Journal articles on the topic 'Indo-Pacific'
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Scott, David. "Indonesia Grapples with the Indo-Pacific: Outreach, Strategic Discourse, and Diplomacy." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 38, no. 2 (August 2019): 194–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103419860669.
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This article analyses and evaluates Indonesia’s grappling with the Indo-Pacific. Analysis is threefold – Indonesia’s actorness in the Indo-Pacific, its strategic discourse on the Indo-Pacific, and its Indo-Pacific diplomacy. Actorness is pursued with regard to Indonesia’s more active involvement in regional and subregional structures in the Indian Ocean and Pacific Ocean. Strategic discourse is threefold – Natalegawa’s “Indo-Pacific Treaty” concept (2013–2014), Widodo’s “maritime nexus” drive (2014 onwards), and the current “Indo-Pacific Cooperation Concept” (IPCC; 2018 onwards). Diplomacy is pursued with regard to Indonesia’s relationship with Australia, Japan, China, India, and the United States. The article concludes that while Indonesia certainly is on the rise as an Indo-Pacific actor, its continuing naval weakness undermines Indonesia’s “maritime nexus” stance, while its reluctance to challenge China leaves Indonesia’s Indo-Pacific Treaty and its IPCC vague and to some degree ignoring uncomfortable security issues posed by China. A closer synergy for Indonesia with the US and Japanese Free and Open Indo-Pacific initiative is suggested.
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Scott, David. "India and the Allure of the ‘Indo-Pacific’." International Studies 49, no. 3-4 (July 2012): 165–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881714534038.
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This article looks at the attraction that the term ‘Indo-Pacific’ has gained in strategic discourse in and around the Indian government since 2010. A strong geopolitical and geo-economic sense of the Indo-Pacific has become apparent in this emergent Indo-Pacific discourse, which combines elements of India’s ‘Look South’ and ‘Look East’ policies, and in which a core Indo-Pacific of the eastern Indian Ocean and western Pacific Ocean has particular strategic coherence. Not only have government leaders adopted the term Indo-Pacific at various times, diplomats, navy service chiefs, influential think tanks and persuasive voices like Shyam Saran and C. Raja Mohan have also been noticeable in their use of the term. India’s bilateral and trilateral relations with Japan, Australia and the US have attracted particular Indo-Pacific associations in India. While a criticism of the term Indo-Pacific is that it has negative China-centric, balancing undertones, the article finds that although China-centric balancing frequently accompanies Indo-Pacific discourse, this is not an inherent part of the concept.
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Wu, Yanbin. "The US Indo-Pacific Strategy and the Indo-Pacific Regional Security Complex: development, relations and prospects." Мировая политика, no. 1 (January 2022): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2022.1.37701.
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The subject of the study is the development, connections and prospects of the Indo-Pacific Strategy of the United States and the Indo-Pacific Regional Security Complex. The object of the study is the Indo-Pacific Strategy of the United States and the Indo-Pacific Regional Security Complex. In the theory of regional security complexes by B. Buzan and O.Vever, superpowers influence regional complexes and form them through the mechanism of "penetration". In today's multipolar world, it is extremely difficult for superpowers to fully penetrate the security system of a complex, but superpowers can still influence the internal structure of regional security complexes. Being the only superpower in the world after the Cold War, the United States plays an extremely important external role in promoting the emerging and developing Indo-Pacific regional security complex. This article, based on the theory of regional security complexes, analyzes the interaction of the United States, as an extraterritorial superpower, with the Indo-Pacific Security Complex, examines the impact of the Indo-Pacific Security Strategy on the region, and also explores the possibility of the United States achieving the ultimate goal of maintaining a hegemonic position through "penetration" into the Indo-Pacific security complex. The US Indo-Pacific strategy looks innovative, but in fact it is only a continuation and extension of the traditional Asia-Pacific strategy. Although it is difficult to ignore the role of the US Indo-Pacific Strategy in the formation of the security complex in the Indo-Pacific region, the internal forces of the complex and the laws of the development of the complex itself also lead to the fact that the implementation of the US Indo-Pacific Strategy faces great difficulties.
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Heiduk, Felix. "Europe’s Foray Into the Indo-Pacific." European Review of International Studies 9, no. 1 (April 13, 2022): 52–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21967415-09010013.
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Abstract The term Indo-Pacific has enjoyed growing popularity for years as a geographical and strategic construct. Increasingly, the Indo-Pacific is not conceived merely as a geographical construct, but also as a vital alternative to the Chinese “Belt and Road” Initiative (bri). Conversely, Beijing views the debates over the Indo-Pacific as nothing more than an anti-Chinese containment strategy. Chinese criticism notwithstanding, the debate on the Indo-Pacific has gained traction within Europe, too. France promoted its own Indo-Pacific concept from 2018 onwards, followed by Germany in 2020 with their own Indo-Pacific Leitlinien (guidelines) that preceded the launch of the EU’s own Indo-Pacific strategy in 2021. To assess possible focus points of an emerging EU approach to the Indo-Pacific, this article evaluates strategic convergence and divergence between the so-called E2, France and Germany. It finds that Germany and France, despite their different role conceptions, converge with regard to their key objectives, planned initiatives and conceptualisations of regional order. The article also finds, however, that these contain, for the most part, very general declarations of interests and intent while also foregoing concrete strategic choices. It argues that any future EU approach to the Indo-Pacific is therefore likely to emerge around the least common denominator focus points, drawing on long-established EU approaches towards the Asia-Pacific, rather than a new, clear-cut EU approach to the Indo-Pacific.
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He, Kai, and Mingjiang Li. "Understanding the dynamics of the Indo-Pacific: US–China strategic competition, regional actors, and beyond." International Affairs 96, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz242.
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Abstract As a geographical concept, ‘Indo-Pacific’ has existed for decades. As a political and strategic concept, it has since 2010 gradually become established in the foreign policy lexicon of some countries, especially Australia, India, Japan and the United States. However, China seems to be reluctant to identify itself as part of the Indo-Pacific; Chinese leaders believe that the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy aims to contain China's rise. While the battle between the two geographical concepts ‘Indo-Pacific’ and ‘Asia–Pacific’ may be fairly easily settled in the future, US–China strategic competition has just begun. Will the Indo-Pacific become a battlefield for US–China rivalry? How will China cope with the US ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’ (FOIP) strategy? How will other regional actors respond to the US–China strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific? What are the strategic implications of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ concept for regional order transformation? How will the Indo-Pacific be institutionalized, economically, politically and strategically? This article introduces the January 2020 special issue of International Affairs, which aims to address those questions, using both country-specific and regional perspectives. Seven articles focus on the policy responses of major players (Australia, China, India, Indonesia, Japan and ASEAN) to the US FOIP strategy and related US–China rivalry in the region. A further three articles examine the profound implications of Indo-Pacific dynamics for regional institution-building and for geopolitical and geo-economic architecture.
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Savazzi, Enrico. "Burrowing behavior in Recent Indo-Pacific strombid gastropods." Neues Jahrbuch für Geologie und Paläontologie - Monatshefte 1988, no. 7 (July 1, 1988): 415–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1127/njgpm/1988/1988/415.
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Manning, Robert A. "U.S. Indo-Pacific Strategy." Russia in Global Affairs 16, no. 4 (2018): 164–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31278/1810-6374-2018-16-4-164-184.
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Scott, David. "The Geoeconomics and Geopolitics of Japan’s ‘Indo-Pacific’ Strategy." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 6, no. 2 (August 2019): 136–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797019842440.
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This article seeks to trace, explain and evaluate Japan’s shift towards the ‘Indo-Pacific’. It argues that Japan’s Indo-Pacific strategy is one that explicitly seeks to (a) expand Japan’s presence across Indo-Pacific in order to (b) openly and explicitly gain greater energy security and in order to (c) tacitly and implicitly restrain China. Stephen Walt’s ‘balance of threat’ logic is of relevance, given its focus on ‘geographic proximity’ and ‘perceived offensive intentions’ posed by China to Japan and other states in the region. The structure of the article is threefold: (a) Indo-Pacific strategic discourse in Japan, (b) Japan’s Indo-Pacific actorness, with regard to its role in regional structures and its own maritime projections across the region and (c) Japan’s Indo-Pacific diplomacy, with regard to the various bilateral, trilateral and quadrilateral partnerships, strategic geometry, that Japan has fashioned. The article concludes with overall evaluation of the effectiveness of Japan’s Indo-Pacific strategy.
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Wu, Yanbin. "The concept of the "Indo-Pacific region" and the "Indo-Pacific Strategy" of the USA: formation, development and Chinese views." Мировая политика, no. 1 (January 2022): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2022.1.35735.
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The regional concept - "Indo-Pacific region" has become a popular topic for research in modern international politics with the active promotion of four countries (USA, Japan, India and Australia). The Indo-Pacific strategy championed by the US Trump administration is the most significant among them and has strengthened the use of the emerging regional term "Indo-Pacific region". After the trade war, relations between China and the United States deteriorated, and Sino-American relations have become one of the most important relations in the field of international relations in this century, and the Indo-Pacific Strategy of the United States, developed under Trump, remains one of the concrete manifestations of the Sino-American great power game. This article explains the evolution of the concept of the "Indo-Pacific region", and the formation and development of the Indo-Pacific Strategy of the United States, as well as explains the fundamental goals of the Indo-Pacific Strategy of the United States and the structural conflict in the geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific region through generalizing the views and opinions of Chinese academia about the U.S. strategy in the Indo-Pacific region. The strategy and policy of the United States in the Indo-Pacific region pursues the main goal of maintaining US hegemony, and this is also closely related to the rise of the PRC. Massive military commitments and a large number of US armed forces in the Indo-Pacific region and the growth of the military power of the PRC will become the most central contradiction in the geopolitical structural conflict between the PRC and the USA in this region. The US military policy in this region will cause discontent of the PRC and even regional conflicts, but at the same time it should be noted that due to the firm strategic determination of the PRC, the PRC's own economic development and the limitations of internal factors of the USA, the US Indo-Pacific strategy will not hinder the peaceful growth of the PRC in this region.
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He, Kai, and Huiyun Feng. "The institutionalization of the Indo-Pacific: problems and prospects." International Affairs 96, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 149–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz194.
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Abstract Although the term ‘Indo-Pacific’ has become popular in the foreign policy discourse of some countries, we have yet to see any significant institution-building in the Indo-Pacific region. Borrowing insights from functional institutionalism and political leadership studies of international regimes, we introduce a ‘leadership–institution’ model to explore the problems and prospects of institutionalizing the Indo-Pacific. Through a comparative case study of the institutionalization of the Asia–Pacific vs the Indo-Pacific, we argue that two crucial factors contributed to the slow institutionalization of the Indo-Pacific as a regional system in world politics: the lack of ideational leadership from an epistemic community and the weak executive leadership from a powerful state. While ideational leaders can help states identify and expand common interests in cooperation, executive leadership will facilitate states to overcome operational obstacles in cooperation, such as the ‘collective action’ problem and the ‘relative gains’ concern. The future of institution-building in the Indo-Pacific will depend on whether and how these two leadership roles are played by scholars and states in the region. In the conclusion, we discuss the challenges of institutionalizing the Indo-Pacific and highlight China as a wild card in the future of Indo-Pacific regionalism.
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Herindrasti, Sinta. "FENOMENA INDO-PASIFIK DAN DIPLOMASI INDONESIA." Jurnal Asia Pacific Studies 3, no. 1 (July 5, 2019): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/japs.v3i1.965.
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The emergence of the Indo-Pacific terminology since 2007 until 2013, which is still growing stronger up until now, has created a new “tension†dynamic among various actors in the region. The term Indo-Pacific at least reflects the exisiting new geopolitics transformation discourse in the regions between Indian and Pacific Oceans. With its strategic position, Indonesia is also active in the development of Indo-Pacific’s discourse and diplomacy. Considering the broad geographical area coverage of the Indo-Pacific concept and various state-actors including involvement of their power distribution and structure, comprehensive and critical analysis of Indo-Pacific phenomenon observation are therefore required. What is the purpose of Indonesia through its Indo-Pacific diplomatic action? Are there any current urgent needs which warrant involvement in these broad geopolitical issues? Does Indo-Pacific answer the needs of Indonesia and ASEAN in the middle of their various multilateral agendas? This paper would like to elaborate on the importance of Indonesia’s or ASEAN’s involvement in the Indo-Pacific by considering real situations, real needs and obstacles to be faced, especially in regards to politics-security challenges.
Keywords: Indo-Pacific Phenomenon, Indonesia Diplomacy
Abstrak
Kemunculan terminologi Indo-Pasifik sejak tahun 2007 hingga 2013 yang menguat hingga sekarang telah menciptakan dinamika “ketegangan†baru antar berbagai aktor kawasan. Istilah Indo-Pasifik setidaknya mencerminkan adanya diskursus transformasi geopolitik baru di kawasan antara lautan Hindia dan Pasifik tersebut. Tidak ketinggalan Indonesia dengan posisi strategisnya juga terlibat aktif dalam pengembangan diskursus dan diplomasi Indo-Pasifik. Menimbang luasnya cakupan area geografis konsep Indo-Pasifik dan banyaknya aktor negara termasuk distribusi power dan struktur yang akan terlibat, maka diperlukan analisis komprehensif kritis dalam melihat fenomena Indo-Pasifik. Apa sebenarnya tujuan Indonesia melalui aksi diplomasi Indo-Pasifik? Apakah ada kebutuhan yang sangat mendesak saat ini untuk terlibat dalam isu geopolitik yang sangat luas ini? Apakah Indo-Pasifik menjawab kebutuhan Indonesia dan ASEAN di tengah agenda multilateral yang sudah sedemikian banyak? Paper ini ingin melihat urgensi keterlibatan Indonesia/ASEAN dalam Indo-Pasifik dengan mempertimbangkan situasi dan kebutuhan nyata serta kendala yang akan dihadapi terutama terkait tantangan dimensi politik-keamanan (security).
Kata Kunci: Fenomena Indo-Pasifik, Diplomasi Indonesia
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Santa-Cruz, Arturo. "From Asia-Pacific to the Indo-Pacific, in three different world(view)s." México y la Cuenca del Pacífico 11, no. 32 (May 1, 2022): 21–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.32870/mycp.v11i32.804.
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There is a sense of déjà vu in the recent Indo-Pacific talk. Twenty years into the twenty-first century, after the interlude of the (US) “unipolar moment”, Asia-Pacific seems to have metamorphosized into the Indo-Pacific, an even vaster expanse. But are we correct in presuming the latest regional construct? Without denying the possibility that it might turn out a useful notion, based on the experience of the Asia-Pacific idea in this article I question the current furor around the Indo-Pacific concept. I probe how the Indo-Pacific region could come into being from three different International Relations (IR) perspec-tives: realism, liberalism, and constructivism. The article is divided into five sections: in the first one I begin by recapping the origins and reach of the Asia-Pacific concept, and then I proceed to trace the origins of the more recent one, Indo-Pacific. In the three following sections I briefly review the three analytical perspectives mentioned (realism, liberalism, and constructivism) in turn, looking at how they would account for the (potential) emergence of the Indo-Pacific. The final section recapitulates and presents some concluding remarks.
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Fisher, Denise. "The Indo-Pacific and France’s Pacific Sovereignty." Outre-Terre N°58-59, no. 1 (2020): 401. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/oute2.058.0402.
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Iuniushkina, Anna Sergeevna, Kristina Alekseevna Shapovalova, Rodion Kudakaev, and Tat'yana Ivanovna Pon'ka. "Positions of China and the United States in Indo-Pacific Region." Международные отношения, no. 2 (February 2020): 34–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2020.2.33069.
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This article examines the main factors of the emergence of Indo-Pacific Strategy, the balance of powers between China and the United States in the Indo-Pacific Region, and their investment policy into contiguous countries of the region. Special attention is paid to contradictions between China and the United States in the region, as well as the impact of D. Trump’s Indo-Pacific Strategy upon U. S. relations with China. The article explores the main integration structures of Indo-Pacific Region, goals and tasks set before them. The novelty of this research is defined by fact that in incipient competition between the two countries for the leading positions in Indo-Pacific Region is traced in the advanced by China concept “One Belt, One Road” and U. S. strategy of “Free and Open Indo-Pacific”. The author comes to the conclusion that currently there is no unified integrated interregional authority that is capable of solving the entire range of problems faced by the countries of Indo-Pacific Region. However, the United States gradually lose its leading position in the region, yielding to PRC. China’s domestic reforms, aimed at improvement of interregional financial and economic ties, contribute to creation of a positive image of the country and strengthening of PRC’s position in the Indo-Pacific Region.
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Kumarasamy, Durairaj, and Prabir De. "Promoting Foreign Direct Investment in the Indo-Pacific Region: Scope and Opportunities." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 75, no. 4 (November 27, 2019): 490–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928419874550.
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Indo-Pacific construct has picked up a motivating pace in recent years. Several countries across the world have shown their interest in joining the Indo-Pacific region. Indo-Pacific region has been the world’s leading source and destination of foreign investment. This article analyses the trends in investment, bilateral and multilateral investment engagements and investment barriers and presents a way to promote foreign direct investment (FDI) in the Indo-Pacific region. It also examines India’s investment relations with some of the Indo-Pacific countries. Further, it looks into the inter-linkages between FDI and global value chain, given that multinational firms play a significant role in bringing international sourcing, technology sharing, and production networking across countries.
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Bharti, Mukesh Shankar, Suprabha Kumari, and Sushant Shankar Bharti. "Indo-French Comprehensive Bilateral Cooperation: A Roadmap to Indo-Pacific Parks Partnership and Beyond." Economic and Regional Studies / Studia Ekonomiczne i Regionalne 15, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 284–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ers-2022-0020.
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Abstract Subject and purpose of work: The purpose of this research is to the a ssess the Indo-French bilateral cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region. The study aims to identify the main areas of cooperation between India and France. This paper assesses a roadmap for the broader strategy for the „Indo-Pacific Parks Partnership”. Materials and methods: It uses the empirical approach to know to what extent the Indo-French cooperation achieves its goal. Further, this study answers the following research questions to test a hypothesis. What kind of bilateral partnerships are the two countries shaping for deeper comprehensive cooperation? Why is the Indo-Pacific the central part of the Indo-French partnerships? India and France strategically shifted their bilateral partnership towards the Pacific and Indian Ocean regions for deeper cooperation. Results: The bilateral partnership between India and France has been tremendously accelerating for the last decade. Both the countries are better attuned in the context of Maritime Security and trade cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region. Conclusions: The article concludes that India and France need a deeper partnership in the Indo- Pacific region to accelerate trade and business in the maritime domain.
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Novialdi, Risky, Saddam Rassanjani, and Ismar Ramadani. "The Practice of Paradiplomacy in Indo-Pacific Region: Opportunities and Challenges." International Journal of Advances in Social Sciences and Humanities 1, no. 1 (February 28, 2022): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.56225/ijassh.v1i1.33.
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This study discusses local governments' opportunities and challenges in practising paradiplomacy in the Indo-Pacific region. A country's central government owns the authority to practice international relations, and local governments also own this authority through paradiplomacy practices. This study uses qualitative research methods by searching for theoretical references relevant to cases or problems found in various literature, mainly scientific journals, books, reports, and actual and trusted news on the internet. This paper aims to reveal local governments' opportunities and challenges in paradigmatic practice, especially in the Indo-Pacific region. From the analysis results, the practice of paradiplomacy in the Indo Pacific. This paper aims to reveal local governments' opportunities and challenges in paradiplomacy practice, especially in the Indo-Pacific region. From the analysis results, the practice of paradiplomacy in the Indo-Pacific is quite good but not maximised because many paradiplomacy practices reach the MoU stage. In contrast, they have not reached the program implementation frame. Generally, the Indo-Pacific region's opportunities for the practice of paradiplomacy are quite large because the regions in the Indo-Pacific region have many similarities, which is one of the crucial indicators in the practice of paradiplomacy.
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Anwar, Dewi Fortuna. "Indonesia and the ASEAN outlook on the Indo-Pacific." International Affairs 96, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 111–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz223.
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Abstract Indonesia has taken a leadership role within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in drafting a common outlook on the Indo-Pacific concept. The widening of Indonesia's geostrategic canvas from the Asia–Pacific to the Indo-Pacific is in line with President Joko Widodo's intent to make Indonesia a Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF). In view of the rivalry between the US and China and the emergence of various Indo-Pacific initiatives from other countries, Indonesia believes that ASEAN must try to maintain its centrality. The draft of Indonesia's perspective for an ASEAN outlook on the Indo-Pacific: towards a peaceful, prosperous, and inclusive region was submitted for considerations by ASEAN, and after 18 months of intensive lobbying by Indonesia the concept was finally adopted at the ASEAN Summit in June 2019. The ASEAN outlook promotes the principles of openness, inclusiveness, transparency, respect for international law and ASEAN centrality in the Indo-Pacific region. It proposes a building-block approach, seeking commonalities between existing regional initiatives in which ASEAN-led mechanisms will act as a fulcrum for both norm-setting and concrete cooperation. Rather than creating a new regional architecture, the East Asia Summit (EAS) is proposed as the platform for advancing the Indo-Pacific discourse and cooperation. Indonesia's ASEAN outlook on the Indo-Pacific marks its renewed foreign policy activism as a middle power and underlines the continuing importance that Indonesia places on ASEAN as the cornerstone of its foreign policy, emphasising ASEAN's centrality as the primary vehicle for managing relations with the major powers in the Indo-Pacific region.
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Kupriyanov, A. "The Indo-Pacific: Indian View." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 5 (2021): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-5-49-58.
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Received 06.02.2021. The article focuses on the Indian version of the Indo-Pacific concept. The author notes that the Russian attitude towards Indo-Pacific is ambiguous, and argues that the reason is the vague and unstructured concept as such. The article analyzes the origin and history of the term Indo-Pacific itself. The author traces its history back 170 years and describes in detail how it was transformed during these years, consistently evolving from an exclusively geographical name to a geopolitical construct, then to an oceanographic term, then to a geopolitical construct again. Further, the author analyzes in detail the preconditions in the political, cultural, economic and security spheres, that had developed by the time of the emergence of the Indo-Pacific concept: India’s desire to form a sphere of political influence within the borders of the Indian Ocean region, confirming its status as a great power; concerns about Chinese expansion and the alleged “String of Pearls” strategy in the Indian Ocean; the desire to restore the cultural and civilizational unity of the Indosphere; an attempt to build a comprehensive economic strategy that would allow India with relying on regional organizations, bilateral ties and trade megablocks to catch up with China economically. Because of these preconditions the idea of the Indo-Pacific, proposed by the experts, was immediately accepted by the political elites of India and turned into one of the pillars of Indian foreign policy. The author identifies two main visions of the Indo-Pacific in Indian discourse: as an anti-Chinese concept and as a broader cultural and civilizational concept, which should serve as a basis for India’s further expansion into the Pacific. However, economic problems may prevent this concept from being further strengthened and turned into a full-fledged initiative. Nevertheless, India is unlikely to abandon the idea of the Indo-Pacific, so Russia should develop its own version of the Indo-Pacific concept, which would be combined with the Indian one and at the same time correspond to the interests of Russia.
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LIMAYE, Satu. "The Biden Administration’s Indo-Pacific Strategy: Continuities, Adjustments and Domestic Dimensions." East Asian Policy 14, no. 01 (January 2022): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000010.
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The Biden administration’s Indo-Pacific Strategy was issued in the midst of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the most significant conflict in Europe since at least the Bosnian War between 1992 and 1995, and perhaps, since 1945. The promulgation of the first-ever White House Indo-Pacific Strategy, even before the release of an overall national security strategy, is viewed as a message of US priorities extending beyond events elsewhere. And yet domestic US preoccupations as well as an incomplete economic strategy for the Indo-Pacific hover over the new Biden Indo-Pacific strategy.
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Mishin, Igor O. "The Indo-Pacific Strategy of the Biden Administration: Continuity and New Trends." Russia and America in the 21st Century, S (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760023919-7.
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At present, the American political and intellectual elites continue to actively implement the concept of the Indo-Pacific Region (IPR, Indo-Pacific) as a wider geopolitical and geo-economic space than the Asia-Pacific. The article retrospectively examines the formation of the concept of the Indo-Pacific region under previous American presidents, analyzes the current strategy, and sums up the interim results of US foreign policy in the region. Using the system-historical method of research, the author comes to the conclusion about the continuity of the American political course in the Indo-Pacific region based on bilateral security treaties with allies and flexible multilateral alliances.
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Bennett, Brett M., and Gregory A. Barton. "Temporality, Space, and Networks in Indo-Pacific Environmental Histories." Pacific Historical Review 90, no. 2 (2021): 140–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2021.90.2.140.
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This special issue of Pacific Historical Review, “Crossroads of Indo-Pacific Environmental Histories,” is guest edited by Gregory A. Barton and Brett M. Bennett. The special issue explores how environmental historians can use the concept of the Indo-Pacific to understand both the deep and contemporary histories of regions that are frequently viewed through Indian Ocean world or Pacific Ocean world perspectives. A preface and this introduction provide a theoretical overview, establishing some of the key temporal, spatial, and causal parameters of the Indo-Pacific. The following articles by Timothy P. Barnard, by Ruth Morgan, and by Gregory Barton and Brett Bennett highlight how local and foreign powers have sought to control the Indo-Pacific’s natural resources to shape new economies, ecologies, and polities within the region during the past two centuries. Broadly, the special issue encourages other historians to engage with the Indo-Pacific concept due to its theoretical depth as well as its relevance to contemporary geopolitical affairs.
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Ram, Vignesh. "The Proposal for an Indo-Pacific Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation: A Critical Reassessment." JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) 3, no. 1 (July 30, 2015): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/jas.v3i1.750.
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The emergence of the Indo- Pacific construct brings about interesting avenues for cooperation among states in the region. Characterised by the intertwining geographies of the Indian and the Pacific Oceans, the Indo- Pacific region is home to some of the most diverse peoples and economies in the world. In a speech delivered at the CSIS, Washington in 2013, the former Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegwa outlined the need for an “Indo- Pacific Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation”. In efforts to continue to address the prospects and challenges for a treaty among the major powers in the Indo- Pacific region, the article argues that a treaty would be necessary step and but should be concluded when sufficient groundwork for it is concluded. The article also argues that, the Indo – pacific concept would be best addressed if there is increased institutionalization of the concept and increased cooperation among middle powers such as India, Indonesia and Australia.
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Batyuk, Vladimir. "US INDO-PACIFIC STRATEGY AND EURASIA." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 1 (2021): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.01.06.
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Despite the critical attitude of the current American President towards his predecessor, the Trump administration actually continued the course of the Obama administration to turn the Asia-Pacific region into the most important priority of American foreign policy. Moreover, the US Asia-Pacific strategy was transformed under Trump into the Indo-Pacific strategy, when the Indian Ocean was added to the Asia-Pacific region in the US strategic thinking. The US Pacific command was renamed the Indo-Pacific command (May 2018), and the US Department of defense developed the Indo-Pacific strategy (published in June 2019). The Indo-Pacific strategy is an integral part of Trump’s national security strategy, according to which China, along with Russia, was declared US adversary. The American side complained about both the economic and military-political aspects of the Chinese presence in the Indo-Pacific region. At the same time, official Washington is no longer confident that it can cope with those adversaries, China and Russia, alone. Trying to implement the main provisions of the Indo-Pacific strategy, official Washington has staked not only on building up its military power in the Indo-Pacific, but also on trying to build an anti-Chinese system of alliances in this huge region. Along with such traditional American allies in the region as Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, the Philippines and Singapore, the American side in the recent years has made active attempts to attract India, Indonesia, Malaysia and Vietnam to this system of alliances as well. These American attempts, however, can only cause serious concerns not only in Beijing, but also in Moscow, thereby contributing to the mutual rapprochement of the Russian Federation and China. Meanwhile, the Russian-Chinese tandem is able to devalue American efforts to strategically encircle China, creating a strong Eurasian rear for the Middle Kingdom.
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Taylor, Brendan. "Is Australia's Indo-Pacific strategy an illusion?" International Affairs 96, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz228.
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Abstract Australia has been among the most prominent advocates of the increasingly popular Indo-Pacific concept. This article argues that Canberra's enthusiasm for the concept stems from its appeal to the two dominant traditions of Australian foreign policy—a ‘dependent ally’ tradition and a ‘middle power’ approach. While these two traditions are typically seen as being in tension, the Indo-Pacific concept provides a rare point of convergence between them. The article begins by outlining the appeal of the Indo-Pacific concept to each of these traditions. Using a case-study of recent Australian policy toward the South China Sea disputes, however, the article then demonstrates that Australia has in practice implemented its stated Indo-Pacific strategy far less consistently than its very vocal support would appear to suggest. This disjuncture is attributed to the growing influence of a third, generally understudied, ‘pragmatic’ Australian foreign policy tradition. Because Australia has been such a prominent champion of the Indo-Pacific concept, the article concludes that this divergence between the rhetoric and the reality of Australia's Indo-Pacific strategy threatens to have a negative impact on the concept's broader international appeal and sustainability, particularly among Australia's south-east Asian neighbours.
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Lessios, H. A., B. D. Kessing, G. M. Wellington, and A. Graybeal. "Indo-Pacific echinoids in the tropical eastern Pacific." Coral Reefs 15, no. 2 (April 1, 1996): 133–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s003380050033.
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Lessios, H. A., B. D. Kessing, G. M. Wellington, and A. Graybeal. "Indo-Pacific echinoids in the tropical eastern Pacific." Coral Reefs 15, no. 2 (June 1996): 133–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01771904.
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Bateman, Sam. "Geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific." Journal of the Indian Ocean Region 11, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 134–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19480881.2015.1022016.
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Oppo, D. W., and Y. Rosenthal. "The Great Indo-Pacific Communicator." Science 328, no. 5985 (June 17, 2010): 1492–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.1187273.
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Simón, Luis. "Reaching Beyond the Indo-Pacific." Comparative Strategy 32, no. 4 (September 2013): 331–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495933.2013.821851.
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Mastro, Oriana Skylar. "Deterrence in the Indo-Pacific." Asia Policy 29, no. 4 (October 2022): 8–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/asp.2022.0066.
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Pedrason, Rodon. "Indo-Pasifik dalam perspektif geopolitik dan geostrategi." JPPI (Jurnal Penelitian Pendidikan Indonesia) 7, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 88–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.29210/02021830.
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Indo-Pacific cannot be interpreted as a form of integration based on a region or regional areas such as Asia, or Southeast Asia, and Europe, which is based on the geographical shape of the region. The Indo-Pacific emerged as part of a geopolitical and geostrategic study based on competition patterns and state perspectives and behavior based on a broader scope of maritime interests. Indo-Pacific analysis as an object from a geopolitical and geostrategic perspective does not refer to national or regional coverage but to the global area and level. Therefore, the Indo-Pacific analysis used document analysis. In document analysis, this study combines the analysis of three primary data and 50 secondary data from national journals and international journals. In this analysis more directed at the strategic meaning of each country towards the Indo-Pacific strategic value which is then related to the maritime interests of each actor. This study describes the struggles of interests in the framework of competition through geopolitical policies and geostrategy, especially by countries that have influence. Global or the ability to shape political and security structures in the Indo-Pacific.
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Frère, Céline H., Peter T. Hale, Lindsay Porter, Victor G. Cockcroft, and Merel L. Dalebout. "Phylogenetic analysis of mtDNA sequences suggests revision of humpback dolphin (Sousa spp.) taxonomy is needed." Marine and Freshwater Research 59, no. 3 (2008): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/mf07120.
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Humpback dolphins (Sousa spp.) have a wide distribution in the tropical Atlantic and Indo-Pacific Oceans and a confused taxonomy. Morphological assessments suggest three species groupings – Sousa teuszii (eastern Atlantic), Sousa plumbea (western Indo-Pacific), and Sousa chinensis (eastern Indo-Pacific) – but most taxonomies recognise only two species – S. chinensis (Indo-Pacific), and S. teuszii (Atlantic). To investigate phylogenetic relationships, mitochondrial DNA control region sequences (338 base pairs) from 72 Sousa representing three populations in the Indo-Pacific (South Africa: S. plumbea, n = 23; China: S. chinensis, n = 19; and Australia: S. chinensis, n = 28), and S. teuszii in the Atlantic (Mauritania, n = 2) were generated. All three Indo-Pacific populations formed robust, monophyletic clades with high bootstrap (BS) and Bayesian posterior probability (BPP) scores. Surprisingly, humpback dolphins from South Africa and China formed a strongly-supported clade with the Atlantic S. teuszii (BS 63%, BPP 0.92) to the exclusion of animals from Australia. Genetic divergence between animals from China and Australia (DA = 8.4% ± 2.47%) was greater than between China and South Africa (DA = 5.1% ± 1.80%). These results strongly suggest that Australian humpback dolphins are not S. chinensis but may represent a distinct species in their own right.
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JAIN, Purnendra. "The Emerging Significance of Indo-Pacific: Japan, China, US and the Regional Power Shift." East Asian Policy 10, no. 04 (October 2018): 24–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s179393051800034x.
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“Indo-Pacific” is a new term in the geopolitical lexicon and a response to rapidly evolving global power shifts that currently induce strategic realignments among major regional players. It is increasingly used by political leaders, policymakers, journalists and academic commentators and in government documents. While Indo-Pacific is used frequently today, each proponent of the term attaches varied emphases, guided by their own strategic prisms. The Indo-Pacific concept has yet to be institutionalised. Some offshoots, such as the rebirthed idea of a quadrilateral framework among the key proponents of a “free and open Indo-Pacific” and the proposal to jointly fund infrastructure projects in Asia, appear to be in direct competition with China’s Belt and Road Initiative. How the Indo-Pacific concept would affect the regional power balance remains unclear. However, neither the concept nor the strategic thinking and actions it inspires will disappear anytime soon.
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Struye de Swielande, Tanguy. "Middle Powers in the Indo‐Pacific: Potential Pacifiers Guaranteeing Stability in the Indo‐Pacific?" Asian Politics & Policy 11, no. 2 (April 2019): 190–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12457.
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Novelina, Selly Stefany, and Qanszelir Gabriel Bataranotti. "ATTITUDES AND ACTIONS OF INDO-PACIFIC TOWARDS SEA PIRACY [SIKAP DAN AKSI DARI INDO-PASIFIK TERHADAP PEMBAJAKAN DI LAUT]." Verity: Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional (International Relations Journal) 13, no. 25 (June 17, 2021): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.19166/verity.v13i25.4470.
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<p><span>Nowadays, Indo-Pacific becomes one prominent area that has been talked about in the international world. Indo-Pacific has the potential to be a huge regional power. Furthermore, Indo-Pacific has an advantage in terms of strategic maritime zones spreading along the projected area because these zones are the main transit ways of international trade. Being as an international trade route makes Indo-Pacific vulnerable to irresponsible crimes such as sea piracy. Sea piracy cases are rising continuously up to 2.600 cases in the world. Therefore, this issues are very important to discuss and this research comes up with two main questions. First, how will Indo-Pacific behave to face the growing problems of sea piracy? Second, what are the actions that have been and will be implemented by the Indo-Pacific as the result of their attitudes towards sea piracy? To answer those questions, the writers use Neo-Realism theory and two key concepts namely anarchy and balance of power. This research is using qualitative method as the main methodology and focus in study case. The results of this research are there are three points regarding the attitudes and four points regarding the actions of the Indo-Pacific towards sea piracy. There is an unlimited range of options that Indo-Pacific can conduct in terms of sea piracy. Also, there should be an agreement in the international world that sea piracy is a global threat, including the Indo-Pacific.</span></p><p><span><br /></span></p><p><strong>Bahasa Indonesia Abstract:</strong> Saat ini, Indo-Pasifik menjadi salah satu kawasan terkemuka yang dibicarakan di dunia internasional. Indo-Pasifik memiliki potensi untuk menjadi kekuatan regional yang besar. Lebih lanjut, Indo-Pasifik memiliki keunggulan dalam hal zona maritim strategis yang tersebar di sepanjang wilayah proyeksi karena zona tersebut merupakan jalur transit utama perdagangan internasional. Jalur strategis dalam perdagangan internasional membuat Indo-Pasifik rentan terhadap kejahatan yang tidak bertanggung jawab seperti pembajakan laut. Kasus pembajakan laut terus meningkat hingga 2.600 kasus di dunia. Oleh karena itu, masalah ini sangat penting untuk dibahas dan penelitian ini muncul dengan dua pertanyaan utama. Pertama, bagaimana sikap Indo-Pasifik menghadapi masalah pembajakan laut yang terus meningkat? Kedua, tindakan apa yang telah dan akan dilakukan Indo-Pasifik sebagai akibat dari sikap mereka terhadap pembajakan laut? Untuk menjawab pertanyaan tersebut, penulis menggunakan teori Neo-Realisme dan dua konsep kunci yaitu anarki dan keseimbangan kekuasaan. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif sebagai metodologi utama dan fokus dalam studi kasus. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah terdapat tiga poin mengenai sikap dan empat poin mengenai tindakan Indo-Pasifik terhadap pembajakan laut. Ada pilihan tak terbatas yang dapat dilakukan Indo-Pasifik dalam hal pembajakan laut. Selain itu, harus ada kesepakatan di dunia internasional bahwa pembajakan laut merupakan ancaman global, termasuk Indo-Pasifik.</p>
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Niranjan, Gajula Sai. "Institutionalization of the Indo-Pacific: Assessing the Cases of QUAD and IORA." Electronic Journal of Social and Strategic Studies 03, no. 01 (2022): 04–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.47362/ejsss.2022.3101.
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The Indo-Pacific signifies the integration of the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Ocean into a singular regional construct. The region is experiencing debates over regionalism, and the Indo-Pacific concept is invoking the idea of regional-ness broader than that of "Asian regionalism." A new discourse of institutionalization is emerging in the Indo-Pacific as regional institution-building is a requisite step in regional construction and an essential step towards gaining recognition and acceptance for political ideas and concepts. This paper examines the process of institutionalization in the Indo-Pacific region. The cases of QUAD and IORA have been chosen for investigation. QUAD, the first Indo-Pacific institution, is undergoing structural changes expanding its priorities, and its members are dedicated to transforming it into an effective institutional platform. Quad is still a nascent institution, but its members are determined to strengthen the framework and reassure their commitment to the group and its endeavor of an "open, prosperous, and rules-based" regional order. IORA, primarily an Indian Ocean player, has a diverse and broad range of members, issue areas, and priorities and thus has the potential to serve as an Indo-Pacific institution. IORA is cognizant of the economic and political transformations occurring in the Indian Ocean region and the broader Indo-Pacific, and set out objectives and passed several declerations regarding diverse issues such as terrorism, blue economy, etc. Nevertheless, IORA must redefine itself and broaden and assert its agenda by undertaking proactive initiatives to ensure its survival amidst the changing regional dynamics.
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Fany Anggun Abadi, Fany, Surwandono Surwandono, and Bambang Cipto. "Indonesia's Foreign Policy in Marine Defense Strategy in The Indo-Pacific." Technium Social Sciences Journal 40 (February 8, 2023): 356–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v40i1.8338.
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In the global interaction with the Indo-Pacific order which is dominated by dynamic contestation issues, the Indo-Pacific system stipulates that Indonesia created the Indo-Pacific concept to advance the habit of inclusivity for dialogue with regional settlements to create peace through building blocks in the region. The author formulates the formulation of the problem in the form of: the development of Indonesia's foreign policy in the strategy of inter-state resilience in the Indo-Pacific region. The purpose of this article is to discuss the Indo-Pacific Integration Project as Indonesia's foreign policy sustainability strategy and provide recommendations for implementation at various levels, including strategic, bilateral and practical levels. The author uses Barry Buzan's national security system and foreign policy theory, namely neo-realism, with the concept of national interest and foreign policy analysis. The role of the military is limited to the capabilities of defense institutions, threat assessment and security interactions. The writer analyzed the data qualitatively using descriptive method with secondary data. The writing analysis in this journal emphasizes the centralization of the Indonesian state as an important actor in influencing conceptions in the Indo-Pacific region. Indonesia's strategy is in the context of the Security Community, the formation of norms and identity in ASEAN is actually a modality that further strengthens values, identity and norms in ASEAN. Indonesia's idea is for ASEAN to have a more inclusive, open and respecting international law, namely the ASEAN Indo-Pacific Outlook (AOIP)
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Hong, Yuanyuan, Moriaki Yasuhara, Hokuto Iwatani, and Briony Mamo. "Baseline for ostracod-based northwestern Pacific and Indo-Pacific shallow-marine paleoenvironmental reconstructions: ecological modeling of species distributions." Biogeosciences 16, no. 2 (February 1, 2019): 585–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/bg-16-585-2019.
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Abstract. Fossil ostracods have been widely used for Quaternary paleoenvironmental reconstructions, especially in marginal marine environments (e.g., for water depth, temperature, salinity, oxygen levels, pollution). But our knowledge of indicator species autoecology, the base of paleoenvironmental reconstructions, remains limited and commonly lacks robust statistical support and comprehensive comparison with environmental data. We analyzed marginal marine ostracod taxa at 52 sites in Hong Kong for which comprehensive environmental data are available. We applied linear regression models to reveal relationships between species distribution and environmental factors for 18 common taxa (mainly species, a few genera) in our Hong Kong dataset and identified indicator species of environmental parameters. For example, Sinocytheridea impressa, a widely distributed euryhaline species throughout the East and South China Sea and the Indo-Pacific, indicates eutrophication and bottom-water hypoxia. Neomonoceratina delicata, a widely known species from nearshore and estuarine environments in the East and South China Sea and the Indo-Pacific, indicates heavy metal pollution and increased turbidity. The 18 taxa used for this study are widely distributed geographically and divided into the following groups: widespread (throughout the northwestern Pacific and Indo-Pacific regions), temperate (South China Sea to Russia (Sea of Japan coast) and Japan), subtropical (Indo-Pacific to the East China Sea), tropical (Indo-Pacific and South China Sea), and globally distributed. With statistical support from ecological modeling and comprehensive environmental data, these results provide a robust baseline for ostracod-based Quaternary–Anthropocene paleoenvironmental reconstructions in the tropical–extratropical northwestern Pacific and Indo-Pacific. Highlights. We provide a robust baseline for ostracod-based (microscopic Arthropods) paleoenvironmental reconstructions from Quaternary and Anthropocene marginal marine sediments. The studied species have wide distributions over the tropics and extratropics of the northwestern Pacific and Indo-Pacific. Ecological modeling has established ostracod species as reliable indicators for paleoenvironmental reconstructions.
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Khurana, Gurpreet Singh. "Maritime Security and Geopolitics in the Indo-Pacific Region." Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 18, no. 4 (October 1, 2019): 71–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.51.5.
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The centre-of-gravity of world‘s economic power is shifting eastwards to the ‗Indo-Pacific‘, a maritime-configured macro-region that spans the maritime underbelly of Asia connecting the Indian and the western Pacific oceans. The security environment in the Indian Ocean and the western Pacific are different; nonetheless, strong maritime security linkages emerging between the two oceans has led to the reincarnation of the concept of ‗Indo-Pacific‘. Since the turn of the 21st century, new maritime insecurities have taken root, including in terms of China‘s revisionist positions on the established maritime order. Notwithstanding the US response in the western Pacific and the recent articulation of its ‗Indo-Pacific‘ strategy, it is unclear how the regional countries and the major regional stakeholders willmanage to address the emerging maritime insecurities in the Indian Ocean, including in terms of China‘s expanding politico-military footprint. This paper attempts to examine the security environment and geopolitics in the Indo-Pacific in context of India‘s national security interests.
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Naha, Alik. "Franco-Indian Maritime Cooperation: Implications for the Indo-Pacific." Journal of South Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (February 23, 2021): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.009.01.3597.
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With the shift of the global power center from Europe to Asia, the Indo-Pacific, regarded as the “maritime underbelly” has become the center of geo-economics and geostrategic contestation. This significance of the Indo-Pacific maritime realm has drawn the attention of several regional and extra-regional powers since the past decade. In this changing geopolitical scenario, maritime security has acquired primacy in Indian foreign policy discourse. To counter the growing Chinese presence in its strategic backyard, New Delhi is increasingly looking for partners to advance the idea of ‘Free, Open, and Inclusive Indo-Pacific’ and also to establish itself as a net security provider in the Indian Ocean Region. France is also skeptical of assertive China as a threat to its regional interests. Since 1998, France is India’s all-weather strategic partner. With their shared Indo-Pacific strategy, there is a greater opportunity for them to cooperate in the Indo-Pacific region. Coupled with this bilateral opportunity, the idea of trilateral or minilateral is also gaining ground. Whatever may be the motivation, if realized such frameworks can have far-reaching ramifications. In this context, the paper seeks to analyze the implications of the Franco-Indian relationship in the Indo-Pacific region.
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Delanova, Mariane Olivia, and Yanyan Mochamad Yani. "INDONESIA'S FOREIGN POLICY IN CREATING SECURITY STABILITY IN INDO-PACIFIC REGION." Journal Of Global Strategic Studies 1, no. 1 (June 15, 2021): 115–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jgss.v1i1.574.
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Indonesia as one of the countries that is included in the Indo-Pacific Region has an important role in creating security stability in the Region. As the center point of the Indo-Pacific, Indonesia certainly thinks about the right defense strategy to be able to play an active role in the region. Undoubtedly, this action will be related to Indonesia's free-and-active foreign policy. As a region that has strategic points, countries in the Indo-Pacific Region carry out an agenda to be able to solve problems in a peaceful way by increasing mutual trust. Naturally, it will make the Indo-Pacific Region as a central region in the future. Based on the findings, Indonesia's foreign policy takes part in an active role at the international level by promoting the concept of cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Region to increase mutual trust between countries. In addition, countries in the region participate in mutually beneficial openness in order to create security stability in the region. Indonesia's foreign policy is considered to be appropriate and useful in the midst of situations in competing for having influence in the region. Thus, Indonesia's role in the Indo-Pacific cannot be separated from the character of Indonesia's current foreign policy which emphasizes �middle power� and leadership in the region.
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KOGA, Kei. "Japan’s Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision under Suga: Transition and Future Challenges in Southeast Asia." East Asian Policy 13, no. 03 (July 2021): 84–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930521000222.
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While the Suga administration has managed Japan’s foreign policy towards ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) relatively well on the basis of the “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” that former Prime Minister Abe had envisioned, the administration left a task for the next prime minister to creatively devise a foreign policy strategy to manage the three main challenges in the Indo-Pacific region concerning ASEAN Centrality, Indo-Pacific institutional arrangement and value-based diplomacy.
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Fransen, Charles H. J. M. "New records of the sponge-symbiotic shrimp genus Anchistioides from the Indo-West Pacific (Decapoda, Caridea)." Crustaceana 93, no. 11-12 (November 25, 2020): 1423–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685403-00003964.
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Abstract The family Anchistioididae comprises a single genus Anchistioides with three species: A. compressus and A. willeyi from the tropical Indo-West Pacific, and A. antiguensis from the tropical West Atlantic. The two Indo-West Pacific species are known to be symbionts of sponges. Material collected in recent years throughout the Indo-West Pacific yielded range extensions as well as new host records. This material is herein described and their infraspecific morphological variation discussed.
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Haque, Md Shafikul. "Regionalism as Complement of Globalization:Promoting interests and influences through Indo-Pacific Regional Construct." Technoarete Transactions on Renewable Energy, Green Energy and Sustainability 1, no. 1 (May 23, 2022): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.36647/ttregs/02.01.a001.
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The concepts of “Region” and its corresponding “Regionalism” became eminent by the end of Second World War and the onset of Cold War. The post-Cold War globalized world has transformed the “Regionalism” to suit increasing interdependence of nation-states, over and above increasing bilateral and multilateral institutional arrangements, through which nation-states intend to promote and assert their interests calculating on „relative gain‟ rather than „absolute gain‟ in the ensuing International Liberal Order. Regionalism ensures preservation and promotion of both national and regional interests internationally/globally, thereby serving as insurance to the pacing globalization. The emergence of Indo-Pacific encompassing the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Ocean in a geostrategic regional construct from that of Asia-Pacific can be studied from the very essence of this global transformation. It is also no denying that the theatre of Indo-Pacific attracts several great powers interests. The geostrategic stakes of India and China with their interests and claims over territorial waters in the Indian Ocean and South & East China Seas respectively, provide for an important sphere to study in the Indo-Pacific. At this backdrop, the paper tries to study regionalism vis-à-vis globalization, with specific reference to India‟s geostrategic stakes, challenges and advantage in the Indo-Pacific. Keyword : Indo-Pacific, Regionalism, Globalization
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Kim, Ki-Su. "South Korea’s Geoeconomic Response to the United States’ Geopolitical Approach." Asian Social Science 16, no. 4 (March 31, 2020): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v16n4p25.
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The United States “Indo-Pacific strategy” itself entails geopolitics. Since 2017, the Indo-Pacific has emerged as a major strategic region for America’s diplomacy and security. Against this backdrop, the Indo-Pacific strategy extends both the “Asia Rebalancing Strategy” and the “Asia-Pacific Security Alliance” regime to the Indian Ocean, while seeking to bring emerging countries, such as China and India, into the U.S.-led international order. Major East Asian countries are actively employing economic means to advance their geopolitical goal -- reshaping the regional order in their own favor. The U.S. has shown a confrontational and exclusionary attitude toward China in terms of politics, economy and security, while the ASEAN has sought to promote inclusiveness by publicly expressing opposition to the exclusion of China. The ASEAN highlighted economic cooperation with China, while the U.S. focused on military and security aspects. The Indo-Pacific strategy will not be able to succeed without the participation of the ASEAN that serves as a crucial geopolitical link between the Indian and Pacific Oceans. Another important factor is that unlike former U.S. President Obama, who championed the Asia-Pacific rebalance, President Donald Trump does not show keen interest in the Indo-Pacific strategy. At the same time, President Moon Jae-in has been cautious about engaging in security issues that go beyond the Korean Peninsula or the Northeast Asia -- namely joining in any collective move to contain China. Currently, South Korea is grappling with the geopolitical challenges by expressing support for the ASEAN's geoeconomic approach. Instead of choosing whether to participate in the U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy, South Korea is seeking common ground between the strategy and its “New Southern Policy.” In other words, the New Southern Policy is a kind of buffer zone. South Korea is taking a geoeconomic response that focuses on developing the regional economy rather than adhering to the strategic and military role of the U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy.
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Holmes, Bonnie J., Samuel M. Williams, Nicholas M. Otway, Einar E. Nielsen, Safia L. Maher, Mike B. Bennett, and Jennifer R. Ovenden. "Population structure and connectivity of tiger sharks ( Galeocerdo cuvier ) across the Indo-Pacific Ocean basin." Royal Society Open Science 4, no. 7 (July 2017): 170309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsos.170309.
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Population genetic structure using nine polymorphic nuclear microsatellite loci was assessed for the tiger shark ( Galeocerdo cuvier ) at seven locations across the Indo-Pacific, and one location in the southern Atlantic. Genetic analyses revealed considerable genetic structuring ( F ST > 0.14, p < 0.001) between all Indo-Pacific locations and Brazil. By contrast, no significant genetic differences were observed between locations from within the Pacific or Indian Oceans, identifying an apparent large, single Indo-Pacific population. A lack of differentiation between tiger sharks sampled in Hawaii and other Indo-Pacific locations identified herein is in contrast to an earlier global tiger shark nDNA study. The results of our power analysis provide evidence to suggest that the larger sample sizes used here negated any weak population subdivision observed previously. These results further highlight the need for cross-jurisdictional efforts to manage the sustainable exploitation of large migratory sharks like G. cuvier .
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He, Kai. "Three Faces of the Indo-Pacific: Understanding the “Indo-Pacific” from an IR Theory Perspective." East Asia 35, no. 2 (April 11, 2018): 149–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12140-018-9286-5.
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Kumar, Shiv, Sudheer Singh Verma, and Shahbaz Hussain Shah. "Indo-US Convergence of Agenda in the new Indo-Pacific Regional Security Architecture." South Asia Research 40, no. 2 (May 29, 2020): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0262728020915564.
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Strengthened Indo-US proximity has become a notable factor in the regional security architecture of the Indo-Pacific region, and also it raises ongoing concerns about its robustness. This article analyses the geostrategic, geoeconomic, security-related and defence-connected Indo-US relations in the region over the last two decades, highlighting the growing multidimensional convergence of US and Indian interests in the Indo-Pacific regional security architecture. In the final part, this article also sketches the future implications of Indo-US proximity and seeks to identify potential risks.
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Wibawati, Samti Wira, Marina Ika Sari, and Yuli Ari Sulistyani. "The Dynamics Beyond Counter Terrorism Measures in the Indo-Pacific [Dinamika di Luar Upaya Melawan Terorisme di Indo Pasifik]." Jurnal Politica Dinamika Masalah Politik Dalam Negeri dan Hubungan Internasional 10, no. 2 (November 25, 2019): 129–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22212/jp.v10i2.1445.
Full textAbstract:
The Indo-Pacific is a conceptual idea aimed at enhancing economic connectivity and security among states in the Indo-Pacific region. In line with the high interest from many Indo-Pacific states, security problems like terrorism are of common concerns that need to be addressed. Various existing security cooperation mechanisms have been established to solve this latent problem. However, these mechanisms have not been able to decrease the number of terrorist acts in the region. This study discusses the urgency of terrorism issues in the Indo-Pacific region with the current security cooperation mechanisms. This research uses qualitative method which allows the researchers to describe and explore the observed phenomenon. Using the theory of international cooperation, this research found that it is necessary to recalibrate the existing security cooperation or to focus on making a new and integrated mechanism in the Indo-Pacific region.AbstrakIndo-Pasifik adalah ide konseptual yang bertujuan untuk meningkatkan konektivitas ekonomi dan keamanan di antara negara-negara yang berada di kawasan Indo-Pasifik. Sejalan dengan banyaknya kepentingan berbagai negara di Indo Pasifik, masalah keamanan seperti terorisme perlu menjadi perhatian bersama. Berbagai mekanisme kerjasama keamanan telah dibentuk untuk menangani masalah laten ini. Namun, mekanisme kerjasama keamanan yang ada belum mampu mengurangi angka tindak terorisme di kawasan. Studi ini membahas tentang urgensi masalah terorisme di kawasan Indo-Pasifik dengan mekanisme kerjasama keamanan yang sudah ada. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dimana para peneliti dapat menggambarkan dan mengeksplorasi fenomena yang diteliti. Dengan menggunakan teori kerjasama internasional, penelitian ini menemukan bahwa perlu untuk mengkalibrasi ulang kerjasama keamanan yang sudah ada atau fokus pada pembuatan mekanisme baru dan terintegrasi di kawasan Indo-Pasifik.