Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Indigenous peoples in Australia'

Resource development is often presented as a panacea for the problems endemic within Indigenous communities, particularly those remote Indigenous communities with few other options for economic opportunities. However, research to date suggests that the benefits from mineral development are often not realised by Indigenous people, and that the negative impacts can be unmitigated and substantial. One way Indigenous people can minimise the negative impacts and maximise the benefits of mineral development is through equitable participation in the negotiations for development of the mineral deposit. The negotiation period thus represents a critical period for Indigenous peoples. States play a critical role in determining the negotiating environments in which mineral development takes place via their control of the institutional and legislative frameworks that govern mineral development. States thus play a significant role in determining outcomes for Indigenous people from mineral development processes. Despite this, there is a conspicuous absence of any recent indepth interrogations of the role of the state in mineral negotiations involving Indigenous people in Australia, a gap this study seeks to address. The legislative and institutional frameworks governing the relationship between mineral development and Indigenous people were significantly altered during the 1990s in Australia when the High Court handed down the historic Mabo decision, which recognised that Indigenous people had rights to land that preceded the acquisition of sovereignty by the British in 1788. This study presents a case study of mineral negotiations that occurred during that transformative period in Australian history: the Century Zinc negotiations. The study scrutinises the behaviour of the state during these negotiations, employing qualitative research methods such as indepth, semi structured interviews and documentary sources, and establishes a rich empirical base from which it tests three theories that contain potential, yet disparate, explanations of the state’s behaviour. Acknowledging the need for a composite theoretical approach because of the different levels of analysis within this study, policy network theory is employed as a lens to focus the analysis at the meso level of this particular policymaking process. This analysis is then used as a platform from which the most appropriate macro theoretical explanation of the state’s behaviour is determined. This study is thus explicitly theory testing. The findings from this study confirm the critical links between the levels of analysis in policymaking processes and the dialectical interaction between structure and agency at all levels of policy making. The study therefore makes a considered contribution to the literature on the political economy of mineral development in Australia. It also augments the information available to Indigenous people about the mineral negotiation process, information that can hopefully be used to improve the outcomes from future negotiations processes in which they may be involved.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Department of Politics and Public Policy
Griffith Business School
Full Text

Indigenous self-determination is a spectre haunting colonial settler states. Struggles for land, cultural rights and sovereignty challenge governments built on dispossession, plunder and genocide. As the neoliberal phase of capitalism and its push for greater resource extraction pushes the planet to ecocide, Indigenous communities and their environmental ontologies offer solutions to catastrophic ecological and social crisis. This comparative thesis examines campaigns for Indigenous sovereignty in Bolivia and Australia and briefly explores the topic of Indigenous-led answers to the climate crisis. This study is inspired by a visit to Bolivia in 2006 and a motivation to deepen an understanding around Indigenous struggles in Australia. Bolivia is a focal point for this research because its ‘government of the social movements’ (Achtenberg 2015, para 6) is an experiment in Indigenous emancipation. In Australia, Aboriginal activists Pat Eatock and Ray Jackson encouraged my research around local campaigns. Engaging and convincing, Aunty Pat and Uncle Ray lived by a ‘political commitment to take up the side of the oppressed and exploited’ (Kinsman 2008, para 4). A good deal of intellectual and activist work on Indigenous self-determination employs a contrastive framework. Drawing out similarities and differences across nation-state boundaries clarifies colonial strategies and strengthens a global solidarity response. However, there is a scholarship emphasis towards the global north due to the domination of imperialist narratives. This explains why self-determination studies within Australia do not feature research on Bolivia’s sovereignty model. The research fills a gap within scholarly texts, because, as yet, no comparison between Bolivian Indigenous resistance and Indigenous Australian struggles exists. Research road map This investigation starts with an introduction, delves into the research’s theoretical and methodological approach, divides into three chapters and concludes. Each chapter compares Bolivia and Australia’s three structural pillars that form the basis of Indigenous self-determination: land, cultural rights and self-governance bodies. The concluding chapter assesses and compares the strengths and weaknesses of First Nation struggles in each country. The research finds that Indigenous sovereignty battles have benefited from coalitions between Indigenous and socialist forces in ‘black-red’ alliances (coalitions between Indigenous, communists and socialist forces) (Townsend 2009, p.5). Finally, an emancipatory vision of Indigenous self-determination, based on battle models within Australia and Bolivia, is proffered. Theoretical framework and methodological approach This investigation fuses Indigenous cosmological tenets and a Marxist philosophical framework. It engages a participatory activist research methodology through engagement with and interviews from Indigenous and mestizo activists and scholars. The research finds commonality between Marxist philosophical foundations and aspects of Indigenous ontologies. Marxism was the theoretical child of Western liberal thought, which hosted a range of pro-colonial positions. In comparison, Karl Marx critiqued colonialism’s enslavement of Aboriginal people (Marx 1867 p. 531). Marx and Friedrich Engels developed Marxism’s philosophical and scientific tenets — dialectics and materialism - arguing the material world is primary and provable. Marxism’s dialectics notes ‘an interconnected, eternal motion existing within all phenomena’ (Engels 1873-1886, para 1) (Marx and Engels 1869, para 4) (Engels 1896, para 4, 5). That is, A equals A, and non-A. Dialectics is built upon in Indigenous Bolivian Aymara philosophies. Aymaran ‘trivalent logic’ is the Indigenous Bolivia’s hyper-dialectical cosmological tenet. Trivalent logic advances the Marxist dialectic, through adding one more recognised dimension. The Aymaran ‘plurivalence’ is neither formalistic nor absolutist. It is neither A nor B, but can be A, B, or C. Another commonality between Marxism and Indigenous cosmologies are their ecological positions. The emphasis on a communitarian ethic in both Marx’s writings and Indigenous approaches point to additional parallelisms. However, a key contrasting tenet of Marxism to Indigenous spirituality, is its scientific approach – it’s materialism. However, this study concludes that a Marxist approach and Indigenous cosmologies host more similar ideas and concepts than oppositional ones, and so fuses both frameworks. The participatory action research method situates this study within an empowerment frame. Colonisation attempts to silence Indigenous people. Therefore, this study features the judgements of Murri elder Ken Canning, active in the Sydney based Indigenous Social Justice Association, alongside Gumbaynggirr man Roxley Foley, and Zachary Joseph Wone, from the Kabi Kabi Nation of the Dundaburra clan. All the Bolivian interviewees, Enrique Castana Ballivian, Odalis Zuazo and Pablo Regalsky work within Indigenous communities, or publish articles about land management and Indigenous rights. Complications in comparisons This research uncovers a difficulty in comparing self-determination battles in Australia and Bolivia. Bolivia was colonised by Spain, Australia, by Britain. Bolivia holds the highest percentage of indigenous people of any nation in the Western hemisphere – 42% (Fontana 2013 para 3), (TeleSur 2015, para 2). Yet only 2.8% of the population identify as Indigenous in Australia (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2017, para 1). Australia is a rich imperialist country, while Bolivia is part of the exploited, impoverished third world. However, this study reveals, Indigenous Australian and Bolivian communities confront common enemies. Imperialism’s profit motive targets homelands, kinships and organisations. In this, the two resistance struggles interlink. Struggles for land in Bolivia and Australia An examination of Bolivia and Australia’s land rights battles in the neoliberal phase uncover more differences than similarities. Bolivia’s struggles proved more powerful, ending with the election of President Evo Morales, who leads an Indigenous government. However, a constant between the two nations struggles was the critical role of the black-red alliances. In Australia, the modern land rights movement was sparked by Aboriginal labourers strike in 1946–1949, in the Pilbara, Western Australia - assisted by non-Aboriginal communist Don McLeod. Then, in 1966, Aboriginal communities in Gurindji led the longest strike in Australia’s history, winning nine years later. Frank Hardy, Communist Party member, was a critical ally in the struggle. Following these seminal fights, Aboriginal people have won some control over 33% of Australia’s land mass. In Australia’s neoliberal period, land rights were attacked. Firstly, through the Northern Territory (NT) Intervention in 2007, then in 2015, with attempts to close remote Aboriginal communities in Western Australia (WA) and South Australia (SA). The ‘Stop the NT Intervention’ movement was not successful, but mass protests in 2015, led by the #sosblakaustralia movement stopped the closures of remote communities. Both the Indigenous rights movement and black-red alliances have not been strong enough to assuage neoliberalism’s assault on land rights. While 33% of land in Australia has been re-won, in some form, to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities, the majority of land to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders is in remote and arid lands. In comparison, Bolivia’s land rights movements and black-red alliances in the neoliberal phase proved incredibly hardy. On the back of strong movements: The Coca, Gas and Water Wars, Indigenous Aymara Evo Morales was elected in 2005. Sections of the government proposed a ‘communitarian socialist’ Bolivia and Morales’s agrarian revolution handed 9600 square miles of state-owned land to Indigenous communities. However, Bolivia’s pro-Indigenous land reform and pachamama (mother-earth) approach was questioned by a proposal build a highway through the Isiboro Secure National Park and Indigenous Territory (TIPNIS) in 2011. Various Non-Government Organisations (NGO) charged Morales with coercion and ignoring Indigenous wishes. On the other side of the debate, Vice-President Alvero Garcia Linera argued anti-government NGOs led a green imperialist intervention against the TIPNIS project. After withdrawing from the highway’s timeframe and consulting with communities, a number of TIPNIS opponents withdrew their opposition. Struggles for cultural rights in Australia and Bolivia Spanish and British colonial projects both attempted ethnocide against thirty-six Bolivian communities and five hundred distinct First Nations in Australia. Britain sought to physically eliminate Indigenous people, but when resistance proved too robust, they began a cultural war through protectionist policies and an assimilation wave. By comparison, Spain’s strategy was to attempt genocide against Indigenous Incas, then co-opt a layer of compliant Incan nobility to enslave remainder Indigenous population. In Australia, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander campaigning in the 1960s forced the end of assimilationist policies with Freedom Rides, the resilient Tent Embassy in Canberra and an urban expansion in Redfern leading a powerful cultural revival. In the neoliberal phase, governments in Australia are leading a second assimilation phase. A culture war decrying a ‘black armband’ view of history included the abolition of the national Indigenous self-governance body Aboriginal Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC) and $534 million in cuts from Indigenous services in 2014. Despite these obstacles, communities fought off a government-funded ‘Constitutional Recognition’ campaign. However, school history textbooks continue to portray Australia in a colonial white frame. Language reclamation battles have only elicited incremental progress. Comparatively, under the Morales government, Bolivia’s Indigenous cultural rights have progressed. The Bolivian government established a ‘Vice Ministry for Decolonization’. The new constitution acknowledges thirty-six recognized indigenous peoples, compels universities to teach Indigenous languages and memorializes anti-colonial warriors. On increasing Indigenous identification, the government has received a set-back. However, on balance, the MAS government is advancing a decolonizing program. Struggles for self-governance Winning self-governance structures in an anti-colonial frame is critical for Indigenous self-determination. The research uncovers socialists have developed autonomy structures for minority governance that aid Indigenous self-governance projects. From the Russian Bolshevik federated structure model, to Bolivia’s plurinationalism and Indigenous native peasant autonomy structures (AIOCs), socialists have, and are experimenting with democratic structures that benefit to Indigenous and ethnic minorities. However, in Bolivia, there appears to be a retreat from an AIOC model, as Indigenous autonomies do not feature in the 2025 government strategy document. In Australia, British genocide policies weakened First Nations governance, but nation-wide resistance organisations developed from the 1920s. By the 1970s Aboriginal communities had won elected national representation and localised land councils. In the neoliberal phase ATSIC was established – but the government disbanded it in 2004. Militant, national alliances such as the Freedom Summit, Grandmothers Against Removal, #sosblak and Warriors of the Aboriginal Resistance (WAR) formed to fight land grabs and a re-assimilation push. The research discovers a weaker self-governance movement in Australia compared to Bolivia. Additionally, Australia’s socialist movement is more fragile– although a number of Aboriginal militants joined the Communist Party of Australia (CPA) in the 20th century. This study concludes that two organisations, Socialist Alliance and Solidarity, assist Aboriginal campaigns in the 21st century. Aboriginal activists stand as Socialist Alliance candidates in state and federal elections. Socialists in Australia only gather 1.5–5% in state and federal elections. However, three socialists at the local council level have been elected with 30–55% of the vote. In comparison, openly socialist Bolivian presidential candidate Evo Morales wins 65% of the national vote. Conclusions This comparative study discovers strong Indigenous self-determination battles and structures in Bolivia, and weaker ones in Australia. Australian Indigenous resistance offers a rich experience of decolonising lessons to Bolivia’s Indigenous struggles. Equally, Bolivia’s empowerment structures hold encouraging insights. This research concludes that neoliberalism’s strength, a small Indigenous population and the weakness of progressive forces, leave the battle for a pan-Aboriginal republic at an embryonic stage. In contract, Bolivia’s Plurinational project is empowering Indigenous people with land, cultural rights and governance structures. While under pressure due to its positioning in the global capitalist market, Bolivia’s revolution is building Andean capitalism and an Indigenous nationalist model, with a communitarian socialist trajectory. This tension of having to operate within imperialism, I contend, do not detract from Bolivia’s positive example of a Indigenous sovereignty model. The study concludes that vying for state power hosts contradictions for Indigenous self-determination battles. However, Bolivia’s example shows that building Indigenous power from within and separate from the state, has benefited the majority of its people. Black-red alliances have been critical in both Bolivia and Australia’s battles for land, culture and governance rights. Indeed, Bolivia’s Plurinational structures can be viewed as a continuation of a socialist democratic principle. Bolivia points to a pathway for Indigenous emancipation in Australia. A multi-national, pan-Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander anti-corporate republic offers a powerful decolonising frame. Through songlines and memorias, heroic wars, embassies and sovereignty plans, these autonomist models are providing robust self-determination prototypes.

This study argues for the necessity of a psychoanalytic perspective in the study of colonization, while recognizing the complicity of psychoanalysis in the colonial project. My first chapter situates the Oedipal subject as a historic effect and attempts to trace some of the conditions of its emergence. In this way, I seek to call into question the universal status that Freud attributed to the Oedipal subject. From this historicized perspective, I then read Freud's Totem and Taboo, and its construction of the 'savage', as an effect of displacement, and in so doing, suggest a relation between the Oedipalized subject and the colonizing subject. The following three chapters are comprised of detailed readings of specific events and texts in Australian cultural history. All of these chapters focus on Aboriginal writers, and argue that the texts they have produced can be read as challenging, in a variety of ways, the naturalized construction of the patriarchal nuclear family in the colonial context, and the Oedipalized subject that supports it. The first of these contextualizes the life and work of David Ilnaipon, and argues for a more positive reassessmenot f his work that takes into consideration modes of Oedipalized subjectification operative in the colonial domain. The following chapter focuses on Sally Morgan's My Place, Australia's best-selling, Aboriginal autobiography, and suggests that its overwhelming popularity masks profound anxieties about the intimate and sexualized nature of colonial exploitation as manifest in the settler family home. The final chapter considers recent allegations that Mudrooroo, Australia's most wellknown and prolific Aboriginal writer, is actually an African American. This chapter suggests that a re-reading of his novels, Master of the Ghost Dreaming and Doctor Wooreddy's Prescription for Enduring the Ending of the World, provide possible ways of rethinking simplistic notions of identity and theirgrounding in Oedipalized identifications. All three textual events act as imperatives to remember the legacy of colonialism that continues to pervade contemporary Australian culture.

The thesis is an exploration of how indigenous knowledge has emerged as a subject within Australian intellectual property law. It uses the context of copyright law to illustrate this development. The work presents an analysis of the political, social and cultural intersections that influence legal possibilities and effect practical expectations of the law in this area. The dilemma of protecting indigenous knowledge resonates with tensions that characterise intellectual property as a whole. The metaphysical dimensions of intellectual property have always been insecure but these difficulties come to the fore with the identification of boundaries and markers that establish property in indigenous subject matter. While intellectual property law is always managing difference, the politics of law are more transparent when managing indigenous concerns. Rather than assume the naturalness of the category of indigenous knowledge within law, this work interrogates the politics of its construction precisely as a ???special??? category. Employing a multidisciplinary methodology, engaging theories of governmental rationality that draws upon the scholarship of Michel Foucault to appreciate strategies of managing and directing knowledge, the thesis considers how the politics of law is infused by cultural, political, bureaucratic and individual factors. Key elements in Australia that have pushed the law to consider expressions of indigenous knowledge in intellectual property can be located in changing political environments, governmental intervention through strategic reports, cultural sensitivity articulated in case law and innovative instances of individual agency. The intersection of these elements reveals a dynamic that exerts influence in the shape the law takes.

Doctor of Philosophy
This thesis analyses the concept of indigenous peoples’ right to self–determination within the international human rights system and explores viable avenues for the fulfilment of indigenous claims to self–determination through the design, implementation and evaluation of development policies. The thesis argues that development policy plays a crucial role in determining the level of enjoyment of self–determination for indigenous peoples. Development policy can offer an avenue to bypass nation states’ political unwillingness to recognize and promote indigenous peoples’ right to self–determination, when adequate principles and criteria are embedded in the whole policy process. The theoretical foundations of the thesis are drawn from two different areas of scholarship: indigenous human rights discourse and development economics. The indigenous human rights discourse provides the articulation of the debate concerning the concept of indigenous self–determination, whereas development economics is the field within which Amartya Sen’s capability approach is adopted as a theoretical framework of thought to explore the interface between indigenous rights and development policy. Foundational concepts of the capability approach will be adopted to construct a normative system and a practical methodological approach to interpret and implement indigenous peoples’ right to self–determination. In brief, the thesis brings together two bodies of knowledge and amalgamates foundational theoretical underpinnings of both to construct a normative and practical framework. At the normative level, the thesis offers a conceptual apparatus that allows us to identify an indigenous capability rights–based normative framework that encapsulates the essence of the principle of indigenous self–determination. At the practical level, the normative framework enables a methodological approach to indigenous development policies that serves as a vehicle for the fulfilment of indigenous aspirations for self–determination. This thesis analyses Australia’s health policy for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples as an example to explore the application of the proposed normative and practical framework. The assessment of Australia’s health policy for Indigenous Australians against the proposed normative framework and methodological approach to development policy, allows us to identify a significant vacuum: the omission of Aboriginal traditional medicine in national health policy frameworks and, as a result, the devaluing and relative demise of Aboriginal traditional healing practices and traditional healers.

This study takes as its focus the contrasting manner in which the Nyoongar indigenous people and the early European settlers utilised three wetland environments in southwest Australia over the century between 1829 and 1939. The thesis offers both an ecological and a landscape perspective to changes in the wetlands of Herdsman Lake, Lake Joondalup and Loch McNess. The chain of interconnecting linear lakes provides some of the largest permanent sources of fresh water masses on the Swan Coastal Plain. This thesis acknowledges the importance of the wetland system to the Nyoongar indigenous people. The aim of this research is to interpret the human intervention into the wetland ecosystems by using a methodology that combines cultural landscape, historical and biophysical concepts as guiding themes. Assisted by historical maps and field observations, this study offers an ecological perspective on the wetlands, depicting changes in the human footprint on its landscape, and mapping the changes since the indigenous people’s sustainable ecology and guardianship were removed. These data can be used and compared with current information to gain insights into how and why modification to these wetlands occurred. An emphasis is on the impact of human settlement and land use on natural systems. In the colonial period wetlands were not generally viewed as visually pleasing; they were perceived as alien and hostile environments. Settlers saw the land as an economic commodity to be exploited in a money economy. Thus the effects of a sequence of occupances and their transformation of environments as traditional Aboriginal resource use gave way to early European settlement, which brought about an evolution and cultural change in the wetland ecosystems, and attitudes towards them.

Since the 1980s, there has been an increasing emphasis on drama, in live theatre and on film, which re-addresses the ways in which the post-colonial histories of Australia and New Zealand have been written. Why is there such a focus on �historical� drama in these countries at the end of the twentieth century and what does this drama contribute to wider debates about post-colonial history? This thesis aims both to explore the connections between drama and history, and to analyse the interface between live and recorded drama. In order to discuss these issues, I have used the work of theatre and film critics and historians, supplemented by reference to writers working in the field of post-colonial and performance theory. In particular, I have utilised the methods of Helen Gilbert and Joanne Tompkins in Post-Colonial Drama: Theory, Practice, Politics, beginning with their claim that in the post-colonial situation history has been seen to determine reality itself. I have also drawn on theorists such as Michel Foucault, Linda Hutcheon and Guy Debord who question the �truth� value of official history-writing and emphasize the role of representation in determining popular perceptions of the past. This discussion is developed through reference to contemporary performance theory, particularly the work of Richard Schechner and Marvin Carlson, in order to suggest that there is no clear separation between performance and reality, and that access to history is only possible through re-enactments of it, whether in written or performative forms. Chapter One is a survey of the development of �historical� drama in theatre and film from New Zealand and Australia. This includes discussion of the diverse cultural and performative traditions which influence this drama, and establishment of the critical methodologies to be used in the thesis. Chapter Two examines four plays which are intercultural re-writings of canonical texts from the European dramatic tradition. In this chapter I analyse the formal and thematic strategies in each of these plays in relation to the source texts, and ask to what extent they function as canonical counter-discourse by offering a critique of the assumptions of the earlier play from a post-colonial perspective. The potential of dramatic representation in forming perceptions of reality has made it an attractive forum for Maori and Aboriginal artists, who are creating theatre which has both a political and a pedagogical function. This discussion demonstrates that much of the impetus towards historiographic drama in both countries has come from Maori and Aboriginal writers and directors working in collaboration with white practitioners. Such collaborations not only advance the project of historiographic drama, but also may form the basis of future theatre practice which departs from the Western tradition and is unique to each of New Zealand and Australia. In Chapter Three I explore the interface between live and recorded performance by comparing plays and films which dramatise similar historical material. I consider the relative effectiveness of theatre and film as media for historiographic critique. I suggest that although film often has a greater cultural impact than theatre, to date live theatre has been a more accessible form of expression for Maori and Aboriginal writers and directors. Furthermore, following theorists such as Brecht and Brook, I argue that such aspects as the presence of the live performer and the design of the physical space shared by actors and audience give theatre considerable potential for creating an immediate engagement with historiographic themes. In Chapter Four, I discuss two contrasting examples of recorded drama in order to highlight the potential of film and television as media for historiographic critique. I question the divisions between the documentary and dramatic genres, and use Derrida�s notion of play to suggest that there is a constant slippage between the dramatic and the real, between the past and the present. In Chapter Five, I summarize the arguments advanced in previous chapters, using the example of the national museum of New Zealand, Te Papa Tongarewa, to illustrate that the �performance� of history has become part of popular culture. Like the interactive displays at Te Papa, the texts studied in this thesis demonstrate that dramatic representation has the potential to re-define perceptions of historical �reality�. With its superior capacity for creating illusion, film is a dynamic medium for exploring the imaginative process of history is that in the live performance the spectator symbolically comes into the presence of the past.

This work explores human consciousness, using a framework of the Structure of Feelings and Experience developed from the work of Raymond Williams and Bernard Smith. It then examines aspects of the consciousness of the Mentally Ill, the Intellectually Disabled, Addicted and Indigenous people, with three aims: 1/. To identify a model of consciousness which reflects the major indicators arising from the structure of feelings and experience, and those arising from consideration of the four subject groups, representing the plurality of human consciousness. 2/. To explore some of the lessons for mainstream citizens, arising from alternative aspects of consciousness, both positive and negative, which these groups exhibit. 3/. To suggest ways the model of consciousness can be used to empower those with mental illness, or intellectual disability, by acknowledging and strengthening their opportunities to take responsibility for their lives. By engaging them more in active roles in the planning and delivery of their health, rehabilitation and community services. And to illustrate some examples of practical applications of person-valuing and spirit-engaging healing and empowering processes, used in groups in Australia and overseas, which point to ways of improving health and rehabilitation policy and practice in Australia
Master of Arts (Hons)

The present thesis examines the themes of ‘shared history,' ‘place-making,' and ‘reconciliation' to assess how these come together in the establishment of an Aboriginal identity in Perth, Western Australia. Focusing on individuals who do not represent the common stereotypes associated with Aboriginal Australians, it will be demonstrated that these individuals are forced into an in-between place where they have to continually negotiate what Aboriginality means in the twenty-first century. Taking on this responsibility they become mediators, stressing a ‘shared history' in order to create a place for themselves in the non-Aboriginal landscape and to advance reconciliation between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australia by fighting the dominant discourse from within. Beginning with the State and Government's Native Title appeal premiss that Nyungar never existed, this thesis will examine this claim by first presenting an account of the history of southwest Western Australia to establish the place Aboriginal people have been forced into by the colonists during early settlement, and the processes of which extend into the present day. From there on in the focus will be on individual Aboriginal people and their careers and businesses, examining how they attempt to redefine what is perceived and accepted as Aboriginality through different interaction and mediation ‘tactics' with non-Aboriginal Australians. Finally, this thesis will take a closer look at the reconciliation movement in Australia and the people involved in it. It will determine different approaches to reconciliation and assess their possibility and meaning for the construction of a twenty-first century Aboriginal identity. The thesis will conclude that although Nyungar are forced into the dominant discourse, their resistance from within credits a new kind of Aboriginality that is just as valid as the ‘traditional' and ‘authentic' Aboriginality imagined by non-Aboriginal Australia.

This research aims to draw attention to the way government and Indigenous groups engage in community settings and explores the potential of this sphere of political activity as a source of innovation and reform. Indigenous people have many good ideas about managing crime and justice in their communities, but what happens to those ideas when they are presented to an agency of the criminal justice system? To investigate the fate of Indigenous ideas and how they might be progressed through western bureaucracies, I conducted four case studies – two in New Zealand and two in the Australian state of Queensland – that represent examples of what occurs when government and Indigenous groups come together to develop a local crime and justice project. This thesis presents an empirical record of the events in each case, a comparative analysis of what occurred and my hypothesis of what might be likely to occur in other similar cases. I found that Indigenous leaders responded to government projects by challenging the government’s intentions, venting their anger, hijacking the agenda and contesting the projects’ assumptions. My analysis of the policy background to the cases shows that although governments currently favour community ‘capacity building’ strategies, these policies mistakenly assume that Indigenous communities are capacity deficient. Indigenous leaders tend to interpret policies that encourage devolved decision-making arrangements as government support for self-determination, and ‘whole of government’ strategies continue to disappoint because the public sector is unable to coordinate its resources. Instead, successful local projects often depend on the accidental convergence of a good idea, a committed and enthusiastic leadership, some degree of political will and sufficient resources. To maximise these opportunities for reform, bureaucrats need to feel comfortable in the ‘community space’, to learn to operate within the Indigenous domain and be willing to put Indigenous ideas into practice. The thesis concludes that Indigenous communities are highly capable of developing reform projects and effective forms of governance on Indigenous terms, but government actors are often unsure of how to utilise the expertise of Indigenous people. Effective Indigenous leaders are experts in the history, conditions and aspirations of their communities. They are also experts in the practice of consensus decision-making, can mobilise community support for a good idea and have learned to negotiate with unresponsive and uncoordinated government agencies. When government and Indigenous groups are willing to engage, and each acknowledges the potential contribution of the other, then there is potential for a new way forward in the relationship between government agencies and Indigenous people.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Criminology and Criminal Justice
Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences
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The Wongi people are Indigenous to the Goldfields region and account for just 10 per cent of the population; yet they make up 90 per cent of the prisoners. With Indigenous incarceration rates above 8,000 per 100,000 adult male population in Western Australia, imprisonment is clearly a common experience for Indigenous men and women that profoundly affect the lives of their families. Gaols are meant to be used as a sentence of last resort when the severity of the offence requires severe punishment and prevention of further offences requires close confinement. For this research, Wongi leaders were interviewed about their perceptions of the incarceration system. They indicated that prison is being applied too frequently for minor offences, does little to prevent further offences and has a profound negative socio-economic impact on inmates’ partners and children. The negative impact was also exacerbated when Wongi prisoners are transferred 600 kilometres out of their country to Perth because the local prison is overcrowded. The Wongi leaders who were interviewed believe that the criminal justice system lacks the moral authority to deal with their people fairly and punishes inmates’ families more so than the offender. According to the Wongi leaders, the incarceration system could be improved by using the cultural practice of shaming and targeting training more effectively so that prisoner skill sets were identified and enhanced to improve employment chances and a reduction in recidivism. By using these strategies, the criminal justice system would increase the deterrent effect of incarceration, decrease the rate of recidivism, and improve the Wongi perception of the system.

More than 25 years after Australia received the recommendations handed down by the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody (RCIADIC) Australia’s Indigenous people are still being incarcerated at disproportionate rates compared to their non-Indigenous counterparts, regardless of the attempts made by government to reduce the over-representation of Indigenous people in Australia’s prisons. Scholars have studied prisoner reentry for many years, during which time several risk and protective factors of reincarceration have been identified. However, limited research has examined beyond the question of whether Indigenous people are more likely to return to prison compared to non-Indigenous people. While we know Indigenous people are over-represented at the back-end of the criminal justice system, as more Indigenous people return to prison, and return faster than non-Indigenous people, we have little empirical understanding as to why –Why are Australia’s Indigenous people compared to non-Indigenous people more at risk of reincarceration? The present thesis seeks to unpack this question and develop a better understanding of why Indigenous people are more at risk of reincarceration post-release than non-Indigenous people. In total, three studies using a combination of descriptive, Cox proportional hazard regressions, logistic regressions, chi-square and t-test analyses were conducted with 1238 Queensland Indigenous (n = 303) and non-Indigenous (n = 935) people. The first study (Chapter 3) expands our understanding by: (a) examining group differences in characteristics within and between reincarcerated and successfully reintegrated people post-release for both groups; (b) identifying whether Indigenous compared to non-Indigenous people are more likely to be reincarcerated post-release; and (c) identifying whether any difference in risk of reincarceration can be partially explained by Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples’ social experiences prior-to-prison, and/or their prison-life experiences. Results suggests that while there are group differences in characteristics between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people, prison-life experiences can explain little to none of the difference in risk of reincarceration that exists between the two groups. Instead, evidence indicates the difference in risk of reincarceration can largely be explained by Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples’ static risk factors—those that occurred before incarceration (i.e. demographic, prior criminal history, and social experiences prior-to-incarceration). However, considering risk factors can potentially affect other risk factors, it is possible that by using a single statistical model that controls for Indigenous status any interactive effects with Indigenous status may have been masked. Study two (Chapter 4) expands on current empirical evidence in four ways. First, study two examines whether racial specific and racial neutral risk factors of reincarceration are present for Indigenous and/or non-Indigenous people. Results found evidence of racial specific risk factors of reincarceration being present for both groups. With evidence suggesting prisoner visitation is a racial specific protective factor against reincarceration for non-Indigenous people only. Study two further explored the visitation-reincarceration relationship to identify (a) if group differences in who gets visited exist; (b) whether there were differences in time to reincarceration for visited prisoners compared to non-visited prisoners; and (c) whether differences in visitation could be explained by social demographic circumstances prior-to-prison, criminal history, and travel distance for Indigenous and non-Indigenous people. Evidence showed differences between groups in the amount people w ere visited, time to reincarceration for visited and non-visited prisoners, and in the likelihood of who got visited. Study three (Chapter 5) further develops our understanding of why Indigenous compared to non-Indigenous people are more at risk of reincarceration in three ways: (a) by examining whether risk of reincarceration for Indigenous and non-Indigenous people differ by residential location (i.e. city/urban vs rural/remote); (b) identifying how community disadvantage, remoteness, and accessing services post-release effects Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples’ risk of reincarceration; and (c) by exploring what support services are accessed post-release and by who. Results indicated that residential location does not affect risk of reincarceration for either group and no relationship was identified between community disadvantage and reincarceration for non-Indigenous people. However, results showed community disadvantage to be a protective factor against reincarceration for Indigenous people. Finally, evidence also indicated there are group differences in who accessed services post-release. Collectively, the three studies presented in this thesis make a significant contribution to existing empirical knowledge of Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples’ risk of reincarceration. Each study builds on the previous, adding a new piece of the puzzle to what is a complex and multifaceted problem. Overall, the evidence presented in this thesis further demonstrates why it is important for re-entry programs to not only be individually tailored, but also tailored to one’s local environment and culture. The dissertation concludes with a discussion and synthesis of the overall research findings, limitations, and suggestions for future reentry research with Indigenous people in Chapter 6.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Crim & Crim Justice
Arts, Education and Law
Full Text

The settlement of the claim to fisheries by Maori is a political milestone. The Sealords Deal (the Deal) as it is commonly known, is the first settlement in New Zealand which extinguishes Maori claims to a particular resource. It affects all iwi and proposes the development of a process for the allocation of benefits. As such it needs to be considered in terms of other post-colonial nations� experiences in the resolution of claims to natural resources. Canada, the United States and Australia provide examples of different attitudes and approaches to the resolution of claims to natural resources by their indigenous populations. A typical history of the resolution of claims to natural resources in post-colonial nations begins with initial European contact, followed by increased numbers of settlers which places pressure on governments and the judiciary to justify the acquisition and exploitation of land and other resources. This leaves the indigenous population landless and welfare dependent. This pattern is reflected in judicial decision-making. In New Zealand, the courts initially acknowledged that the rights of Maori to their lands and other resources, existed unless specifically taken away. When pressure for acquisition of land occurred the courts responded by holding that Maori rights to resources only existed if specifically granted by a court or the legislature. This reversed the original presumption of existence of a right unless taken away. It has only been recently that the New Zealand judiciary has reaccepted the common law doctrine of aboriginal title. This brings New Zealand more in line with Canada and the United States, but New Zealand still has some way to go in acknowledging the doctrine of fiduciary obligation of the Crown/government to Maori. It is also helpful to analyse the changes that have taken place in governments� policies that have enabled the creation of an enviroment in which such a settlement can take place. The Labour governments of 1984 and 1987 began a number of policy initiatives which created a socio-economic climate and responsive enviroment favourable to the settlement of such a claim. Changes are also occurring internationally. Indigenous people�s rights are coming to the fore with the proposed Universal Declaration on Indigenous Rights nearly in place. All this change at a national and international level has only been possible by post-colonial nations acknowledging their past in order to move to the future with confidence. The Sealords Deal is an example of an attempt by Maori and the New Zealand government to make this move forward.

Thesis (B.A.(Hons.)) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, Discipline of History and School of Humanities, Discipline of English, 2003.
"November 2003" Bibliography: leaves 70-74.

Indigenous Australians are currently hospitalised for mental health disorders at significantly higher rates than members of the non-Indigenous population. In this context, the development of effective Indigenous mental health service delivery models in remote, rural and urban areas continues to be a national priority. Traditional forms of healing are fundamental to Indigenous societies across Australia. Anthropologists, linguists, psychiatrists, psychologists, psycho-analysists and Indigenous healers themselves have recorded and discussed many localised traditions of healing over the last 100 years. This paper presents an overview of this significant Australian heritage and proposes that the challenges which face mental health service delivery within many Indigenous communities may be addressed in part through the recognition of the intellectual, religious and therapeutic bases of Indigenous healing traditions.

"December 2006".
Thesis (PhD) -- Macquarie University, Division of Environmental and Life Sciences, Department of Human Geography, 2007.
Bibliography: p. 284-307.
Introduction -- Case-study area profile and methodology -- A walkabout race?: contemporary Aboriginal mobilities in Yamatji country -- State service provision and Aboriginal mobilities -- Security and belonging: re-conceptualising Aboriginal mobilities -- Security and belonging and the mainstream economy -- The ties that bind: negotiating security and belonging through family -- Conclusion.
This dissertation explores contemporary Aboriginal spatial practices in Yamatji country, Western Australia, within the context of rural service provision by the State government. The central themes with which it engages are a) historical and contemporary conceptualisations of Aboriginal spatialities; b) the lived experiences of Aboriginal mobilities in the region; and c) the dialectical, and often contentious, relationship between Aboriginal spatial practices and public health, housing, and education services. Drawing primarily on a range of field interviews, the thesis opens up a discursive space for examining the cultural content and hidden assumptions in constructions of 'appropriate' models of spatial mobility. In taking a policy-oriented focus, it argues that the appropriate provision of basic government services requires a shift away from overly simplistic assumptions and discourses of Aboriginal mobility. Until the often subtle practices of rendering particular Aboriginal mobilities as irrational, deviant, and/or mysterious are challenged and replaced, deep-colonising practices in rural and remote Australia will persist. --The thesis reconceptualises contemporary Aboriginal spatial practices in Yamatji country based upon an examination of dynamics and circumstances that undergird Aboriginal mobilities in the region. With this empirical focus, it argues that Aboriginal spatial practices are fashioned by the processes of procuring, cultivating and contesting a sense of security and belonging. Case study material presented suggests that two primary considerations inform these processes. A post-settlement history of contested alienation from family and country (both sources from which belonging and security were traditionally derived), and a changing engagement with mainstream social and economic institutions, have produced a context in which security and belonging are iteratively derived from a number of sources. Contemporary Aboriginal spatial practices therefore take a complex variety of forms. The thesis concludes that adopting the framework of security and belonging for interpreting contemporary Aboriginal mobilities provides a starting point for engaging more effectively and intentionally with dynamic Aboriginal spatial practices in service delivery policy and practice.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
x, 320 p. ill., maps

This dissertation investigates key social, ethical and environmental challenges faced by the developing Australian Indigenous food industry. I highlight areas of concern that have, or will in the future have, an impact on attitudes towards Indigenous food and culture. Ethical strategies are essential for the development of state and federal food security and bio-knowledge policies, food production and hospitality development. Additionally, diverse media and social discourse prioritising Indigenous perspectives is needed to disrupt Australian leadership, and business and consumer attitudes to Indigenous knowledge, spirituality and food. Using critical discourse analysis and a food systems approach, I explore culinary cringe and how narrative representations made by Australian food system actors form a malleable contemporary foodspace. I explore the use of food as a tool in the Australian colonial project focusing on early missions. I utilise benefit-sharing models to address contemporary native foods businesses and provide a more complete assessment of the impact of historical food systems on contemporary foodscapes, the hospitality industry and digital media space. The following questions drive this research: 1. How have past and contemporary Indigenous communities worked with edible flora and fauna as part of cultural and economic practice? 2. How has the shame and stigma perpetrated by colonising forces on Indigenous Australians impacted the development of the Australian foodscape? 3. How is information on, and representation of, Indigenous foods disseminated by media? 4. Is Indigenous food at risk of colonisation rather than the subject of a productive, benefit-sharing relationship? 5. What are the responsibilities of hospitality businesses and consumers in their interactions with Indigenous communities and cultural knowledge when developing business models?

Indigenous cultural possessions constitute a diverse global issue. This issue includes some culturally important, intangible tribal objects. This is evident in the Australian copyright cases viewed in this study, which provide examples of disputes over traditional Indigenous visual art. A proposal for the legal recognition of Indigenous cultural possessions in Australia is also reviewed, in terms of a new category of law. When such cultural objects are in an artistic form they constitute the tribe's self-presentation and its mechanism of cultural continuity. Philosophical arguments for the legal recognition of Indigenous intellectual `property' tend to assume that the value of Indigenous intellectual property is determinable on external criteria.

In Mabo v. State of Queensland (No. 2) (1992) 175 C.L.R. 1, the majority of the High Court held that ???native title??? had survived the acquisition of sovereignty over the Australian continent and is ???recognised??? by the common law. However, all the judgments failed to articulate clearly either the nature of native title as a legal form, and the relationship of that legal form to the common law, or what is meant by ???recognition???. Twelve years later the High Court has still not provided a satisfactory understanding of any of these matters. The central problem investigated by this thesis is the nature of that relationship and of the legal interest of native title. It is contended that this relationship can be understood and ordered as a matter of jurisdiction. This thesis seeks to recuperate a substantive concept of jurisdiction, and specifically of a particular jurisdiction, that of the common law, and to demonstrate how the interest of native title results from the jurisdictional relationship between common law and indigenous law. Part I is a genealogy of native title, drawn out through a history of ideas about common law jurisdiction. It is an account of the legal practice of jurisdiction, through a conceptual elaboration of a particular jurisdiction: the common law. This part traces the history of the common law from its origins in a pluralistic, fragmented, jurisdictional landscape, to its current position as the ???law of the land???. It considers the traditional mechanisms and techniques through which the common law has ordered its relationships with other jurisdictions, and how it has appropriated matters traditionally within the purview of other jurisdictions, accommodating them within the common law as ???custom???. The thesis demonstrates that the same gestures and practices can be seen in modern native title decisions, and contends that the ordering which underpins both native title, and the Australian legal system, is jurisdictional. Part II examines the practice of jurisdiction through an examination of three technologies of jurisdiction, all of which contributed to the construction of the legal entity of native title as an act of jurisdiction: mapping, accommodation and categorisation.

Alcohol use is common globally and the health risks from drinking are recognised. However, Indigenous Peoples who have been impacted by colonisation, trauma and racism, could be at greater risk of developing alcohol-related harms. One of these harms could be alcohol dependence, the strong internal drive to use alcohol with an inability to control use, prioritising alcohol and also physiological characteristics. The way alcohol dependence is interpreted or identified can be different across cultures and for Indigenous Peoples. The overall aim of this thesis was to identify the prevalence of alcohol dependence among Indigenous Peoples globally, and the associations of dependence in an Indigenous Australian community sample. Chapter 2 is a systematic review of the prevalence of alcohol dependence among Indigenous Peoples globally and examines how dependence is identified. Chapter 3 estimates the prevalence and describes the correlates of alcohol dependence in a representative community sample of Indigenous Australians. Chapter 4 identifies the associations between alcohol dependence with harms and getting help for drinking in a representative community sample of Indigenous Australians. This research reports that the prevalence of current alcohol dependence among Indigenous Peoples globally from similarly colonised countries varies widely and shows few tools have been validated for Indigenous Peoples. The prevalence in the representative community sample of Indigenous Australians is similar to the general Australian population. Dependent drinkers were more likely to report harms and more likely to get help for their drinking. Researchers, health professionals and clinicians do well to use Indigenous-specific survey tools or operationalise existing tools when trying to identify alcohol dependence among Indigenous Peoples. Accurate prevalence data can better inform treatment needs and unmet needs. Indigenous Australians need support and treatment options that are readily available, accessible and culturally appropriate. Identifying these needs could help with funding and resource allocation.

Indigenous cultural possessions constitute a diverse global issue. This issue includes some culturally important, intangible tribal objects. This is evident in the Australian copyright cases viewed in this study, which provide examples of disputes over traditional Indigenous visual art. A proposal for the legal recognition of Indigenous cultural possessions in Australia is also reviewed, in terms of a new category of law. When such cultural objects are in an artistic form they constitute the tribe's self-presentation and its mechanism of cultural continuity. Philosophical arguments for the legal recognition of Indigenous intellectual `property' tend to assume that the value of Indigenous intellectual property is determinable on external criteria.

Since the early 2000s, park management approaches to protected area governance have undergone a significant transformation, driven by the realisation that long-term conservation outcomes depend on participation in decision-making by stakeholders. To meet these challenges one of the measures being adopted by park managers is to engage in joint management arrangements. Recent changes to the conservation legislation in Western Australia provides the capacity for the Department of Parks and Wildlife (Parks and Wildlife) to enter into joint management arrangements with Aboriginal traditional owners and others for the management of protected areas, regardless of the land vesting or tenure. Joint management activities provide both formal and informal opportunities for mentoring, skills building, resource sharing, and knowledge mobilisation. Aboriginal traditional owners, through native title settlements, are regaining rights and control over land and resources. Successful native title claims have the potential to contribute to the advancement of social and economic wellbeing of Aboriginal communities. One compatible type of economic development occurring in parks is sustainable tourism - specifically ecotourism and cultural tourism. It is argued that tourism can assist in achieving conservation goals, as the need for ecological sustainability and biological conservation becomes greater due to habitat loss, population increases, hunting wildlife and poverty. Some specialists advocate for the resource management process to fully integrate tourism, since the base of the parks-tourism partnership is resource sustainability. This qualitative study used multi-method triangulation (participant observation, interviews, document analysis, case study) with the intent of identifying the place of Aboriginal tourism development within the shared governance structure of joint management. The research highlighted successful Aboriginal tourism development outcomes brought about through the capacity building that occurs within strong working relationships, forged over many years between Parks and Wildlife staff and local Aboriginal communities. One important research finding is the emergence of a parks - tourism – Aboriginal people – joint management nexus, as revealed by those directly involved in joint management strongly viewing Aboriginal tourism development as an important outcome. However, the research found that government, tourism professionals and the public had difficulty in understanding the concept of joint management and its value in facilitating Aboriginal tourism. Evidence of the disconnect is seen in the government’s failure to provide adequate funding for these activities and highlights an opportunity for educating the tourism industry and government about joint management’s potential to assist with Aboriginal tourism development. The State Government could do more to support the important component of capacity building facilitated through joint management, which fosters cross-cultural awareness, skill enhancement, and economic and social development amongst the stakeholders. An equally important finding is the ability of the Conservation and Land Management Regulations 2002 to provide a mechanism for Aboriginal joint management partners to adequately manage visitors and tour operators on their lands, as Aboriginal communities currently have very limited powers to regulate access. Joint management provides a vehicle to achieve sustainable benefits for conservation, communities and country including supporting Aboriginal tourism development. Therefore it is paramount that joint management partners are cognitive of the important role of tourism when they undertake the task of preparing management plans for protected areas, and Governments provide adequate funding to sustain joint management activities.

This thesis examined the educational outcomes for Indigenous children enrolled in Queensland state (public) primary schools from the perspective of the collective and social impact of programs and services. The study used quantifiable data to show that the gap is not closing, regardless of an improvement in attendance, along with literacy and numeracy achievement levels, in certain regions of Queensland.

This thesis is a comparative study of the West�s intellectual responses to the indigenous inhabitants of Australia and New Zealand from the period of first contact through until 1850. The thesis does not attempt a comprehensive history of the West�s encounters with Australasia nor does it attempt to discuss the role of the indigene within these encounters. The thesis does, however, discuss the formulation and expression of those intellectual traditions that informed the Western response to the Maori and Aborigine. Specifically, each chapter addresses a particular aspect of the West�s interaction with the indigenous peoples of Australasia in order demonstrate how the Western narratives of exploration, travel and settlement were informed by the wider discourse of colonialism. Amongst some of the themes addressed in the course of this thesis are: the ideal of the �Good Savage�, the shifting notion of a �Great Chain of Being�, the rise of natural history as a system for classifying human difference and the importance of ideas of savagery in framing the colonial response to the Maori and Aborigine were characterised by similarities and continuities as much as by the more commonly acknowledged differences and discontinuities.

The bureaucratic measure of health service, health performance indicators, suggest that we are not effective in our legislative responsibility to deliver suitable health care to some of the populations we are meant to serve. Debate has raged over the years as to the reasons for this, with no credible explanation accepted by those considered stakeholders. One thing is clear though, we have gone from being a culture believing that the needs of the many far outweigh those of the few, to one where we are barely serving the needs of the 'any'. This is most evident in the care delivered to the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people of Australia.

This thesis interrogates the relationship of archaeological models and indigenous understandings of origins in the East Kimberley region of Northern Australia and the Aru Islands of Eastern Indonesia. Archaeological models of prehistoric migration construct these places as part of the same landmass in the recent human period and at times of lower sea levels. Yet, the indigenous groups who currently inhabit these places assert and rely upon their localised understandings of autochthony and mythological creationism. The existence of these competing models has led me to examine the degree to which the practice of archaeology in these locations constructs human prehistory in a way that necessarily disempowers the indigenous cosmology there. Below I examine the construction and content of these different stories about the same place to show how it is that they are essentially competing, conflicting and contradictory claims to truth. I show how each of these asserted cosmological positions emerge from the various cultural systems that sponsor and perpetuate them and I pay special attention to the role of institutionally authorised experts within each of the cosmological positions described. I also seek to demonstrate the ways in which the distribution of expert knowledge plays a core role in a naturalised social order and the ongoing construction of cultural identity in their respective communities. I then interrogate the relationships that these differing forms of knowledge have with each other - paying close attention to the specifics of context in which they are evoked. I conclude that the examination of how these competing claims to truth are distributed in space reveals their influence in the ongoing construction of identity in their respective communities.

This thesis identified the factors that influence the participation of Aboriginal people in the New South Wales Government Department of Ageing, Disability and Home Care (DADHC) funded disability services, as described from the experiences of non-government disability service providers and paid disability service workers in New South Wales, Australia. Although it is known that the rates of morbidity are much higher among Aboriginal people compared with the non-Aboriginal population, the participation rates of Aboriginal people in disability services are under-representative. Various authors have examined these phenomena from the view point of Aboriginal people who may be interested in using disability services. However, there is limited understanding on the views of non-government and Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal workers of disability services about the factors that influence the participation of Aboriginal people in disability services. This study aimed to help fill this knowledge gap by achieving the following three research objectives: 1. Identify how and when the participation of Aboriginal people in disability services was identified in documented policy. 2. Identify and describe the factors that influence the participation of Aboriginal people in disability services as perceived by Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal employees in two NSW Government Department of Ageing, Disability and Home Care funded disability services. 3. Develop an Explanatory Framework that adequately encapsulates and represents the factors identified in this study as influencing the participation of Aboriginal people in disability services. One Aboriginal community controlled organisation and a generic disability organisation were the sites for investigation. Objective one was achieved through a critical historical analysis of policy documents developed by the governments, one Aboriginal community controlled organisation and one generic disability organisation. A rigorous electronic and manual search of publications spanning three decades from 1981 was undertaken. This analysis demonstrated that the disability services sector’s strategies to accommodate the needs of Aboriginal people with a disability have made a limited impact on the service participation rates and have been hampered by Eurocentric models of disability and research. A conceptual framework is proposed to assist disability researchers and policy analysts working with Aboriginal people with a disability. The conceptual framework brings together the strengths of both the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health and the Indigenous Standpoint Theory. The second objective was achieved via a situational analysis of transcripts of interviews, focus groups and field notes that were conducted with Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal paid employees of the same government funded organisations. Twelve factors that influenced the participation of Aboriginal people in disability services were identified from the data. Consistent with objective three, an Explanatory Framework was developed which illustrated the relationships between these factors. This framework demonstrated that the factors that influence the participation of Aboriginal people in disability services are inter-dependent historically, culturally and institutionally. The identified factors and explanatory framework are used to guide recommendations for future research, policy development and service provision in the sector.
Cerebral Palsy Alliance

This thesis explored how six teachers of mathematics embedded Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples’ Histories and Cultures into the core mathematics curriculum. Semi-structured interviews were conducted, then written transcripts were analysed through the use of Bernstein’s Theory of Pedagogic Discourse. Teachers shared their perspectives on how they have developed their cultural capabilities, and how this has informed culturally responsive teaching of mathematics. Recommendations are made for how to support in-service teachers with their personal cultural capabilities to authentically embed Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples’ Histories and Cultures in mathematics curriculum.

The bureaucratic measure of health service, health performance indicators, suggest that we are not effective in our legislative responsibility to deliver suitable health care to some of the populations we are meant to serve. Debate has raged over the years as to the reasons for this, with no credible explanation accepted by those considered stakeholders. One thing is clear though, we have gone from being a culture believing that the needs of the many far outweigh those of the few, to one where we are barely serving the needs of the 'any'. This is most evident in the care delivered to the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people of Australia.

Background: Evidence-based policy making (EBPM) has become an article of faith. While critiques have begun to emerge, they are predominately based on theory or opinion. This thesis uses the 2008 case study of tobacco control policy making for Indigenous Australians to analyse empirically the concept of EBPM. Research questions: (1) How, if at all, did the Government use evidence in Indigenous tobacco control policy making? (2) What were the facilitators of and barriers to the use of evidence? (3) Does the case study augment or challenge the apparent inviolability of EBPM? Methods: Data were collected through: (1) a review of primary documents largely obtained under the Freedom of Information Act 1982; and (2) interviews with senior politicians, senior bureaucrats, government advisors, Indigenous health advocates and academics. Results: Historically, Indigenous smoking was not problematised because Indigenous people faced other urgent health/social problems and smoking was considered a coping mechanism. High prevalence data acquired salience in 2007/08 in the context of a campaign to reduce disparities between Indigenous and non-Indigenous health outcomes. Ensuing policy proposals were based on recommendations from literature reviews, but evidence contained in those reviews was weak; notwithstanding this, the proposals were adopted. Historical experiences led policy makers to give special weight to proposals supported by Indigenous stakeholders. Moreover, the perceived urgency of the problem was cited to justify a trial-and-evaluate approach. Conclusion: While the policies were not based on quality evidence, their formulation/adoption was neither irrational nor reckless. Rather, the process was a justifiable response to a pressing problem affecting a population for which barriers existed to data collection, and historical experiences meant that evidence was not the only determinant of policy success. The thesis proposes a more nuanced appraoch to conceptualising EBPM wherein evidence is neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition for policy. The approach recognises that rigorous evidence is always desirable but that, where circumstances affect the ability of such research being conducted, consideration must be given to acting on the basis of other knowledge (e.g. expert opinion, small-scale studies). Such an approach is justifiable where: (1) inaction is likely to lead to new/continued harm; and (2) there is little/no prospect of the intervention causing additional harm. Under this approach, non-evidentiary considerations (e.g. community acceptability) must be taken into account.

Incorporating a significant component of Yarning-based oral history, Big Gubba Business investigates the making of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) from an Aboriginal Australian standpoint. This study examines the dynamics of the global Indigenous resurgence and interrogates the evolution of the Indigenous/UN relationship. First Nations engagement with the UN system and participation at the 1993 UN World Conference on Human Rights are explored in detail. Big Gubba Business also unravels the ongoing self-determination debate and the rise of the CANZUS bloc of resistant States. Having established the political context and surveyed the cultural landscape, this study identifies and analyses the actions and achievements of Indigenous Australian representatives in the drafting, elaboration and eventual adoption of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Big Gubba Business finds that the principal value of the Declaration derives from its role as a rallying point and common cause for First Nations activists and theorists. The legacy of the Declaration project includes the building and embedding of a worldwide network of Indigenous organizations and an enhanced First Peoples political and intellectual presence on the world stage. It is hoped that Big Gubba Business will serve to direct academic attention to this neglected domain of political activity and inform a wider public of the nature and importance of the Indigenous/UN relationship.

Asymmetrical conflicts and power relations between extractive industries and Indigenous groups often have devastating consequences for Indigenous peoples. Many Indigenous groups are struggling to maintain their lands as Indigenous perspectives on connection to Country are frequently undervalued or dismissed in favour of extractivist ideologies. While this conflicted interface has been researched in various parts of the world, studies exploring conflicts and power relations with extractive industries from Indigenous perspectives are few. This thesis is an international comparison aiming to illuminate situations of conflict and asymmetrical power relations caused by extractivism on Indigenous lands from new viewpoints. By drawing on two single case studies, the situations for Laevas reindeer herding Sami community in northern Sweden and Adnyamathanha Traditional Owners in South Australia are compared and contrasted. Yarning (a form of interviewing) is used as a method for data collection and in order to stay as true as possible to the research participants’ own words a number of direct quotes are used. The analysis employs peace researcher Johan Galtung’s concepts of cultural and structural violence as analytical tools to further explore the participants’ experiences of interactions with extractive industries and industrial proponents, including governments. In addition, the thesis introduces the concept of extractive violence as a complement to Galtung’s model. Extractive violence is defined as a form of direct violence against people and/or animals and nature caused by extractivism, which predominantly impacts peoples closely connected to land. The concepts of structural and cultural violence are understood as unjust societal structures and racist and discriminating attitudes respectively. A number of main themes could be identified in the research participants’ narratives. However, the most prominent on both continents was connections to Country and the threat that extractive violence posed to these connections. The results show that although the expressions of cultural, structural and extractive violence experienced by the two Indigenous communities varied, the impacts were strikingly similar. Both communities identified extractive violence, supported by structural and cultural violence, as threats to the continuation of their societies and entire cultures. Furthermore, the results suggest that in order to address violence against Indigenous peoples and achieve conflict transformation, Indigenous and decolonising perspectives should be heard and taken into account.
Konflikter och maktrelationer mellan utvinningsindustrier och urfolksgrupper får ofta förödande konsekvenser för urfolken. På grund av assymetriska maktförhållanden mellan urfolk och majoritetssamhällen som råder på de flesta ställen i världen utsätts många urfolk systematiskt för rättighetskränkningar. Många urfolksgrupper kämpar idag för att bevara sina marker eftersom urfolks perspektiv och kopplingar till marken ofta förminskas eller ignoreras när de står i motsättning till extraktiva ideologier. Även om extraktivism och påverkan på urfolk och urfolksgrupper varit fokus för tidigare studier saknas forskning som utgår från urfolkens perspektiv. Denna avhandling är en internationell jämförelse med syfte att, från nya synvinklar, belysa konfliktsituationer och asymmetriska maktrelationer som orsakats av extraktivism på urfolks marker. Avhandlingen jämför och kontrasterar två fallstudier som utförts med Laevas č earru (sameby) i norra Sverige och Adnyamathanha-folket i delstaten South Australia. I fallstudien som utförts tillsammans med Laevas č earru ingår en grupp av totalt sex forskningsdeltagare, fyra män och två kvinnor. Det var dock framför allt två forskningsdeltagare som intervjuades med anledning av den konfliktsituation mellan Laevas č earru och gruvbolaget LKAB, som står i fokus för artikel I i avhandlingen. I den australiska fallstudien, som utförts tillsammans med Adnyamathanha-folket, ingår en grupp av sju forskningsdeltagare bestående av fyra kvinnor och tre män. Denna studie, artikel II, behandlar Adnyamathanhafolkets kamp mot de australiska och sydaustraliska regeringarnas förslag om att inrätta kärnavfallsdepåer på Adnyamathanhas marker. För att inhämta material användes yarning (en typ av intervjumetod) och för att återge forskningsdeltagarnas ord så rättvisande möjligt inkluderades ett antal direktcitat i texterna. För att möjliggöra en mer djupgående analys av forskningsdeltagarnas upplevelser av konflikter med utvinningsindustrier och förespråkare för extraktivism, inklusive regeringar och stater, användes Johan Galtungs modell, känd som Galtungs våldstriangel, som analysverktyg. Galtungs modell innefattar strukturellt, kulturellt och direkt våld. Direkt våld definieras som fysiskt våld eller hot om fysiskt våld, strukturellt våld utgörs av orättvisa och diskriminerande samhällsstrukturer och kulturellt våld är de attityder som får det strukturella och således även det direkta våldet att te sig legitimt. Föreliggande avhandling introducerar även konceptet extraktivt våld som ett komplement till Galtungs modell där xvi det ersätter direkt våld. Jag definierar extraktivt våld som en typ av direkt våld mot människor och/eller djur och natur orsakat av extraktivism som framför allt påverkar människor med starka kopplingar till sina marker. Extraktivism förstås här som alla typer av aktiviteter som extraherar stora mängder av resurser från marker och människor, exempelvis gruvdrift, skogsbruk, fiske, lantbruk och turism. I forskningsdeltagarnas utsagor identifierades ett antal nyckelteman. Dessa teman uppvisade både likheter och skillnader beroende på deltagarnas olika situationer och förutsättningar. Det mest framträdande temat på båda kontinenterna var dock ”connection to Country” eller kopplingar till marken. Båda grupperna beskrev hur marken och deras förhållande till den innefattade historia, kunskap, traditioner och kultur. För Adnyamathanhagruppen var det mest centrala att rädda och bevara heliga platser som hotas av extraktivism och för Laevas č earru sågs renskötseln och bevarandet av markerna för renarnas skull som det mest väsentliga. Avhandlingens resultat visar att även om de former av kulturellt, strukturellt och extraktivt våld som forskningsdeltagarna upplevde varierade, var effekterna av våldet slående lika. Båda grupperna identifierade extraktivt våld, understött av strukturellt och kulturellt våld, som hot mot fortlevnaden av deras samhällen och kulturer. Resultaten pekar även på vikten av att urfolkens perspektiv inkluderas och blir hörda om konflikttransformering mellan utvinningsindustrier och urfolk ska kunna uppnås.

Many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people in New South Wales have lived experiences of mental health/social and emotional wellbeing services and systems. These lived experiences and knowledges are of great value to services and systems that are seeking to improve mental health/social and emotional wellbeing health outcomes through systemic reform. The lived experiences of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people are crucial to developing an authentic understanding of why some services and systems work and why some services and systems do not work; they also offer a consumer perspective on how mental health/social and emotional wellbeing services and systems could be improved. While there is a growing body of research providing evidence suggesting that young Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples experience very high burdens of mental health/social and emotional wellbeing challenges, there is minimal research on mental health/social and emotional wellbeing help-seeking, service experiences or on what works (and why or why not). This research fills part of that knowledge gap. This research forms part of a larger body of work being undertaken by the Study of Environment on Aboriginal Resilience and Child Health (SEARCH) team in partnership with several Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Services (ACCHS) in New South Wales, Australia. It aims to privilege the voices, experiences, and perspectives of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people who use mental health/social and emotional wellbeing services and systems in New South Wales. Through this data the research aims to establish a consumer perspective on how current mental health/social and emotional wellbeing services and systems can build upon current strengths and successes. It also aims to preview 4 suggestions for change by positioning the voices of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people as experts on their own needs. Aboriginal young people involved in this study did have suggestions for reforms to Social and Emotional Wellbeing services that would improve outcomes across five key themes: access, cultural appropriateness, early intervention, service integration, and effectiveness. Overall, enhanced accessibility to holistic Social and Emotional Wellbeing services that genuinely support clients in their wellbeing journeys was identified as needed. Earlier intervention services were identified as important and requiring further embedment in communities, with services that do exist suggested to better utilise culturally informed and person-centered approaches to care. This thesis presents a synthesis of related literature, mental health/social and emotional wellbeing data and policies and uses qualitative health research methods to position the voices, experiences, and perspectives of current Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people as experts in this research

Alcohol misuse is considered the most significant cause of violence in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities. All members of the Aboriginal community feel the impact of heavy alcohol consumption and related violence. Initiatives that attempt to reduce alcohol consumption as a strategy to decrease crisis levels of violence have had limited success. This thesis examines the extent and patterns of Aboriginal alcohol consumption and explores the relationship between alcohol misuse and violence, using secondary statistical and exploratory literature. It will be contended that: the link between alcohol misuse and violence is not a simple cause and effect relationship; and Aboriginal family and community violence are symptoms of underlying social and psychological trauma. This thesis presents qualitative researched case studies of Aboriginal alcohol treatment organisations, and Aboriginal initiatives that address the issues underlying violence. It is argued that interventions focusing on alcohol alone will not reduce family violence and community dysfunction. A "grassroots," Aboriginal community based response is presented as an alternative to reactive and short-term interventions.

This thesis is a work of Christian theology. Its purpose is twofold: firstly to develop an adequate understanding of reconciliation at the level of peoples and nations; and secondly to make a practical contribution to resolving the problems in Australia for the welfare of all the peoples, and of the land itself. The history of the relationships between the Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples in Australia has left many problems, and no matter what the non-Indigenous people try to do, the Indigenous peoples of Australia continue to experience themselves as being in a state of siege. Trying to understand what is happening, and what can be done to resolve the problems for the peoples of Australia and the land, have been the implicit drivers for the theological development in this thesis. This thesis argues that the present generation in any trans-generational dispute is likely to continue to sin in ways that are shaped by the sins of the past, which explains why Indigenous peoples in Australia find themselves in a stage of siege, even when the non-Indigenous peoples are trying to pursue policies which they believe are for the welfare of all. The only way to resolve this is for the peoples of Australia to seek reconciliation. In particular, the non-Indigenous peoples need to repent, both of their own sins, and the sins of their forebears. Reconciliation processes have become part of the international political landscape. However, there are real concerns about the justice of pursuing reconciliation. An important part of the theological development of this thesis is therefore to show that pursuing reconciliation establishes justice. It is shown that the nature of justice, and of repentance, can only be established by pursuing reconciliation. Reconciliation is possible because God has made it possible, and is working in the world to bring reconciliation. Because land is an essential part of Indigenous identity in Australia, the history of land in court cases and legislation in Australia over the past half century forms an important case study in this work. It is shown that, although there was significant repentance within the non-Indigenous legal system in Australia, the degree of repentance available through that legal system is inherently limited, and so a more radical approach is needed in order to seek reconciliation in Australia. A final chapter considers what the non-Indigenous people of Australia need to do in order to repent.

This thesis critically compares the conceptualisation of disability in the public discourse between Indigenous people and New South Wales (NSW) government and non-government disability service agencies. This study explores intersections of the conceptualisations of disability at the Cultural Interface using the Occupational Justice Framework (Gilroy, 2009; Durocher, Gibson and Rappolt, 2014). This thesis consists of two sections. Section 1: Literature Review Section 2: Journal manuscript The first section of this thesis is the literature review. The literature review examines the low participation rate of indigenous people in disability services and the need for culturally appropriate disability services for Indigenous people. In order to ensure culturally appropriate services are provided for Indigenous people, the Western and Indigenous perspectives of disability need to be understood and each are discussed in turn in the literature review. The review initially discusses the Western conceptualisation of disability, followed by the Indigenous conceptualisation of disability. The review also explores how both Indigenous and Western perspectives on disability influence each other. The developments in disability conceptualisation throughout history are also discussed, followed by the current literature that led to the development of this study. The second section of this thesis is a journal manuscript. The journal manuscript explores the intersections and tensions between Indigenous people and NSW government and non- government disability service agencies regarding the conceptualisation of disability. The journal manuscript also examines the outcomes and implications of the findings.

Australian research confirms that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people experience high levels of social inequality, racism and injustice. Evidence of discrimination and inequality is most obvious within the criminal justice system where they are seriously over-represented. The Australian news media plays a large part in reinforcing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander inequality, stereotypes and racist ideology within specific situations such as the Northern Territory Emergency Response and the Redfern riots. This study widens the scope from how the media reports a single criminal justice event to how the media reports Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people’s interaction with the criminal justice system. The study relies on Norman Fairclough’s (2003) theory of critical discourse analysis to analyse critically 25 Australian online news media articles featuring Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. Specifically, the study applies Fairclough’s (2003) three assumptive categories (existential, propositional and value). It identifies discourse reinforcing dominance and inequality within those media articles and reveals two major findings. The first significant finding is the unwillingness of any article to challenge or question the power structures that reinforce or lead to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander inequality. The second major finding involves three ideologies within the text communicating racism and inequality: neo-colonial, neo-liberal assimilation and paternalistic ideologies. The concern is that although the twenty-five news media articles appear neutral, the critical analysis reveals racist ideologies being communicated and an unwillingness to challenge the power structures that create these. This position suggests that racism is not just a problem of a bygone era—it is a contemporary issue continuing at a deeper level nestled in the underlying assumptions and ideologies found within news media discourse. These findings would bring awareness to the media’s discursive practices and generate further discussion and research to address the discursive structures responsible for perpetuating the systemic harm to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people.

"August 2006"
Thesis (PhD) -- Macquarie University, Division of Law, 2007.
Bibliography: p. 343-364.
Abstract -- Candidate's certification -- Acknowledgements -- Acronyms -- Chapter one -- Chapter two: Linking public participation to environmental decision making and natural resources management -- Chapter three: The right to public participation -- Chapter four: Implementing the right to public participation in environmental decision making : the participation of indigenous peoples in the conservation and management of protected areas -- Chapter five: The legal and policy regime for the participation of indigenous peoples in the conservation and management of protected areas in Australia -- Chapter six: The legal and policy regime for the participation of indigenous peoples in the conservation and management of protected areas in Uganda -- Chapter seven: Implementing public participation in environmental decision making in Australia and Uganda : a comparative analysis -- Chapter eight: The right to public participation in enviromental decision making and natural resources management : summary and conclusions -- Bibliography.
In recognition of the importance of public participation as a basis for good governance and democracy, Mr Kofi Annan, Secretary General to the United Nations, has noted that: "Good governance demands the consent and participation of the governed and the full participation and lasting involvement of all citizens in the future of their nation. The will of the people must be the basis of governmental authority. That is the foundation of democracy. That is the foundation of good governance Good governance will give every citizen, young or old, man or woman, a real and lasting stake in the future of his or her society". The above quotation encapsulates the essence of what this thesis has set out to do; to examine the concept of public participation and its application in environmental governance within the context of the participation of indigenous peoples in the conservation and management of protected areas in Australia and Uganda. The concept of public participation is of such intrinsic importance that it has emerged as one of the fundamental principles underpinning environmental governance and therefore forms the basis for this study. -- Environmental governance, as a concept that captures the ideal of public participation, is basically about decisions and the manner in which they are made. It is about who has 'a seat at the table' during deliberations and how the interests of affected communities and ecosystems are represented. It is also about how decision makers are held responsible for the integrity of the process and for the results of their decisions. It relates to business people, property owners, farmers and consumers. Environmental governance is also about the management of actions relating to the environment and sustainable development. It includes individual choices and actions like participating in public hearings or joining local watchdog groups or, as consumers, choosing to purchase environmentally friendly products. -- The basic principles behind good governance and good environmental decision making have been accepted for more than a decade. The 178 nations that attended the Rio Summit in 1992 all endorsed these nvironmental governance principles when they signed the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development (Rio Declaration) - a charter of 27 principles meant to guide the world community towards sustainable development. The international community re-emphasised the importance of these principles at the World Summit on Sustainable Development in 2002. -- The right to public participation in nvironmental decision making and natural resources management is one of the 27 principles endorsed by the nations of the world and is embodied in the provisions of Principle 10 of the Rio Declaration.
Environmental decisions occur in many contexts. They range from personal choices like whether to walk or drive to work, how much firewood to burn, or whether to have another child. They encompass the business decisions that communities or corporations make about where to locate their facilities, how much to emphasise eco-friendly product design and how much land to preserve. They include national laws enacted to conserve the environment, to regulate pollution, manage public land or regulate trade. They take into account international commitments made to regulate trade in endangered species or limit acid rain or C02 emissions. -- Environmental decisions also involve a wide range of actors: individuals; local, state and national governments; community and tribal authorities such as indigenous peoples; civic organisations; interested groups; labour unions; national and transactional corporations; scientists; and international bodies such as the United Nations, the European Union, and the World Trade Organisation. -- Each of the actors have different interests, different levels of authority and different information, making their actions complex and frequently putting their decisions at odds with each other and with ecological processes that sustain the natural systems we depend on. -- Accordingly, this thesis aims to examine participation in environmental decision making in a way that demonstrates these complexities and interdependencies. It will explore the theoretical and conceptual basis for public participation and how it is incorporated into international and domestic environmental and natural resources law and policy. -- It will examine public participation in the context of the legal and policy framework for the conservation and management of protected areas and will use case studies involving the participation of indigeneous peoples in Australia and Uganda to provide the basis for a comparative analysis. -- The thesis will also faces on a comparative analysis of the effectiveness and meaningfulness of the process for public participation in environmental decision making in Australia and Uganda. There is extensive literature on the purposes to which participation may be put; the stages in the project cycle at which it should be employed; the level and power with regard to the decision making process which should be afforded to the participants; the methods which may be appropriate under the different circumstances, as well as detailed descriptions of methods; approaches and forms or typologies of public participation; and the benefits and problems of such participation.
However, there is not much significant literature that examines and analyses the meaningfulness and effectiveness of the contextual processes of such participation. This is despite the widespread belief in the importance and value of public participation, particularly by local and indigenous communities, even in the face of disillusionment caused by deceit, manipulation and tokenism. Accordingly, the thesis will use case studies to demonstrate the meaningfulness and effectiveness or otherwise of public participation in environmental decision making in protected area management. -- Increasingly, the terminology of sustainable development is more appropriate to describe contemporary policy objectives in this area, with an emphasis on promoting local livelihood and poverty alleviation within the constraints of ecosystem management. However, the domestic legal frameworks, and institutional development, in Australia and Uganda tend to reflect earlier concepts of environmental and natural resources management (referred to as environmental management in this thesis). There are some significant differences between a North (developed) nation and a South (developing) nation, in terms of the emphasis on economic objectives, political stability, resources and legal and administrative capacity. The thesis intends to explore these differences for the comparative analysis and to draw on them to highlight the complexities and interdependencies of public participation by indigenous peoples in environmental decision making, natural resources and protected area management.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
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