 tahun 2003 yaitu tentang penetapan kuota 30% keterwakilan politik perempuan di legislatif sebagai affirmative action dalam pemilu 2004 sampai sekarang, faktanya kebijakan tersebut masih belum mampu meningkatkan jumlah keterpilihan perempuan di lembaga legislatif. Selama 3 periode pemilu, jumlah laki-laki masih diatas jumlah perempuan. Bahkan angka kritis 30% untuk perempuan di lembaga legislatif pun tidak tercapai. Sejauh ini, angka maksimal keterpilihan perempuan yang ada di Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah Provinsi Sumatera Barat hanya berjumlah 7 orang dari total keseluruhan sebanyak 65 orang. Tentunya, affirmative action perlu mengalami perbaikan lagi, sampai akhirnya kebijakan itu dapat menjadi solusi terhadap krisis perempuan dalam politik. Dari berbagai faktor penyebab tidak tercapainya tujuan peningkatan perempuan di lembaga legislatif, sepertinya butuh pembedahan kasus yang lebih mendalam lagi. Gunanya agar kebijakan yang dihasilkan lebih tepat sasaran, efektif dan efisien. Sedangkan manfaat akhirnya adalah dapat menjadi masukan untuk pemerintah dalam proses pembuatan kebijakan affirmative action yang sukses meningkatkan angka perempuan di lembaga legislatif di Indonesia pada umumnya dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah Provinsi Sumatera Barat khususnya. Penelitian ini mempergunakan metode kualitatif dengan teknik komparatif. Adapun beberapa konsep dan teori yang dipergunakan yaitu konsep affirmative action, teori keterwakilan politik perempuan, dan konsep bias gender. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kendala masih rendahnya keterwakilan politik perempuan di Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah Provinsi Sumatera Barat disebabkan oleh faktor keuangan yang dimiliki calon, stereotype, gender, budaya patriarki dan lemahnya kemampuan caleg perempuan dalam politik serta modal komunikasi yang belum baik. Ada tiga hal untuk membuat kesuksesan terhadap kebijakan affirmative action yaitu pertama perbaikan dari aspek peraturan, kedua, perbaikan dari aspek perempuan calon dan ketiga adalah perbaikan dari pola pemikiran masyarakat.Kata kunci: Perkembangan Keterwakilan Politik Perempuan, Studi Komparatif, Affirmative Action, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah Sumatera BaratAbstract: The low number of women elected at legislative institutions in Indonesia is still an interesting study by several groups until now, including the gender activist group. One of the legislative institutions in Indonesia that has problems with the low number of women being elected is the Regional Representative Council of the Province of West Sumatra. Since the introduction of a special temporary government policy for women/affirmative action (2004 elections) until now, the fact is that the policy has not been able to increase the number of women elected in the legislature. During the 3 election periods, the number of men was still above the number of women. Even the 30% critical figure for women in the legislature was not reached. So far, the maximum number of women elected in the Regional Representative Council of West Sumatra Province is only 7 people out of a total of 65 people. Of course, affirmative action needs to be improved again, until finally the policy can be a solution to the crisis of women in politics. Of the various factors that have not achieved the goal of increasing women in the legislature, it seems that more in-depth cases are needed. The point is that the resulting policies are more targeted, effective and efficient. While the final benefit is that it can be input for the government in the process of making a successful affirmative action policy that increases the number of women in the legislative body in Indonesia in general and the Regional Representative Council of West Sumatra Province in particular. This study uses qualitative methods with comparative techniques. Some of the concepts and theories used are the concept of affirmative action, the theory of women's political representation, and the concept of gender bias. The results showed that the constraints of the low political representation of women in the Regional Representatives Council of West Sumatra Province were caused by financial factors owned by candidates, stereotypes, gender, patriarchal culture and the weak ability of female candidates in politics and lack of communication capital. There are three things to make a success of the affirmative action policy, namely the first improvement from the aspect of regulation, second, the improvement from the aspect of a prospective woman and third is the improvement of the community's mindset.Key words: Women Political Representation, Comparative Study, Affirmative Action, Regional Representative Council of the Province of West Sumatra

Purpose: The implementation of regional autonomy in Indonesia has been regulated based on Laws of the Republic of Indonesia No 23 of the year 2014 concerning the responsibility given by the central government of the regional government to govern its own region. This is defined as regional autonomy. The government has appointed the members of Regional Legislative Councils (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah - DPRD) to perform monitoring function on the regional government. There are several political factors which affect this monitoring function, one of which is due to the members of Regional Legislative Council originating from various parties. There is one component which makes up financial performance, which is the Locally-Generated Revenue (Pendapatan Asli Daerah - PAD). High locally-generated revenue gives us a clear description on a region’s success in improving its regional income and therefore being independent from the central government. In the year 2015, the compositition of the party supporting the regent/mayor was equal. Whereas in the year of 2016, the composition has changed, due to regional elections taking place on some cities or districts in Indonesia.