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1
Kapur, S. Paul. "Ten Years of Instability in a Nuclear South Asia." International Security 33, no. 2 (October 2008): 71–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2008.33.2.71.
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The tenth anniversary of India's and Pakistan's 1998 nuclear tests enables scholars to revisit the issue of South Asian proliferation with a decade of hindsight. What lessons do the intervening years hold regarding nuclear weapons' impact on South Asian security? Some scholars claim that nuclear weapons had a beneficial effect during this period, helping to stabilize historically volatile Indo-Pakistani relations. Such optimistic analyses of proliferation's regional security impact are mistaken, however. Nuclear weapons have had two destabilizing effects on the South Asian security environment. First, nuclear weapons' ability to shield Pakistan against all-out Indian retaliation, and to attract international attention to Pakistan's dispute with India, encouraged aggressive Pakistani behavior. This, in turn, provoked forceful Indian responses, ranging from large-scale mobilization to limited war. Although the resulting Indo-Pakistani crises did not lead to nuclear or full-scale conventional conflict, such fortunate outcomes were not guaranteed and did not result primarily from nuclear deterrence. Second, these Indo-Pakistani crises led India to adopt a more aggressive conventional military posture toward Pakistan. This development could exacerbate regional security-dilemma dynamics and increase the likelihood of Indo-Pakistani conflict in years to come. Thus nuclear weapons not only destabilized South Asia in the first decade after the nuclear tests; they may damage the regional security environment well into the future.
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Raza, Muhammad Amjad, and Ghulam Mustufa. "Indo-Afghan Relations: Implications for Pakistan." Central Asia 84, Summer (October 1, 2019): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-84.20.
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Afghanistan is located at the convergence of Central, Middle and South Asian regions, one of the most world prime geographical locations. Its strategic location and abundant mineral resources have always attracted international community including India. Hence Indian objectives to develop relations with Afghanistan are manifold and decades old. Indian foreign policy is devised by many factors like its bitter relations with Pakistan and its desire of access route to Central Asian Republics by limiting Pakistan’s reach that has serious implications for Pakistan. In view of its past experience, Pakistan perceives Indian extended desire to engage in Afghanistan as a deliberate strategy of using the later as a battleground to show its power and use influence against Pakistan. Terrorist incidents in Balochistan provide evidence and links with Indian RAW activities organized in Afghan areas. So, Indian intention to invest in Afghanistan for infrastructure rebuilding is not as simple as it is often claimed. India has covert objectives of troubling Pakistan. In hostile lunacy, India increased, dramatically, its involvement in Afghanistan when the Taliban era came to an end. India’s interference in Afghanistan is a clear reflection of its desire to execute Afghan land against Pakistan. India sees Afghan war an opportunity to encounter Pakistan’s influence in the region. This research paper will analyze Indian involvement in Afghanistan and its implications for Pakistan. The study is designed to unveil the hidden objectives of fast growing Indo-Afghan relations and evaluates Indian strategies in regional context.
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Zafar, Muhammad Umair, Nazir Hussain Shah, Tahira Parveen, and Tayyaba Syed. "Indo- Afghan Nexus: Implications for Pakistan (2001- 2014)." Academic Journal of Social Sciences (AJSS ) 4, no. 4 (January 19, 2021): 782–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.54692/ajss.2020.04041231.
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Afghanistan, unlike India and Pakistan, has never been colonized throughout its history. People of Afghanistan have always enjoyed cordial relations with the people of undivided sub-continent. However, the creation of a new state ‘Pakistan’ was considered as both, a threat and a geo-graphical de linkage between the people of Afghanistan and India. Both Indo- Afghan strengthen their bi-lateral relations through the treaty of friendship 1950. On the contrary, Afghanistan was the only country to vote against Pakistan’s admission to United Nations Organization. Despite of lingual, cultural and religious ties, Pak- Afghan relations failed to form strong basis. Since the emergence of Pakistan, India has been engaged in derailing Pakistan’s stability and security through its multidimensional approaches. India’s aim to isolate Pakistan in its neighbors is a serious implication for Pakistan. Indian consulates in Kandahar and Jalalabad near the Pak- Afghan border have further raised serious concerns for Pakistan about the Indian presence in Afghanistan. The US war against terror campaign and Pakistan’s policy reversal against Taliban grew severe resentments among the Afghan Taliban against Pakistan. This article analyzes the Indian designs and its involvement in Afghanistan which directly affects the security and stability of Pakistan.
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Abbas, Syed Qandeel, and Syeda Hudaisa Kazmi. "Indo-Israel Relations under Hindutva and Zionism Ideational Factors for Pakistan." University of Wah Journal of Social Sciences 5, no. 1 (June 8, 2022): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.56220/uwjss2022/0501/08.
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The Indo-Israel relations are growing rapidly, especially under the Modi administration. These growing ties are based on ideological affinities, perception of common enemy and regional ambitions to attain strategic supremacy. The prevailing ideology of Hindutva in India and Zionism in Israel shapes the relations between these two countries and define the nature of consequences faced by Pakistan, especially in the context of its stance on Kashmir issue. The relations between India and Israel are manifold. The repercussions on Pakistan are not only because of Indo-Israel relations rather India’s rapidly growing relations with the Arab States, especially with the GCC. Since Pakistan could not openly support Arabs in their regional conflicts, the Arab States have changed their favors from Pakistan to India. Although, Saudi Arabia and UAE are still providing economic assistance to Pakistan but have withdrawn their support for Pakistan’s case on Kashmir. This paper primarily discusses the nature of Indo-Israel relations and how it is affecting Pakistan. The paper also considers the role of Arab States in the decline of Pakistan’s importance and impact on Kashmir after some prominent Arab States have signed the Abraham Accords. Keywords: Indo-Israel relations, Kashmir issue, Abraham Accords, GCC countries
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Mikhel, Irina. "RIVALRY AND PARTNERSHIP STRATEGIES IN THE INDIAN OCEAN REGION." Vostokovedenie i Afrikanistika, no. 2 (2021): 91–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rva/2021.02.06.
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This review analyzes recent publications by Pakistani authors on the policies of world powers in the Indian Ocean region, India-US cooperation and its implications for Pakistan, and recent Indo-Pakistan relations. The recent the U.S. containment doctrine on China has contributed to an American Pivot of Asia, an increased strategic partnership between the U.S. and India, a cooling of the U.S.-Pakistan relationship, and an increase in comprehensive cooperation between China and Pakistan. The establishment of a China-Pakistan economic corridor with access to the Indian Ocean near the Gwadar port becomes a matter of survival and a basis for future prosperity for China and Pakistan, while for the United States and its new allies it becomes a cause for serious concern and a reason for a new round of confrontation with China and Pakistan. The ongoing Indo-Pakistani rivalry is now also driven by Indian domestic politics and the role of Prime Minister Modi and his party.
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Kapur, S. Paul. "The India-Pakistan Conflict: An Enduring Rivalry." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 4 (December 2006): 966–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906339960.
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The India-Pakistan Conflict: An Enduring Rivalry, T.V. Paul, ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005.The rivalry between India and Pakistan has clearly been both deep and enduring. The two sides have fought four wars since attaining independence in 1947, and have waged a low-intensity conflict in the disputed territory of Kashmir since the late 1980s. And despite recent improvements in Indo-Pakistani relations, their fundamental political and territorial disagreements remain unresolved. However, it is not obvious why the two countries' relationship has been so stubbornly antagonistic. The India-Pakistan Conflict: An Enduring Rivalry, edited by T.V. Paul, addresses this issue. Specifically, the volume asks: Why has the Indo-Pakistani rivalry been so persistent, even compared to other long-standing conflicts? How have factors at the international, state and leadership levels contributed to this outcome? And why are the prospects for achieving a negotiated settlement of the rivalry so dim?
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Shah, Ayaz Ali, Mehreen Ali, and Syed Aizaz Ali Shah. "Pakistan's Foreign Policy and Eastern Border Security Threats (1947-55)." Volume 2, Issue 2 2, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.55737/qjssh.449446601.
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Since Independence in 1947, Pakistan's foreign policy has been indo-centric. There were two main goals that drove foreign policy decisions during the 1947-55 period: security and foreign economic aid. Rather than going to the Soviet Union to achieve its goals, Pakistan turned to the West and offered conditional support against the spread of communism throughout South Asia. In the end, Pakistan joined the U.S.-backed anti-Soviet alliances without receiving any guarantees of security from the United States. Pakistan's foreign policy was radically altered as a result of this. Strategic, political, and economic implications of this new overture are the focus of this paper. These two phases of foreign policy are examined in terms of their costs and benefits. Pakistan's security and economic affairs will also be examined in light of this development. Relations between the United States and Pakistan and Pakistani institutions will also be considered.
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Qayum, Huma, Syed Ali Shah, and Zubaria Andlib. "Implications of Pak-Afghan Transit Trade for Regional Security." Global Regional Review I, no. I (December 30, 2016): 167–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2016(i-i).13.
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Pak-Afghan relations have almost remained far from being normal and under the grip of allegations and counter allegation due to several bilateral political issues. However, trade relations have remained unrestrained from several decades. Afghanistan as a landlocked state always relied on Pakistani ports for its trade requirements with the rest of the world. Despite ups and downs in the relations, Pakistan provided the trade provision to Afghanistan under 1965 trade agreement which was replaced in October 2010 with agreement providing better trade facilities to Afghanistan with India. Pakistan has security concerns over India, as Indo-Afghan trade will reduce Pakistan’s imports of goods. Growing Indian presence in the form of huge investment in Afghanistan has threatened Pakistan’s security. Trade has great potential for Pakistan, India, and Afghanistan but security and sincereity are required for implementation of such agreements.
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Kumar, Sumita. "Trends in Indo‐Pakistan relations." Strategic Analysis 24, no. 2 (May 2000): 221–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700160008455210.
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Younus, Khadija. "STRATEGIC CONVERGENCE AND COMPETITION IN THE INDO-PACIFIC REGION: POLICY OPTIONS FOR PAKISTAN." Margalla Papers 24, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.54690/margallapapers.24.1.39.
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With Indo-Pacific being the stage for US-China strategic influence, South East Asia’s geopolitical scenario is likely to be transformed considerably. By declaring India as a Net Security Provider, the US has backed its outreach in the region by officially adjoining Pacific and Indian Oceans as the Indo-Pacific region. Major countries of the region including China, Russia, India, and Pakistan are in the phase of diversifying and reconfiguring their relationships. Within this scenario, Pakistan and India are likely to pursue their strategic interests that take them in opposite directions. While the US endows India with its strategic partner status, CPEC in Pakistan has emerged as a litmus test for China’s BRI. The contestation is to have a direct bearing on the strategic matrix of South Asia generally and Pakistan particularly. This qualitative research under the framework of realist/neo-realist and complex interdependence’s assumptions undertakes to account for this Sino-US strategic convergence and competition that is leading to a security dilemma in South Asia with implications for Pakistan. It concludes cooperation between the US and China is to enhance Pakistan’s security both internal and external while competition is to erode it. Alongside, this paper formulates some policy options for Pakistan’s decisionmakers for ensuring the security and socio-economic development of the country. Bibliography Entry Younus, Khadija. 2020. "Strategic Convergence and Competition in the Indo-Pacific Region: Policy Options for Pakistan." Margalla Papers 24 (1): 81-96.
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Younus, Khadija. "STRATEGIC CONVERGENCE AND COMPETITION IN THE INDO-PACIFIC REGION: POLICY OPTIONS FOR PAKISTAN." Margalla Papers 24, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.54690/margallapapers.24.1.39.
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With Indo-Pacific being the stage for US-China strategic influence, South East Asia’s geopolitical scenario is likely to be transformed considerably. By declaring India as a Net Security Provider, the US has backed its outreach in the region by officially adjoining Pacific and Indian Oceans as the Indo-Pacific region. Major countries of the region including China, Russia, India, and Pakistan are in the phase of diversifying and reconfiguring their relationships. Within this scenario, Pakistan and India are likely to pursue their strategic interests that take them in opposite directions. While the US endows India with its strategic partner status, CPEC in Pakistan has emerged as a litmus test for China’s BRI. The contestation is to have a direct bearing on the strategic matrix of South Asia generally and Pakistan particularly. This qualitative research under the framework of realist/neo-realist and complex interdependence’s assumptions undertakes to account for this Sino-US strategic convergence and competition that is leading to a security dilemma in South Asia with implications for Pakistan. It concludes cooperation between the US and China is to enhance Pakistan’s security both internal and external while competition is to erode it. Alongside, this paper formulates some policy options for Pakistan’s decisionmakers for ensuring the security and socio-economic development of the country. Bibliography Entry Younus, Khadija. 2020. "Strategic Convergence and Competition in the Indo-Pacific Region: Policy Options for Pakistan." Margalla Papers 24 (1): 81-96.
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Ariyawardana, S. S. N. "Regional Security Perspectives in South Asia: Indo-Pakistan Rivalry." Vidyodaya Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 07, no. 02 (July 1, 2022): 153–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31357/fhss/vjhss.v07i02.11.
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Inter-state and intra-state conflicts emerged with political, social, and economic factors which increasingly contributed to security dilemmas at global and regional levels. This study investigates the regional security issues which have emerged through the Indo-Pakistani conflict in South Asia. In order to obtain the data for this study, secondary qualitative data and information based on an archival research methodology were used. Books, journal articles, research papers, official websites, and e-Newspapers were incorporated into this archival research. According to this study, the first and second Kashmir wars, the 1971 conflict, the Kargil conflict, the attack on the Indian Parliament, the 2002 Military Standoff, the Mumbai Terror attack, and the Surgical Strikes carried out by India have all contributed to the gradual development of the Indo-Pakistan war, which has led to current concerns about regional security. Interstate strife and tension, hostility between nations, mutual mistrust and animosity posed by terrorism, religious extremism, nuclearization, and economic and political instability have all intensified due to security concerns posed by the Indo-Pakistan rivalry. Finally, as an effort to address these security issues related to the Indo-Pakistani wars, this study has proposed the establishment of a ‘South Asian Regional Security Cooperation’. This proposed Cooperation will be treated under four basic regional security corporation models: alliances, collective security, security regimes, and security communities to reinforce regional security in South Asia.
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Zainab Ahmed. "Great Power Rivalry in Indo Pacific: Implications for Pakistan." Strategic Studies 41, no. 4 (February 24, 2022): 56–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.041.04.0037.
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The term of Indo Pacific delineates a conceptual evolution in the US strategic community to contain and encircle China by countering it in the area of its influence. The underlined policy priority is to counter Belt and Road Initiative to contain China. While China’s strict adherence to the previous geographical connotation of Asia Pacific establishes that it sticks to its policy of leading world by economic interdependence approach in Asia. This great power competition in the Indo Pacific region has wide ranging strategic and economic implications for Pakistan. This paper aims to discern into the factors which are making the strategic environment tensed thinning out the options for Pakistan. The two basic questions which this study addresses are: a. How does conceptual shift from Asia Pacific to Indo Pacific transform the strategic environment of this region? b. Why is this transformation so significant for Pakistan’s geostrategic interests?
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C., F. F., and S. F. Mahmud. "A Concise History of Indo-Pakistan." Journal of the American Oriental Society 114, no. 1 (January 1994): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/605002.
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Mustafa, Ghulam. "Indo-Israel Relations: Implications for Pakistan." Pakistan Social Sciences Review 3, no. I (June 30, 2019): 194–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.35484/pssr.2019(3-i)14.
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Malkani, Muhammad Sadiq. "Smallest Titanosaur from Indo-Pakistan Landmass." Open Journal of Geology 09, no. 10 (2019): 627–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ojg.2019.910059.
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Malkani, Muhammad Sadiq. "Large Titanosaur from Indo-Pakistan Peninsula." Open Journal of Geology 09, no. 10 (2019): 635–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ojg.2019.910061.
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A. Pasha, Hafiz, and Muhammad Imran. "The Prospects for Indo-Pakistan Trade." LAHORE JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS 17, Special Edition (September 1, 2012): 293–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.35536/lje.2012.v17.isp.a12.
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This article analyzes the volume and pattern of India–Pakistan trade given the extent of trade complementarity between the two countries and, in the presence of a restricted positive list of imports from India, the tariff regime and nontariff barriers in the two countries. The study also assesses the impact on bilateral trade of granting most-favored nation status to India, the removal of some of the impediments to trade, and the implementation of the final phase of import tariff reduction under the South Asian Free Trade Agreement. Finally, the article highlights emerging opportunities and possible threats to the process of trade normalization between the two countries.
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Associate Professor, Farhan Hanif Siddiqi. "US Indo-Pacific Strategy and Pakistan’s Foreign Policy: The Hedging Option." Strategic Studies 42, no. 1 (August 4, 2022): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.042.01.00153.
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Pakistan finds itself at the horns of a strategic dilemma as the US-China rivalry intensifies in international politics. At the heart of the dilemma is the spectre of choosing between the US and China which has the intended effect of raising costs for Pakistan’s foreign policy. Recent commentaries on Pakistan’s foreign policy advocate the need for Pakistan to strike a balance between China and the US. In contradistinction to such commentaries, the present article makes a more nuanced case for the ‘hedging’ strategy. Hedging involves policies that advocate a mixture of return-maximization and risk-contingency planning that circumvents the dominance of major powers. The article argues that Pakistan’s hedging strategy necessitates the avoidance of binaries in international politics, domestic political stability and the prioritization of economic gains.
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Kapur, S. Paul. "India and Pakistan's Unstable Peace: Why Nuclear South Asia Is Not Like Cold War Europe." International Security 30, no. 2 (October 2005): 127–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/016228805775124570.
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Scholars attribute conventional violence in a nuclear South Asia to a phenomenon known as the “stability/instability paradox.” According to this paradox, the risk of nuclear war makes it unlikely that conventional confict will escalate to the nuclear level, thereby making conventional confict more likely. Although this phenomenon encouraged U.S.-Soviet violence during the Cold War, it does not explain the dynamics of the ongoing confict between India and Pakistan. Recent violence has seen Pakistan or its proxies launching limited attacks on Indian territory, and India refusing to retaliate in kind. The stability/instability paradox would not predict such behavior. A low probability of conventional war escalating to the nuclear level would reduce the ability of Pakistan's nuclear weapons to deter an Indian conventional attack. Because Pakistan is conventionally weaker than India, this would discourage Pakistani aggression and encourage robust Indian conventional retaliation against Pakistani provocations. Pakistani boldness and Indian restraint have actually resulted from instability in the strategic environment. A full-scale Indo-Pakistani conventional confict would create a significant risk of nuclear escalation. This danger enables Pakistan to launch limited attacks on India while deterring allout Indian conventional retaliation and attracting international attention to the two countries' dispute over Kashmir. Unlike in Cold War Europe, in contemporary South Asia nuclear danger facilitates, rather than impedes, conventional confict.
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Zeb, Rizwan, Shahbaz Ahmed Shahzad, and Muhammad Alam. "New Delhi's Pakistan Dilemma and the Indo-Pakistan Peace Process." Global Legal Studies Review VI, no. I (March 30, 2021): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/glsr.2021(vi-i).03.
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Although many argue that since Modi took over, Indo-Pak peace became a mirage yet, this paired minority conflict started in 1947. At present, any discussion in the west on India-Pakistan relations implicates Pakistan for all the wrongs with the relationship. What is missing from this narrative is the lack of a clear Indian position and policy towards Pakistan. What is New Delhi's Pakistan policy? How New Delhi intends to address its Pakistan problem? The core argument of this paper is that the biggest hurdle to establishing India-Pakistan peace or normalization is a lack of a clearly stipulated Pakistan policy on the part of New Delhi and that it has no vision for how to deal with Pakistan other than as an enemy.
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Tatarkov, Dmitriy B. "Comparative Analysis of the Use of the Naval Forces of India and Pakistan During the 1971 War." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 1(2021) (March 25, 2021): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-1-28-35.
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The destructive processes that are observed in the modern world, the crisis of the world order determine a new round of power confrontation both in the line of global and regional actors of world politics. There is an increase in armed confrontation, the desire to solve old, including territorial, problems by force. The study of the historical experience of the armed confrontation between India and Pakistan actualizes the problem of this paper. The purpose of the article is to analyze and summarize the experience of the use of naval forces during military operations at sea in the Indo-Pakistani war of 1971, to identify the main factors that influenced the planning of naval operations, the course and results of combat operations at sea. The author used a narrative approach and a historical-comparative method to identify the evolution of ideas about the use of naval forces in the Indo-Pakistani conflict of 1971. The article highlights and examines the main factors and their impact on the training and use of naval forces during military operations at sea in the Indo-Pakistani conflict of 1971. Special attention is paid to the assessment of the impact of the political nature of the war, its goals and scale, the views of the military-political and military leadership of India and Pakistan on the training and use of naval forces; the tasks that were solved by the fleets of the parties; the role and place of individual types of forces in solving certain tasks in the theater of operations. To determine factors that directly affect the use of the naval forces of India and Pakistan in the 1971 conflict, the author analyzes the conditions in the Maritime theaters of war, the factors that have characterized the theater, and the impact of conditions in the theater on the planning and implementation of operations. The main sources are archival and analytical materials of the Ministry of Defense of India and the Ministry of Defense of Pakistan, memoirs of war participants.
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Jabeen, Fariha, and Asia Saif Alvi. "Indo-US Nuclear deal: Challenge for Pakistan." Journal of Law & Social Studies 3, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 159–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.52279/jlss.03.02.159164.
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Pakistan and India were in opposing camps during the cold war while Pakistan was in the West camp and India in Soviet camp. (Gillani, 2021) (Ali, 2020). The demise of Soviet Union gave a chance to China to emerge itself as a challenger to the USA superiority. China's growing economy gave a direction to US policy towards the South Asian region and especially focused on India. India was also trying to be a hegemonic power in its region and common enemy of Pakistan and China. The US knew that there was only India in the south Asian region that will be helpful to combat china because Pakistan was already economically tied with china. There was another important point that America was intentionally focusing on Asia because it need allies in Asia like the EU and the Middle East. So it needs an important ally like India that can shelter the interests of the USA.
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Tariq, Mehak, and Arshad . "US INDO-PACIFIC ENGAGEMENT: IMPLICATIONS ON PAKISTAN." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no. 01 (March 31, 2022): 269–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i1.650.
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In recent years, Maritime security has become one of the most important mandates in terms of international relations. A major part of the world is covered with water which implies countries with a responsibility to safeguard their passages. Maritime security extends beyond the traditional notion of security as it can mold with current concepts of security and make its relevance. Due to the changing dynamics, the US formed an Indo-Pacific policy that includes India, Japan, the UK, and Australia with other countries signing up. In this thesis, we will discuss the cooperation between US and India and its direct effects on Pakistan's National Security policy because the foundation of such a mandate is born from the competition between states. In this thesis, we are going to apply the lens of Structural realism to solve the puzzle vis-à-vis emerging strategic and geopolitical alliances in the contemporary world. This thesis argues how Indo-Pacific policy is creating Maritime security concerns for Pakistan in the Asia-Pacific region as the world is moving towards multipolarity and rebalancing. Also, we will analyze US geostrategic concerns and its favored policy towards structured alliances. Keywords: US indo-pacific policy, Geostrategic policy, Indian Ocean, Pacific Ocean, Naval security, Maritime security, US-China relations.
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Murtaza, Khadija, and Dr Mian Muhammad Azhar. "INDO-USA Nuclear Deal: Implications for Pakistan." Journal of Law & Social Studies 1, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 69–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.52279/jlss.01.02.6976.
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In the arena of international system, every state tries to maximize its own power for its self-survival. States are enhancing their power to increase their hegemony. That is why India and United States have led to a strategic partnership due to mutual interests in global politics such as promoting democracy and fighting terrorism. After that, they extend their collaboration across the economy, technology and atomic energy. In the South Asian security environment, the United States of America (USA) and India have a strong bond of strategic partnership due to the power struggle between the regional powers. India and USA started nuclear deal on 2005 which was completed on 2006. Behind this deal, both states increase their influence in this region. India seeks lasting partnerships with USA to achieve its strategic ambitions. The partnership of nuclear agreement between the USA and India will gain long-term national interests. This research highlights complex present-day demonstration of demonic incidence which emerged after this relationship and its implications on Pakistan.
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Sadaf Farooq, Sadia Kazmi, and Javaria Javed. "Indo-US Strategic Partnership: Implications for Pakistan." Policy Perspectives 15, no. 1 (2018): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.13169/polipers.15.1.0003.
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Thewissen, J. G. M., E. M. Williams, and S. T. Hussain. "Eocene mammal faunas from northern Indo-Pakistan." Journal of Vertebrate Paleontology 21, no. 2 (July 20, 2001): 347–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1671/0272-4634(2001)021[0347:emffni]2.0.co;2.
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Iqbal, Badar Alam, and Tabish Iqbal. "Are Indo-Pakistan Trade Relations Really Improving ?" Singaporean Journal of Business , Economics and Management Studies 1, no. 3 (October 2012): 46–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0003746.
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Qadri, Muhammad Ahmed, Rooh Ul Amin Khan, and Muhammad Abbas. "Comparative Analysis of Pak-Indo Press Role toward Annexation of Special Status of Kashmir: From War to Peace Perspective." Review of Education, Administration & LAW 4, no. 2 (June 5, 2021): 443–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/real.v4i2.157.
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Indo-Pak Conflict on the territory of Kashmir started with Pakistan’s released in August 1947. At that time all the states were given the choice of choosing India or Pakistan. The then princely states rulers had to make their option. There have been some preliminaries, they said when selecting both states; one is the geographical proximity and the one was for the public ambition. In October 1947, given the fact that Kashmir was predominantly Muslim state that opted for the state of Pakistan, while the Kashmir’s Maharaja chose India in support. This choice was perceived by the Pakistani government as fraudulent, unfair and entirely unrecognized judgement. Furthermore, the religious orientation of more Kashmiri inhabitants can be seen as another factor in this conflict (Qumber, Ishaque and Shah 2017). This study aims to explore framing from war to peace-journalism after the Indian attempt of August 5, 2019, to annex the special status of Kashmir, in two English elite newspapers i.e. Daily Dawn, a Pakistani newspaper and the other is Hindustan Times an Indian Newspaper. The study explores news stories on front page along with editorials of these newspapers to understand how these newspapers covered and framed the issue?
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Sami, Sarwat Sultana, Noor Fatima, and Syed Ali Shah. "Development of Indo-Afghan Relations in Political Economic and Social Aspects Post 9/11 Scenario; Implication for Pakistan." Global Social Sciences Review III, no. I (March 30, 2018): 411–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2018(iii-i).24.
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Indo-Afghan relations are developing with accelerated pace post 9/11. Indian increasing involvement in Afghanistan is a matter of grave concern for Pakistan. Indian investment in Afghanistan aims; to minimize Pakistan’s influence in Afghanistan, to create a soft image of India in Afghanistan and to access Central Asian Republic’s markets through Afghanistan. India is so far being successful in all of its objectives. India is investing in political, economic and social sectors in Afghanistan and successful in creating a soft image of Indians in Afghans heart. Keeping in view this scenario, study of this situation was a good case. India, Pakistan and Afghanistan all three have many observations regarding each other and none of them accept it. Due to the physical presence of United States in Afghanistan for more than a decade, peace in the area is still a dream come true. Therefore, it was an interesting study to understand the dynamics of Indo-Afghan relations and its implications for Pakistan. Neo realism theory is applied in this study.
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Saud, Adam, and Kinza Arif. "US-India Strategic Alliance and CPEC ‘The Game Changer’: Prospects for Pakistan and Russian Cooperation." Central Asia 83, Winter (May 1, 2019): 19–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-83.27.
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South Asia equally occupies the title of the most sensitive region of the world. Regional politics is heavily governed under the principle of Balance of Power, where a continuous struggle to attain power persists amidst all the actors to ensure their state survival. A pragmatic shift in the regional politics has led to emergence of new alliances as Pak-Russian interests have coincided. Though Russia enjoys a strategic relationship with India, the Indo-U.S. nexus paves the way for Russia to extend its relations with Pakistan. Post 9/11 Russia has realized the strategic importance of Pakistan as a pivotal player towards achieving regional peace and security. The dwindling U.S. relations with Pakistan dictates latter’s policies to adopt enhanced bilateral relations with Russia and China. The extension of Pak-Russian relations will provide the latter to maintain its control over the Central Asian states, and provides Moscow with the wild card to counter Indian strategic tilt towards the U.S. CPEC initiative serves as a pivotal forum to further strengthen Pak-Russian relations and aid in development of mutual trust and cooperation. Creating a win-win situation for both actors to pursue and extend their strategic interests.
This paper provides a qualitative analysis of the regional implications which are subtly governing the newly established relations while attempting to address the regional attributes which influence the newly established relations between Pakistan and Russia. Primarily, it focuses upon the economic and strategic interests of both states and how they align together according to the current regional scenarios. Apart from that, it also analyzes the interests of the US which exercise major influence over the regional states such as India and Afghanistan. Three questions are addressed to establish an understanding behind this cooperation which deems to be fruitful for both the states. These include how the existing Indo-US nexus contributes towards this strategic shift of partnership between Pakistan and Russia? How Indo-Afghan nexus is against Pakistani interest? And prospects for Russian connectivity with South and West Asia through China Pakistan Economic Corridor.
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Jahanzaib, Sardar. "INDO-PAK HYDROPOLITICS: IMPLICATIONS FOR DISPUTED JAMMU AND KASHMIR." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 03, no. 02 (June 30, 2021): 23–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v3i02.199.
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India and Pakistan have been fighting over Kashmir, a contested region that is claimed by both the countries. Competition over waterways and dependence over water assets of Kashmir remains a bone of contention between India and Pakistan. This Research paper discusses the dependence of India and Pakistan over water sources originating from Kashmir. Kashmir, besides emotional attachment also has strategic, economic and political benefits for India and Pakistan. In the twenty first century, traditional concepts of state security have been changed. We have moved from traditional security aspects to non-traditional security aspects. Water is included in one of the non-traditional security aspects. India having all cards in hands is showing its’ hegemonic by choking the loose points of Pakistan. Though Indus Water treaty was signed in 1960’s to resolve the water issues between the two countries, but still we have not found any direct solution that will resolve the water crisis and provide permanent peace in the region. There is no way forward which will provide a win win situation for India, Pakistan and Kashmir in Indus water treaty. The researcher accounted that Indus Water Treaty has proved successful as far as its’ theoretical approach is concerned, but has failed in implementation and practicality. The researcher has used Hourglass model to analyze the Indus Water Treaty and to suggest the way forward that will lead towards a conflict resolution. Mixed methods have been used in the research from secondary sources to analyze water dependence. The research also seeks to analyze Indus water treaty and to explore the prospects for equal division of water resources. The subject matter of the research is Indo-Pak water dependency over water of Kashmir with a focus on how it will contribute towards the socio-economic status of India and Pakistan in the region and also how much dependence on water would affect the regional peace and stability in Kashmir conflict. Keywords: Conflict resolution, Hourglass glass model, Kashmir conflict, India-Pakistan water dependency, Indus water Treaty, Composite Dialogue process.
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Leghari, Farooq Ahmed, Irfan Hasnain Qaisrani, and Shaukat. "Pakistan's Low Yield Nuclear Weapons and Indian Option of Limited War." Global Political Review V, no. I (March 30, 2020): 342–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-i).37.
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Since the publication of the Cold Start Doctrine by India in 2004, India had been preparing for launching a limited war against Pakistan. In the face of an Indian threat of limited war, Pakistan had no other option but to go for the manufacture of low yield nuclear weapons. With the introduction of the low yield nuclear weapons by Pakistan with an official announcement in 2015, Pakistan had been able to contain Indians from pursuing the path of limited war against it. This paper has looked into the role Pakistan's low yield nuclear weapons in dealing with the threat of limited conventional war under the Indian Cold Start Doctrine. Firstly, it has explored three Indo-Pak crises with limited war dimensions, which occurred subsequently in 2008, 2016 and 2019 and brought a fear of limited war on Pakistan's side. Secondly, it has explained the changing military doctrines of India and Pakistan and further highlighted the gap which led to the emergence of India's Cold Start Doctrine and Pakistan's low yield nuclear weapons. Third, it has looked at the role of Pakistan's low yield nuclear weapons in creating a roadblock in the Indian Cold Start Doctrine. Finally, it has given a discussion and summary.
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Malik, Hasan Yaser. "Contextualising Germen Involvement in CPEC through Wakhan Corridor and Gwadar Port as an Diplo-Economic Opportunity." Economics, Law and Policy 2, no. 1 (January 28, 2019): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/elp.v2n1p73.
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<em>Since seventh, eighteenth, nineteenth century Germany is maintaining diplomatic relations with China, Afghanistan and five Central Asian Republics respectively in Asian Region. Main facets of German interests in Asian Region have been diplomatic, economic and social development. Germans as a nation have always proved their worth by successfully dealing the challenges and rising to the status of a strong nation. Presently Germany is the biggest European economic power and is asserting to enhance it’s economic and diplomatic relations in Indo-Pacific and Asian Region. Apart from establishing trade link; mainly rail link with China and Central Asia it will be prudent to extend its access to Indo-Pacific Region well as part of “One Belt One Road Initiative” and “China Pakistan Economic Corridor” through Wakhan Corridor in North of Pakistan to Gwadar; North Arabian Sea Port of Pakistan. This route will provide land and sea access for Germany to billions of Asians and will enhance its diplo-economic influence in Indo-Pacific Region.</em>
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Pue, A. Sean. "In the mirror of Ghalib." Indian Economic & Social History Review 48, no. 4 (December 2011): 571–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001946461104800404.
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This article focuses on studies of the preeminent Urdu and Persian poet Mirza Asadullah Khan ‘Ghalib’ written for the occasion of his death centennial in 1969 by three Pakistani Urdu writers: Mumtaz Husain, Salim Ahmad and N.M. Rashed. These studies also participate in a debate on Pakistani national culture at a moment when the Urdu literary community was increasingly divided, following the 1965 India–Pakistan war and the emergence of a ‘new generation’ of writers on either side of the border. Each author uses Ghalib to articulate a different model of the individual and his relationship to society and tradition, taking up a theme of Indo-Muslim selfhood that has typically been the site of intersection between literary and cultural politics. Through an examination of these works, this article highlights the role played by discussions of Indo-Muslim selfhood in cultural and literary debates in Urdu.
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Khanna, Shrey. "Interpreting the Perennial Impasse in Indo-Pak Relations." Asian Survey 59, no. 3 (May 2019): 474–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2019.59.3.474.
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Since the September 2016 attack in Uri, Indo-Pak relations have steadily gotten worse. India cites Pakistan-sponsored terrorism in Kashmir as the major reason for this deterioration, with the 14 February 2019 bombing at Pulwama as the most recent dramatic example; Pakistan blames Indian atrocities in Kashmir. But after every attempt to initiate dialogue, there is a return to hostility. This paper analyzes this cyclical pattern of dialogue, estrangement, and hostility in Indo-Pak relations. Further, it seeks to explain the structural, ideational, and strategic aspects of the problem and to outline a course correction in Indian foreign policy.
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Akram, Qudsia, Summaya Shahid, and Laila Ahmed. "INDO-ISRAEL STRATEGIC COOPERATION: CHALLENGES AND IMPLICATIONS ON PAKISTAN." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 03, no. 03 (September 30, 2021): 290–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v3i3.251.
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This research work attempts to evaluate the Indo-Israel strategic cooperation in South Asia and the resultant security challenges and threats for Pakistan due to this partnership. Security dilemma has been used to explain the hostile arms race between India and Pakistan and why India is strengthening its strategic ties with Israel. In addition, in-depth strategic cooperation and the nature of Indo-Israel relations give the understanding about the defense cooperation existing between Tel Aviv and New Delhi. Even though there have been several obstacles to furthering their military ties, these factors have not been drastic enough to impact the defense and strategic relations between the two nations. The methodology of this research is based on the qualitative research method. This method is based on descriptive, historical, and explanatory approaches towards the concepts, issues, concerns, and strategies. Keywords: Israel- India, Strategic partnership, Pakistan, South Asia, Cooperation
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Ali, Iftikhar, Imran Ali Noonari, and Pervaiz Ali Mahesar. "UNDERSTANDING PAK-CHINA RELATIONS THROUGH CPEC: GEOSTRATEGIC IMPLICATIONS FOR SOUTH ASIA." Asia-Pacific - Annual Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia 38 (February 5, 2021): 182–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol38.iss0.3004.
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In the prevailing geopolitical environment, China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is the new addition with hopes of exploring new horizons in economic cooperation and expected to have regional and global geopolitical implications. Strategic thinkers, policy-makers, and scholars have heralded CPEC as a magnificent trade and investment project of future geopolitics. Yet many analysts have raised their eyebrows about the USA and Chinese competition ultimately seeking robust security and economic strategy by China and Pakistan to avoid Indo-US designs. The objective of this study is to focus on the all-weather relationship, which China and Pakistan are enjoying with shared goals and interests in the region. This article focuses on the China and Pakistan relations while keeping in mind the emerging strategic partnership of the United States with Pakistan’s belligerent neighbour India through a neo-realistic perspective focused on structure and anarchy in the international political system.
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Williamson, John. "Pakistan and the World Economy (Distinguished Lecture)." Pakistan Development Review 37, no. 4I (December 1, 1998): 181–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v37i4ipp.181-201.
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This paper aims to explore Pakistan's geo-economic options in the difficult situation that confronts following the easing of sanctions, which added acute balance of payments pressures to its existing ailments of near-stagnant exports, a lower growth trend than in preceding decades, an unattractive climate for foreign investment, and weak social indicators. The first question explored is whether Pakistan has any opportunity of participating in a regional trade grouping. It is argued that the only conceivable way of achieving this would involve the development of SAARC, which would demand a profound transformation of Indo-Pakistani relations (though one no more profound than that realised in Franco-German relations since the founding of what is now known as the European Union). One benefit of achieving deep integration through SAARC is that this would create the possibility of Pakistan developing a serious engineering industry far more rapidly than will otherwise happen. In the absence of deep integration in SAARC, it is argued that Pakistan's best option would be a policy close to unilateral free trade, so as to place it in a position to take advantage of whatever the next generation of labour-intensive activities demanded by the world economy proves to be. Under either of those scenarios, the reestablishment of a dynamic industrial sector will require the maintenance of a competitive exchange rate, something that, it is argued, is not necessarily guaranteed by floating. The paper also discusses the role of inward direct investment in contributing to the export success of East Asia, and considers whether the expatriate Pakistani community might be capable of playing a role comparable to that played by the overseas Chinese in nurturing the Chinese export expansion of the last two decades. It is suggested that such a hope was set back by the extra-legal attempt to renegotiate power tariffs with the independent power producers in the course of 1998, and that Pakistan needs to become a country of laws rather than discretion if foreign investors, including expatriate Pakistanis, are ever to find the country an attractive export platform. While more inward direct investment would almost certainly be beneficial, the same is not true for inward financial investment, where too large an inflow can easily expose a country to very significant risks, as the East Asian crisis showed. In the long run, Pakistan needs to be prepared to repel excessive capital inflows if they materialise; but its immediate problem is still balance of payments pressure, and this seems to demand targeting a major and sustained improvement in the current account over the next several years.
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Shahzad, Shakeel, Zia Ullah, and Imad Khan. "Opening of Kartarpur Corridor: A Critical Discourse Analysis that How Indo-Pak Media Projected the Corridor Initiative." Review of Politics and Public Policy in Emerging Economies 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/rope.v4i1.2277.
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ABSTRACT
Purpose: Taking Kartarpur Corridor opening as a case study, this research paper highlights the divergent perspective prevalence across Indian and Pakistani media.
Design/Methodology/Approach: The data was taken from Indian and Pakistani newspapers and selected articles (published from 2020 to 2022) from different religious background. The research paper used critical discourse analysis to draw pertinent conclusions and proffering Pakistan specific media recommendations.
Findings: When it comes to informing the public about vital issues, media plays a critical role in presenting diverse viewpoints in line with its own business practices and/ or state narrative. This research revealed that Kartarpur Corridor has been referred to as a symbol of peace and stability, religious tourism, mediation and diplomatic endeavors by Pakistani media. Indian media, on the other hand, concentrated on raising concerns about security and travel modalities, pilgrimage facilities and interstate tensions.
Implications/Originality/Value: The research has a great implication with respect to awareness of media, peace and prosperity of the public, positive coverage of media and religious tourism for the republic of India and Pakistan.
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Mushtaq, Faiqa. "Prospects for Pak-China Relations." Global Political Review IV, no. IV (December 30, 2019): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(iv-iv).06.
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South Asia is in focus of global geopolitics since the advent of the 21st century. China is an economic giant and outreaching towards West through Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). CPEC (part of BRI) has brought Pakistan in streamline in regional geopolitics. United States (US) is worried about Chinas rise, for its national interests are in danger in Asia so, it perused Pivot to Asia strategy to counter China in Asia while manipulating India. This situation has increased Pakistans importance for China. The article will assess Pak-China cordial relations and answer the following questions. Will Pakistan be helpful to China in addressing the challenges to regional peace? How will Pak-China cooperation counter Indo-US strategic partnership? What are Pak-China mutual efforts to curb terrorism?
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Leghari, Farooque Ahmed, Hussain Abbas, and Ashfaque Ali Banbhan. "Role of Diplomacy and Deterrence in Managing Pakistan-India Crisis: A Case Study of Post-Bombay Attacks Crisis." Global Regional Review V, no. III (September 30, 2020): 230–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2020(v-iii).23.
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The menace of terrorism gives another blow to Indo-Pak relations in 2008 when the terrorists hit Mumbai, one of the major economic hubs of India killing hundreds of people and creating panic for almost four days. India alleged Pakistan for its involvement in the attack. India claimed that Pakistan's territory was used against India. Pakistan rejected Indian allegation, condemned the terrorist attacks and stated that it has no involvement in the terrorist attacks. The major objective of this article is to look at the role of nuclear deterrence in averting war between India and Pakistan during 2008 postMumbai Attacks crisis. The qualitative methodology is used in this research. Semi structured interviews give a rich data to better understand the crisis. The article gives three findings. First, it indicates that militant group involved in Mumbai terrorist attack wanted the nuclear weapon states to fight a war. Second, it indicates that the diplomacy plays a vital role along with nuclear deterrence in averting crisis between India and Pakistan.
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Mukherji, Indra Nath. "South Asian Free Trade Area and Indo-Pakistan Trade." Pakistan Development Review 43, no. 4II (December 1, 2004): 943–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v43i4iipp.943-958.
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Preferential trading is one of the mildest forms of an integrative arrangement. Under the arrangement, the Contracting States (CS) offer a preferential margin with respect to trade barriers in relation to their MFN rates. CS having disparate levels of development as well as trade regimes, find this an acceptable instrument for initiating regional trade liberalisation. Such an arrangement nevertheless provides the building blocks towards accelerated regional trade liberalisation culminating in a free trade area within a defined time frame. Under a free trade area the CS eliminate all trade restrictions on their mutual trade, while maintaining restrictions in their trade with non-CS at a level they deem appropriate. When all CS decide on a common external tariff, then the arrangement translates itself in a more cohesive customs union. The arrangement translates to a common market when all CS agree not only to allow free movement of goods and services, but all the factors of production including capital and labour. Finally, the most comprehensive form of an integrative arrangement results from an economic union, which integrates national economic policies of CS and leads to the adoption of a common currency. The Agreement on South Asian Preferential Trading Arrangement (SAPTA), which became operational since December 7th, 1995 thus, symbolises the beginnings of the very first stage of an integrative arrangement among the member countries of SAARC. The decision made at the Twelfth SAARC Summit at Islamabad in January 2004 to launch South Asian Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA) from January 2006 would mark the second stage of the process of integration in the region. The main focus of this paper is to assess the impact of SAPTA on Indo-Pak trade.
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Majeed, Rahil. "Indo-Afghan Relations after September 11: Implications for Pakistan." IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science 15, no. 3 (2013): 09–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/0837-1530914.
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Malik Haqnawaz Danish and Mehvish Riaz. "Semiotic Facet of Reconciliation: Politics of the Representation of Indo-Pak Relations in Google Ad." ANNALS OF SOCIAL SCIENCES AND PERSPECTIVE 3, no. 1 (June 12, 2022): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.52700/assap.v3i1.159.
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Visual representations regulate reform, construct, and subvert ideologies that affect lives, cultural images, credibility, and international relations, etc. The study diverts attention to the soft power of visual discourse in challenging stereotypes through nuanced semiotic representations of Pak-India relations, identities of Pakistani and Indian people, their willingness to reconcile, and the impact of reconciliation. The study points out that discourse has played role in promoting misconceptions, hostility, and divergence, and discourse can subvert the ideologies and promote reconciliation, stability, and convergence. Using the triadic model of sign consisting of icon, indexical, and symbol, suggested by Peirce (1931-58), combined with the Noldus software to study facial expressions, the study highlights the ‘politics of the representation’ (Hutcheon, 1989, 1991) of reconciliation and Indo-Pak relations in the Google advertisement of reunion (2013). While there is a paucity of the visual discourse of reconciliation between Pakistan and India, the Google ad semiotically represents the themes of memory, reconciliation, post-partition trauma and the wistfulness to stay together authentically, however, this representation has its politics because it conceals the bloodshed, struggle, loss, and violation of human rights spanning over 70 years in India, Pakistan, and especially Kashmir. Results of the NOLDUS Software are indicative of the national traumatic history of India and Pakistan that chronicles the debilitating past since partition. More constructive but authentic portrayals may help build bilateral relations.
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Karim, Asia, Amna Mahmood, Muhammad Wajeeh Shahrukh, and Abdul Jabbar. "Transformation of Pakistan’s nuclear posture from minimum credible to full spectrum deterrence." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 6, no. 1 (July 4, 2022): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/6.1.7.
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After becoming a nuclear power in 1998, Pakistan pursued a policy of Minimum Credible Deterrence. The country transformed its policy from Credible Minimum to Full Spectrum Deterrence (FSD) in 2013. It is important to understand the reasons for this change. The study addressed questions: What were the factors which pressed Pakistan towards the transformation of its nuclear posture? Keeping in view FSD, is there any development in the nuclear force structure of Pakistan? How far FSD would ensure the credibility of the deterrent value of Pakistan’s nuclear forces? Transformation in the nuclear posture of Pakistan would be studied under the Theory of Nuclear Deterrence, which postulates that the sole purpose of a nuclear weapon is to stop an adversary from taking aggressive moves. The paper is aimed at evaluating the impact of the change in Pakistan’s nuclear posture on the overall strategic environment of South Asia. The study gives an objective analysis of the impact of FSD on Indo-Pak strategic interaction. The study concludes that FSD has successfully deterred the Indian Cold Start Doctrine (CSD) but remained unsuccessful in ensuring strategic stability. With the “New Normal,” India will continue to utilise its conventional superiority in its favour.
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Sultan, Shazia, Zahid Anwar, and Tahira Jabeen. "Pakistan Factor in India’s Policy Towards Afghanistan Under BJP Government." Review of Education, Administration & LAW 3, no. 2 (September 30, 2020): 195–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/real.v3i2.52.
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The study offered a brief history of the Pak –Indo relations with Afghanistan and has analyzed some troubles relation among the three states. The Pakistan factor in the Indian-Afghan relations since independence in general and under BJP government in particular is the part of this investigation. The paper has discussed the importance of Afghanistan for India and Pakistan and the struggle of both countries for acquiring influence there. The Indian policy of soft power to encircle Pakistan has been focused. The paper has tried to explore the current BJP government policies regarding peace dialogue among Pakistan US, Taliban and Afghan government and their policy of Intra-Afghan dialogue. The response of afghan government and people towards Indian policies has been highlighted. The paper concludes that nothing is certain in the mutual relations of these countries as the national interest of the states does not remain same and permanent all the time and it usually depend on current regional and international environment. The current close affiliation between Indo-Afghan may take turn to Pak-Afghan love relation similar to the cold war affiliation.
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SYED, QASIM RAZA, WASEEM SHAHID MALIK, and BISHARAT HUSSAIN CHANG. "VOLATILITY SPILLOVER EFFECT OF FEDERAL RESERVE’S BALANCE SHEET ON THE FINANCIAL AND GOODS MARKETS OF INDO-PAK REGION." Annals of Financial Economics 14, no. 03 (August 2019): 1950015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2010495219500155.
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This paper examines the volatility spillover effect of the balance sheet of Federal Reserve (Fed) on the financial and goods markets of Pakistan, India and Bangladesh (collectively known as the Indo-Pak region). Diagonal BEKK-GARCH methodology is used to capture the volatility spillover effects on Indo-Pak economies. This study took data from the year 2004 to year 2019 on a monthly basis. The findings of the paper describe that there are volatility spillovers from Fed’s balance sheet to the financial markets of Pakistan, India and Bangladesh economies. On the other hand, there is also evidence of volatility spillovers from the balance sheet of Fed to the goods markets of these economies.
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Singh, Balwinder. "INDO-US STRATEGIC RELATIONS IN 21ST CENTURY." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 5, no. 7 (July 31, 2017): 417–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v5.i7.2017.2148.
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The disintegration of Soviet Union had positively impacted Indo-US relations in post Cold-War era. The post Cold-War strategic scenario provided a chance to both countries to redefine their bilateral priorities. The US was always keen to improve bilateral relationship with India and therefore India initiated Defence cooperation with the US in changing strategic environment. India’s nuclear explosion [1998] had posed some divergences in Indo-US relationship. India and the US signed strategic partnership in 2000 and therefore the US set-aside its sanctions against India. India signed ‘Next Steps in Strategic Partnership’ [NSSP] with the US in 2004 and both countries started strategic dialogue in 2009. Both the nations signed a ‘New Framework for Defence Relationship’ in 2005 and ‘123 Civil Nuclear Agreement’ in 2008. India has always supported US’s ‘pivot-aria’ policy and played a meaningful role in counter China strategy. India and the US renewed their ‘New Framework for Defence Relationship’ in 2015 and signed ‘Logistic Support Agreement’ in 2016. Indo-US strategic relations were touched new heights when the Obama administration had declared India as a major Defence partner in 2016. The new US President Trump also showed its softness towards India and called Indian Prime Minister Modi as a ‘True Friend of US’. The decline of US-Pakistan strategic relations has positively affected Indo-US relations. The Pakistan factor has always affected Indo-US relations. The US administration considers that India would play a meaningful role in counter China planning. The study explores the raison d’être of Indo-US strategic partnership. The present paper intends to look into the Indo-US strategic cooperation and points out the improvement in Indo-US strategic relations in 21st century.
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Author, Asia Maqsood. "China-Pakistan Strategic Partnership and India’s Regional Ambitions in South Asia." Strategic Studies 41, no. 3 (October 29, 2021): 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.041.03.0044.
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Post-9/11 dynamic global political developments and the growing Indo-US strategic partnership has compelled Pakistan to seek strategic partnership with China and geared at maintaining the balance of power in South Asia. India is maximising its resources under the umbrella of Indo-US strategic partnership and working with the US on various sectors such as security, defence and energy to pursue its aspirations to be a regionally dominant power and to possess a blue water navy. Pakistan unaided and alone cannot counterbalance India’s regional ambitions. Thus, Pakistan with China established a strategic partnership to counter India’s hegemonic ambitions in the South Asian region. This paper will raise some questions about the latest contours of this partnership. Prime amongst them is: what kind of role is this partnership playing in South Asia? The paper argues that a China-Pakistan strategic partnership built around the development of Gwadar Port and the China Pakistan Economic Corridor is playing the role of a balancer against India’s regional ambitions in South Asia. India has some serious security concerns about these mega development projects apprehending their geostrategic importance not only for both countries but also for the entire region. A neo-realist theoretical approach is used to describe both countries ‘strategic partnership’ in this paper. The paper further argues that India’s claim that the corridor route passes through the disputed territory of Northern Pakistan will not stop China and Pakistan from continuing the project.