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Journal articles on the topic "Indo pakistan"

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Kapur, S. Paul. "Ten Years of Instability in a Nuclear South Asia." International Security 33, no. 2 (October 2008): 71–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2008.33.2.71.

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The tenth anniversary of India's and Pakistan's 1998 nuclear tests enables scholars to revisit the issue of South Asian proliferation with a decade of hindsight. What lessons do the intervening years hold regarding nuclear weapons' impact on South Asian security? Some scholars claim that nuclear weapons had a beneficial effect during this period, helping to stabilize historically volatile Indo-Pakistani relations. Such optimistic analyses of proliferation's regional security impact are mistaken, however. Nuclear weapons have had two destabilizing effects on the South Asian security environment. First, nuclear weapons' ability to shield Pakistan against all-out Indian retaliation, and to attract international attention to Pakistan's dispute with India, encouraged aggressive Pakistani behavior. This, in turn, provoked forceful Indian responses, ranging from large-scale mobilization to limited war. Although the resulting Indo-Pakistani crises did not lead to nuclear or full-scale conventional conflict, such fortunate outcomes were not guaranteed and did not result primarily from nuclear deterrence. Second, these Indo-Pakistani crises led India to adopt a more aggressive conventional military posture toward Pakistan. This development could exacerbate regional security-dilemma dynamics and increase the likelihood of Indo-Pakistani conflict in years to come. Thus nuclear weapons not only destabilized South Asia in the first decade after the nuclear tests; they may damage the regional security environment well into the future.
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Raza, Muhammad Amjad, and Ghulam Mustufa. "Indo-Afghan Relations: Implications for Pakistan." Central Asia 84, Summer (October 1, 2019): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-84.20.

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Afghanistan is located at the convergence of Central, Middle and South Asian regions, one of the most world prime geographical locations. Its strategic location and abundant mineral resources have always attracted international community including India. Hence Indian objectives to develop relations with Afghanistan are manifold and decades old. Indian foreign policy is devised by many factors like its bitter relations with Pakistan and its desire of access route to Central Asian Republics by limiting Pakistan’s reach that has serious implications for Pakistan. In view of its past experience, Pakistan perceives Indian extended desire to engage in Afghanistan as a deliberate strategy of using the later as a battleground to show its power and use influence against Pakistan. Terrorist incidents in Balochistan provide evidence and links with Indian RAW activities organized in Afghan areas. So, Indian intention to invest in Afghanistan for infrastructure rebuilding is not as simple as it is often claimed. India has covert objectives of troubling Pakistan. In hostile lunacy, India increased, dramatically, its involvement in Afghanistan when the Taliban era came to an end. India’s interference in Afghanistan is a clear reflection of its desire to execute Afghan land against Pakistan. India sees Afghan war an opportunity to encounter Pakistan’s influence in the region. This research paper will analyze Indian involvement in Afghanistan and its implications for Pakistan. The study is designed to unveil the hidden objectives of fast growing Indo-Afghan relations and evaluates Indian strategies in regional context.
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Zafar, Muhammad Umair, Nazir Hussain Shah, Tahira Parveen, and Tayyaba Syed. "Indo- Afghan Nexus: Implications for Pakistan (2001- 2014)." Academic Journal of Social Sciences (AJSS ) 4, no. 4 (January 19, 2021): 782–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.54692/ajss.2020.04041231.

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Afghanistan, unlike India and Pakistan, has never been colonized throughout its history. People of Afghanistan have always enjoyed cordial relations with the people of undivided sub-continent. However, the creation of a new state ‘Pakistan’ was considered as both, a threat and a geo-graphical de linkage between the people of Afghanistan and India. Both Indo- Afghan strengthen their bi-lateral relations through the treaty of friendship 1950. On the contrary, Afghanistan was the only country to vote against Pakistan’s admission to United Nations Organization. Despite of lingual, cultural and religious ties, Pak- Afghan relations failed to form strong basis. Since the emergence of Pakistan, India has been engaged in derailing Pakistan’s stability and security through its multidimensional approaches. India’s aim to isolate Pakistan in its neighbors is a serious implication for Pakistan. Indian consulates in Kandahar and Jalalabad near the Pak- Afghan border have further raised serious concerns for Pakistan about the Indian presence in Afghanistan. The US war against terror campaign and Pakistan’s policy reversal against Taliban grew severe resentments among the Afghan Taliban against Pakistan. This article analyzes the Indian designs and its involvement in Afghanistan which directly affects the security and stability of Pakistan.
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Abbas, Syed Qandeel, and Syeda Hudaisa Kazmi. "Indo-Israel Relations under Hindutva and Zionism Ideational Factors for Pakistan." University of Wah Journal of Social Sciences 5, no. 1 (June 8, 2022): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.56220/uwjss2022/0501/08.

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The Indo-Israel relations are growing rapidly, especially under the Modi administration. These growing ties are based on ideological affinities, perception of common enemy and regional ambitions to attain strategic supremacy. The prevailing ideology of Hindutva in India and Zionism in Israel shapes the relations between these two countries and define the nature of consequences faced by Pakistan, especially in the context of its stance on Kashmir issue. The relations between India and Israel are manifold. The repercussions on Pakistan are not only because of Indo-Israel relations rather India’s rapidly growing relations with the Arab States, especially with the GCC. Since Pakistan could not openly support Arabs in their regional conflicts, the Arab States have changed their favors from Pakistan to India. Although, Saudi Arabia and UAE are still providing economic assistance to Pakistan but have withdrawn their support for Pakistan’s case on Kashmir. This paper primarily discusses the nature of Indo-Israel relations and how it is affecting Pakistan. The paper also considers the role of Arab States in the decline of Pakistan’s importance and impact on Kashmir after some prominent Arab States have signed the Abraham Accords. Keywords: Indo-Israel relations, Kashmir issue, Abraham Accords, GCC countries
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Mikhel, Irina. "RIVALRY AND PARTNERSHIP STRATEGIES IN THE INDIAN OCEAN REGION." Vostokovedenie i Afrikanistika, no. 2 (2021): 91–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rva/2021.02.06.

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This review analyzes recent publications by Pakistani authors on the policies of world powers in the Indian Ocean region, India-US cooperation and its implications for Pakistan, and recent Indo-Pakistan relations. The recent the U.S. containment doctrine on China has contributed to an American Pivot of Asia, an increased strategic partnership between the U.S. and India, a cooling of the U.S.-Pakistan relationship, and an increase in comprehensive cooperation between China and Pakistan. The establishment of a China-Pakistan economic corridor with access to the Indian Ocean near the Gwadar port becomes a matter of survival and a basis for future prosperity for China and Pakistan, while for the United States and its new allies it becomes a cause for serious concern and a reason for a new round of confrontation with China and Pakistan. The ongoing Indo-Pakistani rivalry is now also driven by Indian domestic politics and the role of Prime Minister Modi and his party.
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Kapur, S. Paul. "The India-Pakistan Conflict: An Enduring Rivalry." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 4 (December 2006): 966–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906339960.

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The India-Pakistan Conflict: An Enduring Rivalry, T.V. Paul, ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005.The rivalry between India and Pakistan has clearly been both deep and enduring. The two sides have fought four wars since attaining independence in 1947, and have waged a low-intensity conflict in the disputed territory of Kashmir since the late 1980s. And despite recent improvements in Indo-Pakistani relations, their fundamental political and territorial disagreements remain unresolved. However, it is not obvious why the two countries' relationship has been so stubbornly antagonistic. The India-Pakistan Conflict: An Enduring Rivalry, edited by T.V. Paul, addresses this issue. Specifically, the volume asks: Why has the Indo-Pakistani rivalry been so persistent, even compared to other long-standing conflicts? How have factors at the international, state and leadership levels contributed to this outcome? And why are the prospects for achieving a negotiated settlement of the rivalry so dim?
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Shah, Ayaz Ali, Mehreen Ali, and Syed Aizaz Ali Shah. "Pakistan's Foreign Policy and Eastern Border Security Threats (1947-55)." Volume 2, Issue 2 2, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.55737/qjssh.449446601.

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Since Independence in 1947, Pakistan's foreign policy has been indo-centric. There were two main goals that drove foreign policy decisions during the 1947-55 period: security and foreign economic aid. Rather than going to the Soviet Union to achieve its goals, Pakistan turned to the West and offered conditional support against the spread of communism throughout South Asia. In the end, Pakistan joined the U.S.-backed anti-Soviet alliances without receiving any guarantees of security from the United States. Pakistan's foreign policy was radically altered as a result of this. Strategic, political, and economic implications of this new overture are the focus of this paper. These two phases of foreign policy are examined in terms of their costs and benefits. Pakistan's security and economic affairs will also be examined in light of this development. Relations between the United States and Pakistan and Pakistani institutions will also be considered.
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Qayum, Huma, Syed Ali Shah, and Zubaria Andlib. "Implications of Pak-Afghan Transit Trade for Regional Security." Global Regional Review I, no. I (December 30, 2016): 167–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2016(i-i).13.

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Pak-Afghan relations have almost remained far from being normal and under the grip of allegations and counter allegation due to several bilateral political issues. However, trade relations have remained unrestrained from several decades. Afghanistan as a landlocked state always relied on Pakistani ports for its trade requirements with the rest of the world. Despite ups and downs in the relations, Pakistan provided the trade provision to Afghanistan under 1965 trade agreement which was replaced in October 2010 with agreement providing better trade facilities to Afghanistan with India. Pakistan has security concerns over India, as Indo-Afghan trade will reduce Pakistan’s imports of goods. Growing Indian presence in the form of huge investment in Afghanistan has threatened Pakistan’s security. Trade has great potential for Pakistan, India, and Afghanistan but security and sincereity are required for implementation of such agreements.
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Kumar, Sumita. "Trends in Indo‐Pakistan relations." Strategic Analysis 24, no. 2 (May 2000): 221–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700160008455210.

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Younus, Khadija. "STRATEGIC CONVERGENCE AND COMPETITION IN THE INDO-PACIFIC REGION: POLICY OPTIONS FOR PAKISTAN." Margalla Papers 24, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.54690/margallapapers.24.1.39.

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With Indo-Pacific being the stage for US-China strategic influence, South East Asia’s geopolitical scenario is likely to be transformed considerably. By declaring India as a Net Security Provider, the US has backed its outreach in the region by officially adjoining Pacific and Indian Oceans as the Indo-Pacific region. Major countries of the region including China, Russia, India, and Pakistan are in the phase of diversifying and reconfiguring their relationships. Within this scenario, Pakistan and India are likely to pursue their strategic interests that take them in opposite directions. While the US endows India with its strategic partner status, CPEC in Pakistan has emerged as a litmus test for China’s BRI. The contestation is to have a direct bearing on the strategic matrix of South Asia generally and Pakistan particularly. This qualitative research under the framework of realist/neo-realist and complex interdependence’s assumptions undertakes to account for this Sino-US strategic convergence and competition that is leading to a security dilemma in South Asia with implications for Pakistan. It concludes cooperation between the US and China is to enhance Pakistan’s security both internal and external while competition is to erode it. Alongside, this paper formulates some policy options for Pakistan’s decisionmakers for ensuring the security and socio-economic development of the country. Bibliography Entry Younus, Khadija. 2020. "Strategic Convergence and Competition in the Indo-Pacific Region: Policy Options for Pakistan." Margalla Papers 24 (1): 81-96.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Indo pakistan"

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Tikoo, Ratna. "Indo-Pak relations : politics of divergence and convergence /." New Delhi : National publishing house, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35748293d.

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Fröhlich, Christine. "Histoire et monnayage des Indo-Scythes et des Indo-Parthes (1er siècle avant notre ère - 1er siecle de notre ère). Catalogue raisonné des monnaies du Cabinet des Médailles." Paris, EPHE, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001EPHE4043.

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Les dynasties indo-scythe et indo-parthe régnèrent en Inde du Nord-Ouest, dans tout le Gandhara pour les Indo-Scythes, et depuis Hérat, en Afghanistan, jusqu'à Mathura, en Inde, pour les Indo-Parthes. Les premiers souverains indo-scythes arrivèrent au Gandhara au début du Ier siècle avant notre ère, et leur dynastie est remplacée par celle des Indo-Parthes aux alentours de notre ère. Ces deux peuples nomades se situent donc entre les derniers Indo-Grecs et en même temps que les premiers Kushans. La thèse proposée aborde toutes les questions posées par les spécialistes, qui sont surtout chronologiques. La reconstruction de l'histoire de ces deux dynasties repose principalement sur les monnaies. C'est pourquoi deux des quatre volumes de la thèse ont été consacrés à la recension des données numismatiques, avec un catalogue de la collection inédite du Cabinet des Médailles de Paris, un recensement des trésors publiés et inédits, et un volume de corpus qui rassemble 10 000 monnaies environ. Le premier volume est dévolu à une étude bibliographique importante, des origines à nos jours, à l'analyse des données textuelles (très rares), archéologiques (peu nombreuses), épigraphiques (difficiles d'interprétation) et iconographiques (essentielles pour la distinction de rois homonymes comme Azès et Abdagasès). Il s'achève par une mise en perspective historique qui permet d'établir la succession des souverains indo-scythes et leur répartition géographique, avec la distinction de trois ateliers monétaires. La question de l'existence d'un ou deux Azès ne peut encore être tranchée. L'ordre de succession des souverains indo-parthes est bien déterminé, région par région. L'originalité du système politique indo-parthe a été mise en valeur: il s'agit d'un pouvoir extrêmement fragmenté, avec un roi plus puissant comme l'étaient Gondopharès et Sasès, et des souverains subordonnés, comme Abdagasès. Le rôle fondamental des satrapes et des dynasties locales a également été dégagé.
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Didier, Aurore. "Archéologie des confins indo-iraniens : étude de la production céramique du Kech-Makran (Pakistan) dans la première moitié du IIIe millénaire av. J.-C." Paris 1, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA010676.

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L'étude de la production céramique du Kech-Makran (sud-ouest du Pakistan) dans la première moitié du 3e millénaire av. J. -C. Est intégrée dans une perspective de recherche globale sur les peuplements anciens du sud des confins indo-iraniens. Reposant sur un matériel inédit et entièrement nouveau, les ensembles céramiques traités sont centrés sur les périodes IIIb et IIIc de la chronologie du Makran protohistorique, datées entre 2800-2500 av. J. -C. Produits localement, ces assemblages originaux présentent certaines similitudes morpho-stylistiques ou techniques avec du matériel issu des régions voisines du Balochistan, du sud-est iranien, du sud de l'Afghanistan et de la Péninsule d'Oman. Trois approches ont été développées dans le cadre de ce travail: une répartition spatiale et chronologique des assemblages inhérents à chaque période, une analyse détaillée des formes et des décors de poterie et une observation partielle des systèmes techniques
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Mutin, Benjamin. "Contribution à l'étude du peuplement des confins indo-iraniens au chalcolithique : caractérisation de la production céramique des périodes II et IIa du Makran pakistanais (4e millénaire avant J.-C.)." Paris 1, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA010670.

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Le programme de recherche archéologique mis en place par R. Besenval, il y a vingt ans au Makran pakistanais (Sud-Ouest du Pakistan), a comblé un manque de données important relatif au peuplement ancien de cette région localisée à mi-chemin des cultures du Plateau iranien et du Pakistan oriental. La fouille des sites de la vallée de la Kech et les prospections conduites dans la région ont permis de restituer la chronologie de son occupation humaine dont les premières traces datent du 5e millénaire avant J. -C. Tout en révélant une riche nature matérielle et une forte occupation aux époques suivantes. Nous nous sommes intéressés ici à l’émergence et au développement de la production céramique datée du 4e millénaire avant J. -C. . L’approche considérée est « globale » ; elle aborde des questions liées à la nature des productions du Makran, leur évolution, leurs utilisations, leur distribution régionale et leurs rapports avec celles des autres régions des confins indo-iraniens
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Adekoye, Raquel Abimbola. "Indo-Pakistani conflict and development of South Asia: is an independent Kashmir State a possible consideration?" Thesis, University of Zululand, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/1694.

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A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor Of Philosophy (Development Studies) in the Department of Anthropology and Development Studies at the University of Zululand, 2018
The thesis explores the conflict between India and Pakistan over Kashmir as a dispute symbol. It highlights the socio-economic implications of the conflict on the conflicting states of India and Pakistan. The conflicting symbol, Kashmir, as well as the entire South Asia that house all of them, with a view to suggest a lasting solution which it gives as, the creation of an independent Kashmir State. It is argued here that domestic politics in both India and Pakistan complicates the Kashmiri issue. In Pakistan, it has enabled the military to assume a dominant and pre-eminent position in politics. In India, a penchant for coalition government creates an immobility that is felt on the Kashmir crisis. In general, there is an on-going, serious and intense arms race between India and Pakistan that has increasingly led to a diversion of resources to investment in nuclear technology by both countries. Holding on to Kashmir has made India vulnerable to terrorist attacks, with the consequences of not only diverting developmental resources to enhancing security, but also exacerbating conflict with Pakistan. Economic relations between the main antagonists have remained marginal since the partition. Initiatives such as cooperation in water resource management between the two countries, and proposed joint development of oil and gas pipelines have failed to materialize. This led to the conclusion that both countries have allowed their economic relations with potential for huge benefits to be held hostage to the Kashmir crisis. In terms of the level of economic development, India holds big advantage. This advantage is harnessed into a superior conventional military capability which has also enabled India to rule out first strike as its nuclear doctrine. However, the disadvantageous position of Pakistan makes it view nuclear weapons as the equalizer, and the possibility of a first use is not ruled out. As a possible negotiated solution to the Kashmir conflict, it is argued here that as long as both India and Pakistan cling to their historically-entrenched positions, there is hardly any chance for permanent peace in Kashmir, thereby complicating their strategic stance in the region. It also argues that the Independence of Kashmir is the only guarantee of a lasting solution to the Kashmir conflict and South East Asia development crisis. The theories of Neo-Realism and Neo-Liberalism are central in this thesis to explain outcomes towards peace initiatives between India and Pakistan, and the implications for South Asia. Three specific concepts advanced by neo-realists and neo-liberal theorists are chosen to explore and explain the three principles of this study: The Balance of Power, Security and Economic Co-operation. Kashmir’s embroidery of encounters from forces of brutality, state repression particularly on the Indian occupied territories, massive militarization, stunted infrastructural and socio-economic development, insecurity to gross human rights violations leaves impacts so grave for social structures needed for modernity and sense of decent livelihood. Methodologically, the thesis provides a conceptual definition of the right to self-determination particularly from the United Nations perspective. It then applies the United Nations declared right of self-determination to Kashmir. This is achieved by outlining United Nations action on Kashmiri self-determination and then by applying the components of the right to Kashmir. The thesis concludes with some observations regarding resolving the Kashmir crisis. The central of this is the inevitable position that the realization of the right to self-determination will bring to fore in realizing peace and development for the region as a whole and to the parties involved in the crisis.
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Atre, Sagar. "U.S. Media Framing of the Indo-Pakistan War of 1999: Religious Framing in anInternational Conflict?" Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1366198802.

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Debaine, Françoise. "Paléoenvironnements et occupation humaine ancienne : l'apport de la télédétection satellitaire appliquée aux confins indo-pakistanais." Paris 1, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993PA010549.

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Souvent marquées dans leurs composantes physiques par les héritages morphoclimatiques du quaternaire-paléovallées, plaines d'épandage-, les marges septentrionales du désert de thar au nord-ouest du sous-continent indo-pakistanais ont garde dans leurs paysages de nombreux vestiges laissés par les phases successives d'occupation humaine : anciens villages ou habitations isolées, anciens canaux d'irrigation. Ce sont eux qui font l'objet de cette étude. Il s'agit donc de géographie historique. La question posée est celle de la nature des relations que les populations ont entretenues avec le milieu dans lequel elles se sont installées, au différentes époques identifiées par les archéologues. L'outil qui a été retenu pour mener à bien cette analyse est l'image de satellite. Le traitement numérique des images permet de mettre en évidence, de décrire et d'interpréter les indicateurs de la dynamique du milieu physique, puis d'étudier la localisation des sites archéologiques -considérée comme un bon indicateur des interactions passées entre homme et milieu - leur distribution, au sein des unités spectrales ou morphologiques reconnues comme significatives, ou par rapport à elles. Une démarche particulière d'utilisation des images, dictée par la spécificité de cette recherche, a été développée, visant à discerner au sein d'un état actuel de l'espace, les formes héritées d'états antérieurs. Les méthodes mises au point font appel aux principes de l'analyse typologique et à ceux de l'analyse d'image (morphologie mathématique). L'étude a conduit à la réfutation d'hypothèses antérieurement émises et apporte des éléments de réponses nouveaux à la question des conditions d'implantation des sociétés protohistoriques (civilisation de l’Indus), historiques anciennes et médiévales), en Haryana (plaine de la Chautang) et au Cholistan (plaine de l'Hakra)
The northern margins of the thar desert in the northwestern part of the Indian subcontinent which are often marked by quaternary relict landforms have kept in their landscape numerous remains of ancient human occupation in the forms of ancient villages or lonely settlements or ancient irrigation canals. This is the study of thes remains. So this is a historical geographical study. The question is that of the kind of relationships of human societies and their surroundings at each age that has been identified by the archeologists. Remote sensing is the tool that was used to undertake and complete this research. Thanks to digital image processing, it is possible to enhance, and to describe and to interprate the evidences of changes in the environment and to study the archaeological sites location-which is good evidence of the interaction of man and environement in the past- and their distribution in spectral or morphological significant unities. An original step has been developped responding to the specificity of this research in the aim to discern relict landforms from a current state of the space. The methods that have been developped are based on automatic classification and image analysis (mathematical morphology, etc. ). Thanks to this study, former hypothesis are refutated and new evidences are given to the question of the conditions in wich the protohistorical (indus civilisation) and ancient historical and medieval societies settled in haryana (chautang plain) and in cholistan desert (hakra plain)
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Zaheer, Aamir. "Les particularités phonétiques et phonologiques des langues du Pakistan et leur incidence sur l'apprentissage du français par les apprenants pakistanais." Thesis, Bourgogne Franche-Comté, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019UBFCC002/document.

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Le Pakistan chevauche la frontière linguistique entre deux familles linguistiques ; l’indo-aryen et l’iranien, qui ensemble constituent l'indo-iranien, une branche majeure de la famille indo-européenne. Ainsi, le panorama général de la situation linguistique se caractérise par la diversité linguistique due à différents facteurs sociaux et historiques. Comme beaucoup d’autres pays du monde, le Pakistan est aussi un pays multilingue où plusieurs langues sont présentes avec des statuts plus ou moins différents. A part ce multilinguisme, une grande partie de la population rurale du Pakistan est également monolingue. Sous les effets du colonialisme, les langues natives du Pakistan ne sont pas reconnues par le gouvernement. À cause de la politique linguistique de l’état, ces langues les moins répandues sont considérées comme des langues peu importantes. Ainsi, ces langues régionales restent ignorées même par des linguistes et des chercheurs. Du point de vue de la linguistique, chaque langue possède des particularités et une richesse linguistique malgré son statut officiel dans un pays. Nous avons choisi de présenter cinq langues majeures du Pakistan. Cette diversité linguistique nous a offert ce terrain fertile à l’étude de ces langues au niveau de la phonétique et de la phonologie. Le résultat de ce travail nous a conduits à une étude comparative des systèmes phonético-phonologiques des langues pakistanaises et ceux de la langue française. Cela nous a permis de conclure au fait que les voyelles antérieures arrondies et les semi-voyelles françaises n’existant pas dans les langues pakistanaises sont absentes dans la prononciation des apprenants de FLE. Ces absences sont les causes majeures des erreurs de la prononciation faites par la majorité des apprenants pakistanais de FLE
Pakistan straddles the linguistic border between two linguistic families; Indo-Aryan and Iranian, which together constitute Indo-Iranian, a major branch of the Indo-European family. Thus, the general panorama of the linguistic situation is characterized by linguistic diversity due to different social and historical factors. Like many other countries in the world, Pakistan is also a multilingual country where several languages are present with more or less different status. Apart from this multilingualism, a large part of the rural population of Pakistan is also monolingual. Under the effects of colonialism, the native languages of Pakistan are not recognized by the government. Because of the state’s language policy, these less widely spoken languages are considered as minor languages. Thus, these regional languages are ignored even by linguists and researchers. From the point of view of linguistics, each language has peculiarities and linguistic richness despite its official status in a country. We chose to present five major languages of Pakistan. This linguistic diversity has offered us fertile ground for the study of these languages at the level of phonetics and phonology. The result of this work led us to a comparative study of the phonetic-phonological systems of the Pakistani languages and those of the French language. This allowed us to conclude that the rounded anterior vowels and French semi-vowels that do not exist in Pakistani languages are absent in the pronunciation of FLE learners. These absences are the major causes of the pronunciation errors made by the majority of Pakistani FLE learners
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Dawson, P. "The United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP) 1948-1965 : With a postscript on the impact on UNMOGIP of the Indo-Pakistan war of 1971." Thesis, Keele University, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.379633.

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Irtan, Carole. "Le conflit indo-pakistanais sur le Cachemire : analyse des décisions et perceptions des autorités politiques et militaires à l'aune des modèles de Graham Allison." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30029.

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La province du Jammu et Cachemire, partagée entre l’Union Indienne et le Pakistan en 1947, est l’une des pommes de discorde qui a engendré une relation très conflictuelle entre les deux voisins, et qui a fait l’objet de crises diplomatiques et militaires récurrentes entre les deux pays, entrecoupées de rounds de négociation n’ayant pas abouti au règlement du conflit.Ce conflit au Cachemire va être passé au crible de deux théories des relations internationales, la théorie de la prise de décision modélisée par Graham Allison et la théorie de la perception développée par Robert Jervis. L’analyse de ce conflit va mettre en évidence la rationalité dans le processus de prise de décision au sein des deux pays, mais cette rationalité est néanmoins soumise à des perceptions de chaque côté de la frontière qui renvoient à la culture, aux mentalités, aux religions de chacun des deux pays. Ces perceptions peuvent amener un analyste occidental à croire à une certaine irrationalité de la part des deux pays. Il n’en est rien, car si l’on se place d’un point de vue indien ou pakistanais, leur mentalité, leur réflexion, leur culture respectives les amènent à une cohérence d’ensemble de chacune de leur politique.Cette analyse du conflit du Cachemire sous un angle particulier présente des limites, au premier rang desquelles la recherche bibliographique, qui mériterait d’être enrichie par des références hindies ou ourdoues. Néanmoins, la littérature en langue anglaise d’auteurs originaires du sous-continent indien autorise à utiliser la théorie de la perception avec une certaine précision et permet ainsi d’affiner l’analyse au plus près de la réalité
My thesis is pertaining to the political and military relations between India and Pakistan, especially towards the Kashmir province. I decided to focus on Kashmir province because relations of the countries are strifen by a lot of fracture lines in fields like economics, water, defence and so on… The core issue of my thesis is to compare the way of behaving of the two countries towards the Kashmir province and to draw conclusions about this complicated relationship. Moreover, I choose to work on the late 20 years in order to narrow the study, because since 1947 and the partition of British India, 3 disputes have opposed both of them. For the late 20 years, a crisis in 1999 and several rounds of negotiations are the main part of my subject. The issue of my work is related to two political theories, namely the decision making process developed by Graham Allison, and the theory of perception and misperception emphasized in Robert Jervis book. From these two theories, we can deduce that the decision making process in both countries are rational. This rationality can be submitted to criticism. Nevertheless, both countries have taken several decisions towards Kashmir province in accordance with their respective politics. What will be the future for this province? It can be guessed that one day progress will be made towards peace in this part of the world. Keywords: Kashmir; India; Pakistan; Decision Making Process; Perception; Misperception
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Books on the topic "Indo pakistan"

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Ghuman, Ranjit Singh. Indo-Pakistan trade relations. New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1986.

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Indo-Pakistan trade relations. New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1986.

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Ramu, P. S. Badshah Khan: Indo-Pakistan relations. Delhi: S.S. Publishers, 1991.

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R. A. (Rafique Ali) Jairazbhoy. Foreign influence in ancient Indo-Pakistan. Karachi: Sind Book House, 1995.

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Bhatti, A. Nisa. Modern Muslim cooking of Indo-Pakistan. Lahore: Islamic Book Service, 1996.

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Mahmud, S. F. A concise history of Indo-Pakistan. 2nd ed. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1988.

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Mahmud, Sayyid Fayyaz. A Junior history of Indo-Pakistan. 3rd ed. Karachi: O.U.P., 1988.

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Singh, Jagdev. Dismemberment of Pakistan: 1971 Indo-Pak War. New Delhi: Lancer International, 1988.

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Johal, Sarbjit. Conflict and integration in Indo-Pakistan relations. Berkeley, CA: Centers for South and Southeast Asia Studies, University of California at Berkeley, 1989.

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Tangled knot of Kashmir: Indo-Pakistan antagonism. Karachi: Paramount Books, 2014.

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Book chapters on the topic "Indo pakistan"

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Rizvi, Gowher. "Indo-Pakistan Strife." In Détente in Asia?, 134–53. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12480-0_9.

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Misra, Ashutosh. "Composite Dialogue Process (CDP): A Structured Mechanism for Addressing Indo-Pak Rivalry." In India-Pakistan, 35–55. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230109780_3.

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Rizvi, Gowher. "Arms Control and Indo-Pakistan Relations." In Arms Control in Asia, 116–43. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08975-8_7.

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Kuszewska, Agnieszka. "Kashmir imbroglio and Indo-Pakistani relations in the 21st century." In Kashmir in India and Pakistan Policies, 63–70. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351063746-8.

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Oellers-Frahm, Karin, and Andreas Zimmermann. "Indo-Pakistan Western Boundary Case (Rann of Kutch) (India/Pakistan), Arbitration Agreement of June 30, 1965." In Dispute Settlement in Public International Law, 2120–21. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-56626-4_124.

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Hewitt, Vernon. "Creating a Common Home? Indo-Pakistan Relations and the Search for Security in South Asia." In The Post-Colonial States of South Asia, 283–310. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-11508-9_14.

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Batabyal, Guru Saday. "Strategic imperatives of cold war geopolitics in South Asia and the role of external powers during 1971 Indo-Pakistan War." In Politico-Military Strategy of the Bangladesh Liberation War, 1971, 49–75. London ; New York, NY : Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2021.: Routledge India, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429317644-4.

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Ispahani, Farahnaz. "Pakistan’s descent into religious intolerance." In Routledge Handbook of Contemporary Pakistan, 336–50. New York : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315696706-21.

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Mansoor, Athar, and Syed Bilal Haider. "Digital Government: Transforming Sialkot into a Citizen-Friendly District." In Public Sector Reforms in Pakistan, 303–28. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-96825-0_13.

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Zeshan, Ulrike, and Sibaji Panda. "5. Reciprocal constructions in Indo-Pakistani Sign Language." In Typological Studies in Language, 91–114. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/tsl.98.05zes.

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Conference papers on the topic "Indo pakistan"

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MAȚOI, Ecaterina. "TEHREEK-E-LABBAIK PAKISTAN (TLP): A RISING EXTREMIST FORCE, OR JUST THE TIP OFA LARGER RADICALISED ICEBERG IN THE AFPAK REGION?" In SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH AND EDUCATION IN THE AIR FORCE. Publishing House of “Henri Coanda” Air Force Academy, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19062/2247-3173.2021.22.26.

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As if Afghanistan’s recent takeover by the Taliban was not a sufficiently significant development in the AfPak region, reports indicate that Pakistan’s largest sect, the Barelvi, becomes increasingly militant and aggressive by the day. Since another important movement for the history of Pakistan - the Deobandi - has generally dominated the violence scene in Pakistan starting with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, this trend within the Barelvis is a rather new one, and deserves extensive attention keeping in mind the recent regional developments. Taking a brief look at the history of the region to identify possible causes that may underlie the radicalization of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan group, it is noticeable that emergence of Barelvi and Deobandi sects in the first part of 19th century was part of a larger movement to revive Islam in the Northern part of India, but in different manners: while the Deobandi kept close to the Hanafi Sunni teachings in a strictly manner, the Barelvi sect – developed itself mostly on a Sufi legacy, as part of a larger Folk Islam inherited from the Mughal Empire, despite being itself affiliated with the Hanafi school. The differences between the two movements became critical from a political, security and social point of view, especially after the division of British India in 1947, into two states: a Muslim one – present day Pakistan, and a Hindu one - present day India, of which, the first, became the state entity that encompassed both Hanafi revivalist movements, Deobandi and Barelvi. Therefore, this research is aiming to analyse the history of Barelvi movement starting with the British Raj, the way in which Pakistan was established as a state and the problems that arose with the partition of the former British colony, the very Islamic essence of the new established state, and the potential for destabilization of Barelvi organisations in an already prone to conflict area. Consequently, the current research aims to identify the patterns of latest developments in Pakistan, their historical roots and causes, main actors active in religious, political and military fields in this important state-actor from the AfPak region, in order to project Barelvi recent in a defined environment, mainly by using a historical approach.
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Zahid, Shakeel. "An Insight into Pakistan Space Program." In 14th International Conference on Space Operations. Reston, Virginia: American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2514/6.2016-2343.

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Petríková, Michaela, and František Jůn. "Implementation of SMS into theoretical and practical MCC training." In Práce a štúdie. University of Zilina, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.26552/pas.z.2021.2.33.

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The main goal of my paper is to implement safety management system into theoretical and practical MCC training. I was inspired for finishing this paper by my own integrated ATPL training at University of Žilina. Work is divided into three main parts. The first part of the paper is theory of safety management system, safety in aviation, loss of control and controlled flight into terrain. Five air accidents are characterized and analyzed in the next section. This part contains air accident Air Dubnica of two aircraft L410 in Dubnica nad Váhom, Air Accident OSSR An-24 Aircraft in Košice, Aviompanija Tatarstan accident in Kazan, accident of cypriot airline Helios and Pakistan International Airlines accident in Karachi, Pakistan. In the last part of the paper is designed implementation of the safety management system into MCC training.
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Batool, Amna, Samia Razaq, and Kentaro Toyama. "An Investigation into ICT-Addressable Causes of Maternal Mortality in Pakistan." In ACM DEV '15: Annual Symposium on Computing for Development. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2830629.2835215.

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Shaheen, Muhammad, and Zahoor Ur Rehman. "Critical Skills for Computer Academicians - Course Proposal." In InSITE 2008: Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/3197.

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The numbers of Computer Science professionals are rapidly increasing in Pakistan. Earlier revisions ofthe CS curriculum made by Higher Education Commission (EEC), Pakistan were based upon the critical skills needed for the professionals according to the demands of market. Unfortunately no effort was made to determine the critical skills needed for computer academicians. As part of the course development process for academicians, a study was conducted to determine the expected skills and knowledge required for these academicians. The academicians are divided into three main groups: Computer Programming instructors, Databases Instructors and Computer Networks instructors. These groups were made after the survey of demand from IT industry in Pakistan. It was concluded from the survey that More than 65% Computer professional jobs are required for the mentioned groups. An online survey tool (http://www.qnaire.netfirms.com) was developed to collect the data from respondents about the importance of various skills for computer science academicians. Ph.D professors, Ph.D Assistant Professors and Lecturers having Bachelors degree in Computer Science or relevant discipline are included in the list of respondents. The results indicate that the conceptual knowledge about three groups will be important with handsome emphasis on advanced applications. By applying principal component analysis and correlation analysis on the data collected by online survey the prominent factors were identified on the basis of which a course plan was developed. In coming years the better results will produce by the proposed curriculum.
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Bashir, Shahid. "A Fresh Insight Into Visitors’ Decision-Making Process In Hotel Industry Of Pakistan." In AIMC 2018 - Asia International Multidisciplinary Conference. Cognitive-Crcs, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2019.05.02.7.

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Akbar, Sajjad, M. Shahid Khalil, and Shahzad Ahmad. "Protection and Monitoring of Ionizing Radiation - Nuclear Medicine." In 17th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. ASMEDC, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone17-75227.

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The advancement in technology has resulted into development of Telethrapy and X-ray machine which has high potential hazards of ionizing radiation to user and patient exposed. Ionizing radiations are referred as gamma rays photons. X-rays can cause conjunctivitis and sterility. Ionization radiation is hazard both in radiotherapy and nuclear medicine department. The energy of this radiation is around 10eV, higher the energy of radiation greater is hazard because of penetration into tissues the basic protection rule is either move way from source of radiation or put absorber in between. These equipments are tools of diagnostics, therefore international commission on radiological protection (ICRP) ha recommended that exposure to radiation be kept minimum. Designing of teletherapy facilities play important role in protection and monitoring of radiations. The author has analyzed the protective measures and monitoring of radiations in various hospitals in public and private sector in Rawalpindi / Islamabad Pakistan. It has been observed that only in military hospitals strict protective and monitoring measurers are taken against radiations but in other public and private sector hospitals such measure are compromised due to lack of proper awareness. Pakistan nuclear regulatory authority (PNRA) is taking measures for ensuring protective and monitoring measurer against radiations and arousing awareness to all concerns.
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ul Haq, Zia. "INTEGRATION OF INTERFAITH HARMONY INTO MADRASSA CURRICULUM IN PAKISTAN: A STEP TO SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT." In ADVED 2021- 7th International Conference on Advances in Education. International Organization Center of Academic Research, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47696/adved.202107.

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Azhar, Uzma, Arqam Ilyas, Weixiang Shen, and Mehdi Korki. "Feasibility Study of Integrating Photovoltaic Generation Power Plant into a Distribution Network in Pakistan." In 2021 31st Australasian Universities Power Engineering Conference (AUPEC). IEEE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/aupec52110.2021.9597810.

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Tayyab, Saad, Arshad Hussain, Fazal Haq, and Sarfraz Ahmed. "Policy proposal to solve road traffic accidents in Pakistan." In 6th International Conference on Road and Rail Infrastructure. University of Zagreb Faculty of Civil Engineering, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5592/co/cetra.2020.1197.

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The road traffic accidents (RTAs) have raised concern globally and become worsen with the passage of time that expedite issues of social exclusion and public health. There are approximately 1.35 million people involved annually in road crashes and 3,700 people died on daily basis. A ratio of happening an accident has found greater in developing countries due to govern of their socio-economic factors. It would contribute in long-lasting cost of pain and sufferings at micro to macro level at large. Pakistan has been experiencing the same with an annual trend of increase in RTAs. There are many demographic factors involved particular to urbanization, and willingness to pay etc. where policies had contributed a major role. A loss of 30 thousand lives on annual basis has placed Pakistan at 67th position on global ranking of having higher percentage of RTAs. This number could expect to be doubled with the functional operation of road projects associated with China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Currently, the main challenge is to sustain the growing number of RTAs by promoting mitigation measures that aimed to move ahead on sustainable and balanced development. An adequate response to address these challenges will require best available scientific knowledge and constant re-evaluation of the developments. It will fulfil the scope of this study to identify frequent causes and propose strategies for traffic calming measures in light of those findings, and also to make ensure that it would respond to emerging needs. A comparative investigation into the literature has assisted to identify key issues for occurrence of road accident fatalities (RAFs) and severe injuries. It has highlighted and recommended those gap areas either in policy or strategy domain that need to consider in dealing with RTAs mitigation tactics (e.g., licencing system upgradation, enforcing safety laws, and etc.).
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Reports on the topic "Indo pakistan"

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Béraud-Sudreau, Lucie, Xiao Liang, Siemon T. Wezeman, and Ming Sun. Arms-production Capabilities in the Indo-Pacific Region: Measuring Self-reliance. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/xgre7769.

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Armed forces in the Indo-Pacific region remain dependent on weapon systems imported from foreign suppliers. This is despite the efforts of many governments in the Indo-Pacific to implement policies that support the development of local arms industrial capabilities with the aim of increasing self-reliance. This report develops three indicators to give a score and regional ranking of self-reliance to twelve jurisdictions in the Indo-Pacific region: Australia, China, India, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, Pakistan, Singapore, Taiwan, Thailand and Viet Nam. Overall, this report contributes to knowledge and debates on armament trends and military modernization in the Indo-Pacific. In a region where tensions among neighbours are rising, it further contributes to transparency with regard to levels of self-reliance in domestic arms production, allowing for an independent assessment of the region’s respective arms industries.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Kainat Shakil. Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf: Pakistan’s Iconic Populist Movement. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/op0004.

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Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) used to be an activist party at a time when civil society was highly subdued under a military regime. Through modest civil disobedience, it has graduated to the status of a formidable opposition party. It has used populist rhetoric and tactics to delegitimize and “otherize” the conventional parties and position itself as the ideal voice and hope for “the people.” It has used a wide array of ideologies to support its populism, which tapped into deep-rooted anxieties in the public’s psyche.
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ul Haque, Minhaj. Discrimination starts at home: A brief on parents' aspirations for adolescents and youth in Pakistan. Population Council, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/pgy19.1009.

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Parents play a critical role in socializing their children and passing on essential information and life skills. The attitudes of parents help determine what young boys and girls do in life, and how they utilize opportunities and develop the skills necessary to make a comfortable transition into adulthood. This brief is based on interviews with Pakistani parents and describes their aspirations, which are likely to influence the lives of young people. More young people aged 15–24 live in Pakistan now than at any other time in its history—an estimated 36 million in 2004. Recognizing the dearth of information on the situation of this large group of young people, the Population Council undertook a nationally representative survey from October 2001 to March 2002. The analysis presented here comes from Adolescents and Youth in Pakistan 2001–02: A Nationally Representative Survey. The survey sought information from youth aged 15–24, responsible adults in the household, and other community members in 254 communities. A total of 6,585 households were visited and 8,074 young people were interviewed.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism and Vigilantism: The Case of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0001.

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Religious populism and radicalism are hardly new to Pakistan. Since its birth in 1947, the country has suffered through an ongoing identity crisis. Under turbulent political conditions, religion has served as a surrogate identity for Pakistan, masking the country’s evident plurality, and over the years has come to dominate politics. Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) is the latest face of religious extremism merged with populist politics. Nevertheless, its sporadic rise from a national movement defending Pakistan’s notorious blasphemy laws to a “pious” party is little understood. This paper draws on a collection of primary and secondary sources to piece together an account of the party’s evolution that sheds light on its appeal to “the people” and its marginalization and targeting of the “other.” The analysis reveals that the TLP has evolved from a proxy backed by the establishment against the mainstream parties to a full-fledged political force in its own right. Its ability to relate to voters via its pious narrative hinges on exploiting the emotional insecurities of the largely disenfranchised masses. With violence legitimized under the guise of religion, “the people” are afforded a new sense of empowerment. Moreover, the party’s rhetoric has given rise to a vigilante-style mob culture so much so that individuals inspired by this narrative have killed in plain sight without remorse. To make matters worse, the incumbent government of Imran Khan — itself a champion of Islamist rhetoric — has made repeated concessions and efforts to appease the TLP that have only emboldened the party. Today, the TLP poses serious challenges to Pakistan’s long-standing, if fragile, pluralistic social norms and risks tipping the country into an even deadlier cycle of political radicalization.
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Hakeem, Luqman, and Riaz Hussain. Key Considerations: Localisation of Polio Vaccination Efforts in the Newly Merged Districts (Tribal Areas) of Pakistan. SSHAP, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/sshap.2022.035.

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Poliomyelitis (polio) remains a vital global public health challenge, particularly in countries where eradication efforts are ongoing. For almost three decades, polio programme and frontline workers in Pakistan have suffered human and financial losses due to complex political and bureaucratic management, local resistance to programme efforts, and the context of cross-border insurgency and insecurity.1 Many stakeholders in Pakistan continue to have low confidence in frontline workers and polio vaccination campaigns. In this environment, it is essential that vaccination programmes localise – by taking careful account of the local context, improving local ownership of the programmes, understanding and mitigating the issues at a grassroots level, and tailoring efforts to achieve polio eradication goals. This brief draws on evidence from academic and grey literature, data on polio vaccine uptake, consultations with partners working on polio eradication in Pakistan, and the authors’ own programme implementation experience in the country. The brief reviews the social, cultural, and contextual considerations relevant to increasing polio vaccine uptake amongst vulnerable groups in Pakistan’s tribal areas. It focuses on the current country context, in the aftermath of the 2018 merger of the former Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) into Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province (KPK). This brief is part of a series authored by participants from the SSHAP Fellowship, and was written by Luqman Hakeem and Riaz Hussain from Cohort 2. Contributions were provided by response partners in Pakistan including health communication and delivery staff and local administrative authorities. This brief was reviewed by Muhammad Sufyan (University of Swabi) and Ilyas Sharif (Quaid-e-Azam College of Commerce, University of Peshawar). The brief was supported by Megan Schmidt-Sane and Santiago Ripoll at the Institute of Development Studies and is the responsibility of SSHAP.
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Javed, Umair, Aiza Hussain, and Hassan Aziz. Demanding Power: Contentious Politics and Electricity in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.047.

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This paper explores Pakistan’s electricity supply crisis that lasted from 2007 to 2015, and the ensuing contention that shaped public discourse and political events in the country. During this period, which witnessed electricity outages of up to 14 hours per day, 456 incidents of contention took place, with just under 20 per cent escalating into some form of violence. Electricity became the number one political issue in the country and was integral in shaping the outcomes of the 2013 General Election. Following the election, public authorities undertook extensive investment to expand capacity and ensure consistency in supply while evading questions about affordability and sustainability. On the surface, this appears to be a case of extensive protest working towards shaping state responsiveness. And it is true that the state now sees supply as a non-negotiable aspect in the social contract with citizens. However, a range of factors contributed to the chronology and the selective, generation-focused nature of this response. On the other hand, citizen inclusion and participation in decision-making, and issues of affordability and sustainability, which impact vulnerable and disempowered groups the most, remain absent from the political and policy conversation around energy. This suggests that while protests were useful in generating a short-term response, their long-term legacy in empowerment related outcomes is less visible.
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Sultan, Sadiqa, Maryam Kanwer, and Jaffer Mirza. A Multi-layered Minority: Hazara Shia Women in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2020.011.

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Shia account for approximately 10–15 per cent of the Muslim population in Pakistan, which has a largely Sunni Muslim population. Anti-Shia violence, led by extremist militant groups, dates to 1979 and has resulted in thousands killed and injured in terrorist attacks over the years. Hazara Shia, who are both an ethnic and a religious minority, make an easy target for extremist groups as they are physically distinctive. The majority live in Quetta, the provincial capital of Balochistan in central Pakistan, where they have become largely ghettoised into two areas as result of ongoing attacks. Studies on the Hazara Shia persecution have mostly focused on the killings of Hazara men and paid little attention to the nature and impact of religious persecution of Shias on Hazara women. Poor Hazara women in particular face multi-layered marginalisation, due to the intersection of their gender, religious-ethnic affiliation and class, and face limited opportunities in education and jobs, restricted mobility, mental and psychological health issues, and gender-based discrimination.
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Price, Roz. Inclusion of Marginalised Groups in Sensitive Programming in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.090.

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This rapid review focuses on the different variations of discrimination against marginalized groups, with a focus on the effect of intersecting and overlapping inequalities and the different experiences and outcomes they have on the varied groups. It highlights how marginalized groups have been included in interventions addressing issues of discrimination in Pakistan. The review also looks into different change interventions that deliver inclusive outcomes for women, girls and persons with disabilities with a focus on preventing violence against those groups. The review notes that intersecting inequalities have led to different experiences and outcomes relating to discrimination. It states that there is a need to address the different groups facing discrimination in a way that addresses their specified experiences because the effects of discrimination are not the same for every person. The review states that in addressing discrimination for the different groups, programmes should pursue multiple entry points to promote non-discrimination, they should work in multiple sites within and across countries and they should work with multiple partners who play different roles in communities.
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Khan, Ayesha. Adolescents and reproductive health in Pakistan: A literature review. Population Council, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/rh2000.1042.

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This report reviews research and findings on adolescents and reproductive health in Pakistan. The material is drawn from a range of national surveys and medical research, as well as information gathered by nongovernmental organizations. Although adolescents make up a quarter of the population of Pakistan, they are still a new subject for research. The characterization of adolescents for this review is individuals ages 10–19, whether or not they are married, sexually active, or parents. The discussion of the research material is based on the assumption that adolescence is a developmental phase, a transition from childhood to adulthood. Basic data on education, employment, and reproductive health among adolescents shows that they are not receiving adequate schooling and capability building to equip them for the future. Due to their relative youth, lack of decision-making power, and incomplete personal development, adolescents are ill equipped to handle the reproductive health burden they face. Policies and programs, as well as legal provisions, do not protect adolescents and need to be designed to meet the needs of adolescents without disrupting their development into adults.
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M., K. Discrimination, Marginalisation and Targeting of Ahmadi Muslim Women in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2020.014.

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Ahmadi Muslims are criminalised for practising their faith in Pakistan which has resulted in widespread discrimination and continuous, sporadic acts of violence leading many to flee their cities or their country altogether. This is not always an option for those who are poor and socioeconomically excluded. A recent study into the experiences and issues faced by socioeconomically excluded women from the Ahmadiyya Muslim community has found that Ahmadi Muslim women in particular are marginalised, targeted, and discriminated against in all aspects of their lives, including in their lack of access to education and jobs, their inability to fully carry out their religious customs, day-to-day harassment, and violence and lack of representation in decision-making spaces.
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