Academic literature on the topic 'Indiginise'

AbstractMount Paektu/Changbai is a massive stratovolcano situated on the current border between North Korea and China, in a region that has historically lain at the edges of competing Eurasian polities. Formed by a past of dramatic eruptions, Mount Paektu/Changbai has long been held as a powerful, sentient entity by those living near it, but the mountain's unique geographical features and distance from political centres rendered it extremely elusive as an object of elite empirical knowledge. This article examines narratives of multiple expeditions to Mount Paektu/Changbai from the seventeenth to the twentieth centuries in order to understand the role of space in the creation of knowledge about the mountain, and to probe how that knowledge intersected with political goals. Consideration of human experience of the mountain's topography and environment reveals a complex relationship between proximal and distal perceptions of nature. Even as they sought to create rational, ‘universal’ forms of knowledge about the mountain, Asian elites appropriated more localized belief in the mountain's powers, creating a hybrid knowledge that combined science and miracles. As the political context shifted in the late nineteenth century, the positioning of this hybrid knowledge shifted to become an indiginized basis for national resistance. This consideration of Mount Paektu/Changbai highlights the virtues of making space and environment central to the political and cultural history of northeast Asia.

This paper highlights terrorism, Fulani herdsmen and the forced migration of Christians and Igbo indigenes from Northern Nigeria, and the revalidation of Biafra following the killings of hundreds of Christians, and Igbo indigenes, and destruction of their properties running into billions of Naira in Borno, Yobe, Gombe, Bauchi, Adamawa, Taraba, Kaduna, Plateau, Benue, Nassarawa and Kogi States. However, the recent slaughter of innocent Nigerians in Benue State including the senseless slaughter of two Catholic priests and their parishioners by marauding Fulani herdsmen heightened the insecurity in Nigeria. Data depended on both primary and secondary sources and literatures related to the variables were reviewed. Aggression and Frustration theory was employed to provide a foundation for the study. Among the findings, the study revealed that the terrorism has become a national menace affecting socio-economic and political development of the country. The study showed that the Boko Haram deadly attacks have not only destroyed hundreds of lives and properties worth billions of naira, but also culminated in the forced migration of both Christians and Igbo Indigenes seeking greener pastures from Northern Nigeria. The study, furthermore, revealed that the current wave of uncertainties in Nigeria is a bye product of an accumulated deprivation, destruction, marginalization, anger and frustration of Christians of the north central geographical zone who would prefer to join their Igbo counterparts to be self ruled in their proposed creation: Biafra. Based on this, the study therefore recommends that the government should protect and safeguard Christians of the north central geographical zone and Igbo Indigenes from being massacred and their properties running into billions of naira destroyed so as to save Nigeria from splitting into "Banana Republics". Secondly, the government should address the symptoms of terrorism and the deadly and continued invasion of Fulani herdsmen rather than the root cause in order to resolve the crisis and halt the dismemberment of the Nigeria nation. Furthermore, the Muslim leaders should inculcate in their members high ethical standards, respect for human life, dignity and also ensure that their adherents are more loving and tolerant of other people and other religions. Finally, the study concludes that since Nigeria is a pluralist society, the government should through the mass media emphasize the essence of peaceful co-existence so as to engender national integration.

Denne artikel undersøger, hvordan afroguyansk ret til land med afsæt i en konstruktionaf oprindelighed fortolkes som et spørgsmål om erstatning for slaveriblandt efterkommere af slaver i den guyanske erstatningskomité i Georgetown,Guyana. Hvor selvidentificerede amerindianere, oprindelige folk i Guyana, hidtilhar haft fortrinsret til landerettigheder på baggrund af indfødt status i landet, erdet særlige ved komitéens krav til land i et lovforslag om en African Land RightsAct, at den udfordrer oprindelige folks eksklusive ret til land i Guyana. Artiklener baseret på dele af det etnografiske materiale, forfatteren har indsamlet underet 18 måneders feltarbejde, hvor hun blandt andet interviewede medlemmer afden guyanske erstatningskomité samt juridiske rådgivere om konstruktionen afen African Land Rights Act. Gennem en analyse af oprindelighed som noget, manbåde kan være („indigenous“) og gøre („indiginize“) i postkoloniale nationalesammenhænge, viser forfatteren, hvordan love og politikker, der er vedtaget ogimplementeret under den britiske koloniale administration i Caribien, er delagtigei en historisk administrativ forsømmelse af racialiserede grupper i tidligere kolonistater.Forfatteren argumenterer for, at det transatlantiske slaveri ikke blot varet frihedsovergreb på det enkelte menneske, som blev slavegjort, men også etovergreb på det oprindelighedsforhold, som det menneske havde til det land, detbeboede, og ikke mindst den retlige status, som dette forhold senere skulle visesig at kunne muliggøre. Det forhold skaber et restparadoks i international ret ognational ejendoms- og arveret i dag, som bliver særligt fremtrædende i postkolonialeog postslaverisamfund hvor fordelingen af rettigheder til land blandt andetafhænger af, at man kan hævde adgang til indfødt status. Søgeord: international ret, oprindelighed, race, erstatningsret, postkolonialisme