Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Indigenous peoples – Government policy'
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Howlett, Catherine. "Indigenous Peoples and Mining Negotiations: The Role of the State." Thesis, Griffith University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365989.
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Resource development is often presented as a panacea for the problems endemic within Indigenous communities, particularly those remote Indigenous communities with few other options for economic opportunities. However, research to date suggests that the benefits from mineral development are often not realised by Indigenous people, and that the negative impacts can be unmitigated and substantial. One way Indigenous people can minimise the negative impacts and maximise the benefits of mineral development is through equitable participation in the negotiations for development of the mineral deposit. The negotiation period thus represents a critical period for Indigenous peoples.
States play a critical role in determining the negotiating environments in which mineral development takes place via their control of the institutional and legislative frameworks that govern mineral development. States thus play a significant role in determining outcomes for Indigenous people from mineral development processes. Despite this, there is a conspicuous absence of any recent indepth interrogations of the role of the state in mineral negotiations involving Indigenous people in Australia, a gap this study seeks to address.
The legislative and institutional frameworks governing the relationship between mineral development and Indigenous people were significantly altered during the 1990s in Australia when the High Court handed down the historic Mabo decision, which recognised that Indigenous people had rights to land that preceded the acquisition of sovereignty by the British in 1788. This study presents a case study of mineral negotiations that occurred during that transformative period in Australian history: the Century Zinc negotiations.
The study scrutinises the behaviour of the state during these negotiations, employing qualitative research methods such as indepth, semi structured interviews and documentary sources, and establishes a rich empirical base from which it tests three theories that contain potential, yet disparate, explanations of the state’s behaviour. Acknowledging the need for a composite theoretical approach because of the different levels of analysis within this study, policy network theory is employed as a lens to focus the analysis at the meso level of this particular policymaking process. This analysis is then used as a platform from which the most appropriate macro theoretical explanation of the state’s behaviour is determined. This study is thus explicitly theory testing. The findings from this study confirm the critical links between the levels of analysis in policymaking processes and the dialectical interaction between structure and agency at all levels of policy making. The study therefore makes a considered contribution to the literature on the political economy of mineral development in Australia. It also augments the information available to Indigenous people about the mineral negotiation process, information that can hopefully be used to improve the outcomes from future negotiations processes in which they may be involved.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Department of Politics and Public Policy
Griffith Business School
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Hartley, Bonney Elizabeth. "Government policy direction in Botswana, Namibia, and South Africa to their San communities : local implications of the International Indigenous Peoples' Movement." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3776.
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Ravindran, Subahari. "A critical comparison of the similarities and differences in the conceptualisation of disability between Indigenous people in Australia and New South Wales disability service agencies." Thesis, Discipline of Occupational Therapy, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/14210.
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This thesis critically compares the conceptualisation of disability in the public discourse between Indigenous people and New South Wales (NSW) government and non-government disability service agencies. This study explores intersections of the conceptualisations of disability at the Cultural Interface using the Occupational Justice Framework (Gilroy, 2009; Durocher, Gibson and Rappolt, 2014). This thesis consists of two sections. Section 1: Literature Review Section 2: Journal manuscript The first section of this thesis is the literature review. The literature review examines the low participation rate of indigenous people in disability services and the need for culturally appropriate disability services for Indigenous people. In order to ensure culturally appropriate services are provided for Indigenous people, the Western and Indigenous perspectives of disability need to be understood and each are discussed in turn in the literature review. The review initially discusses the Western conceptualisation of disability, followed by the Indigenous conceptualisation of disability. The review also explores how both Indigenous and Western perspectives on disability influence each other. The developments in disability conceptualisation throughout history are also discussed, followed by the current literature that led to the development of this study. The second section of this thesis is a journal manuscript. The journal manuscript explores the intersections and tensions between Indigenous people and NSW government and non- government disability service agencies regarding the conceptualisation of disability. The journal manuscript also examines the outcomes and implications of the findings.
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Panzironi, Francesca. "Indigenous Peoples' Right to Self-determination and Development Policy." University of Sydney, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1699.
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Doctor of PhilosophyThis thesis analyses the concept of indigenous peoples’ right to self–determination within the international human rights system and explores viable avenues for the fulfilment of indigenous claims to self–determination through the design, implementation and evaluation of development policies. The thesis argues that development policy plays a crucial role in determining the level of enjoyment of self–determination for indigenous peoples. Development policy can offer an avenue to bypass nation states’ political unwillingness to recognize and promote indigenous peoples’ right to self–determination, when adequate principles and criteria are embedded in the whole policy process. The theoretical foundations of the thesis are drawn from two different areas of scholarship: indigenous human rights discourse and development economics. The indigenous human rights discourse provides the articulation of the debate concerning the concept of indigenous self–determination, whereas development economics is the field within which Amartya Sen’s capability approach is adopted as a theoretical framework of thought to explore the interface between indigenous rights and development policy. Foundational concepts of the capability approach will be adopted to construct a normative system and a practical methodological approach to interpret and implement indigenous peoples’ right to self–determination. In brief, the thesis brings together two bodies of knowledge and amalgamates foundational theoretical underpinnings of both to construct a normative and practical framework. At the normative level, the thesis offers a conceptual apparatus that allows us to identify an indigenous capability rights–based normative framework that encapsulates the essence of the principle of indigenous self–determination. At the practical level, the normative framework enables a methodological approach to indigenous development policies that serves as a vehicle for the fulfilment of indigenous aspirations for self–determination. This thesis analyses Australia’s health policy for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples as an example to explore the application of the proposed normative and practical framework. The assessment of Australia’s health policy for Indigenous Australians against the proposed normative framework and methodological approach to development policy, allows us to identify a significant vacuum: the omission of Aboriginal traditional medicine in national health policy frameworks and, as a result, the devaluing and relative demise of Aboriginal traditional healing practices and traditional healers.
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Thondhlana, Gladman. "Dryland conservation areas, indigenous people, livelihoods and natural resource values in South Africa: the case of Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1011732.
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Contemporary conservation and development understanding in both policy and academic circles espouses that natural resources have a significant contribution to the livelihoods of local people and that knowledge of this can better foster conservation policies that are consistent with livelihood and ecological needs. This thesis is based on research conducted in the southern Kalahari region, South Africa among the San and Mier communities bordering Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park. It looks at the importance of natural resources to the San and Mier community groups and ascertains the extent of resource use and its value within broader livelihood portfolios. It also focuses on the cultural values of natural resources and interactions among institutions and actors and how these shape natural resource governance and livelihood outcomes. Overall, natural resources represent an important livelihood source contributing up to 32 % and 9 % of the total income of the San and Mier respectively or up to 46 % and 23 % if livestock incomes are included. However, the dependence on, diversification patterns and distribution of natural resource income vary substantially between and within the two communities. With regards to the cultural values attached to natural resources by the San and Mier, the findings show that these arise from an incredibly diverse and sometimes conflicting array of values that punctuate the two communities’ way of life and they are inextricably linked to resource use. Lastly, governance of natural resources in the co-managed Park and communitymanaged resettlement farms is characterised by complex institutional arrangements, compounded by the existence of multiple actors that have multiple and sometimes conflicting objectives – as shaped by different meanings and interpretations of natural resources. Heightened inter- and intra-community conflicts are common, notably resource use conflicts between the San and Mier and between the San ‘modernist’ and ‘traditionalist’ groups. This demonstrates that the communities’ livelihood dynamics in general and the dependence on natural resources in particular, are closely linked with ecological, economic and social factors including history, culture and present livelihood needs. By exploring the social-environment interactions, the study highlights the complexities and diversity of resource use for livelihoods that should be taken into consideration for both conservation and development policy interventions and research. The main argument of the study is that the contribution of natural resources to local livelihood portfolios in co- and community-managed areas, can be better understood through a consideration of cultural dynamics and institutional arrangements since these condition natural resource access, value and use.
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Prout, Sarah. "Security and belonging reconceptualising Aboriginal spatial mobilities in Yamatji country, Western Australia /." Phd thesis, Australia : Macquarie University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/23030.
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"December 2006".Thesis (PhD) -- Macquarie University, Division of Environmental and Life Sciences, Department of Human Geography, 2007.
Bibliography: p. 284-307.
Introduction -- Case-study area profile and methodology -- A walkabout race?: contemporary Aboriginal mobilities in Yamatji country -- State service provision and Aboriginal mobilities -- Security and belonging: re-conceptualising Aboriginal mobilities -- Security and belonging and the mainstream economy -- The ties that bind: negotiating security and belonging through family -- Conclusion.
This dissertation explores contemporary Aboriginal spatial practices in Yamatji country, Western Australia, within the context of rural service provision by the State government. The central themes with which it engages are a) historical and contemporary conceptualisations of Aboriginal spatialities; b) the lived experiences of Aboriginal mobilities in the region; and c) the dialectical, and often contentious, relationship between Aboriginal spatial practices and public health, housing, and education services. Drawing primarily on a range of field interviews, the thesis opens up a discursive space for examining the cultural content and hidden assumptions in constructions of 'appropriate' models of spatial mobility. In taking a policy-oriented focus, it argues that the appropriate provision of basic government services requires a shift away from overly simplistic assumptions and discourses of Aboriginal mobility. Until the often subtle practices of rendering particular Aboriginal mobilities as irrational, deviant, and/or mysterious are challenged and replaced, deep-colonising practices in rural and remote Australia will persist. --The thesis reconceptualises contemporary Aboriginal spatial practices in Yamatji country based upon an examination of dynamics and circumstances that undergird Aboriginal mobilities in the region. With this empirical focus, it argues that Aboriginal spatial practices are fashioned by the processes of procuring, cultivating and contesting a sense of security and belonging. Case study material presented suggests that two primary considerations inform these processes. A post-settlement history of contested alienation from family and country (both sources from which belonging and security were traditionally derived), and a changing engagement with mainstream social and economic institutions, have produced a context in which security and belonging are iteratively derived from a number of sources. Contemporary Aboriginal spatial practices therefore take a complex variety of forms. The thesis concludes that adopting the framework of security and belonging for interpreting contemporary Aboriginal mobilities provides a starting point for engaging more effectively and intentionally with dynamic Aboriginal spatial practices in service delivery policy and practice.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
x, 320 p. ill., maps
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Schmidt, Richard J. "Indigenous competition for control in Bolivia." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FSchmidt.pdf.
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Hogarth, Melitta D. "Addressing the rights of Indigenous peoples in education: A critical analysis of Indigenous education policy." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2018. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/118573/1/Melitta_Hogarth_Thesis.pdf.
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For far too long, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples' voices have been silenced. This study critically analyses the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Education Strategy 2015 through the lens of the Coolangatta Statement on Indigenous peoples' rights in Education. Focus is placed on how the Strategy addresses the rights of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in education when seeking to improve the educational attainment of Indigenous primary and secondary students. In turn, the representations of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students, parents and communities are explored and established.
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Turner, Dale A. (Dale Antony) 1960. ""This is not a peace pipe" : towards an understanding of aboriginal sovereignty." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35637.
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This dissertation attempts to show that Aboriginal peoples' ways of thinking have not been recognized by early colonial European political thinkers. I begin with an examination of Kymlicka's political theory of minority rights and show that, although Kymlicka is a strong advocate of the right of Aboriginal self-government in Canada, he fails to consider Aboriginal ways of thinking within his own political system. From an Aboriginal perspective this is not surprising. However, I claim that Kymlicka opens the conceptual space for the inclusion of Aboriginal voices. The notion of "incorporation" means that Aboriginal peoples became included in the Canadian state and in this process their Aboriginal sovereignty was extinguished. Aboriginal peoples question the legitimacy of such a claim. A consequence of the Canadian government unilaterally asserting its sovereignty over Aboriginal peoples is that Aboriginal ways of thinking are not recognized as valuable within the legal and political discourse of sovereignty. In chapters two through five, respectively, I examine the Valladolid debate of 1550 between the Spanish monk Bartolome de Las Casas and Juan Sepulveda, The Great Law of Peace of the Iroquois Confederacy, Thomas Hobbes's distinction between the state of nature and a civil society, and Alexis de Tocqueville's account of democracy in America. Each of the examples, except for The Great Law of Peace, generate a philosophical dialogue that includes judgments about Aboriginal peoples. However, none of these European thinkers considers the possibility that Aboriginal voices could play a valuable role in shaping their political thought. To show the value of an Aboriginal exemplar of political thinking I consider the Iroquois Great Law of Peace. The Iroquois view of political sovereignty respects the diversity of voices found within a political relationship. This was put into practice and enforced in early colonial northeast America until the power dynamic shifted betwe
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Gonzales, Angela D. "Social movement mobilization and hydrocarbon policy in Bolivia and Ecuador." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FGonzales.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Western Hemisphere)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.Thesis Advisor(s): Jaskoski, Maiah ; Second Reader: Trinkunas, Harold A. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 13, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Bolivia, Ecuador, indigenous, hydrocarbon, mobilization Includes bibliographical references (p. 93-99).
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Grenier, Guylaine. "Le droit des peuples autochtones à l'autonomie gouvernementale dans le contexte de l'accession du Québec à la souveraineté /." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33051.
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To date, the debate concerning the aboriginal and treaty rights of the aboriginal peoples of Quebec has focussed primarily on the assertion of the territorial integrity of Quebec on the one hand, and the assertion that those rights can prevent secession or force partition, on the other.Understanding the historical and contemporary relationship between aboriginal peoples and the governments of Canada and Quebec is necessary if a rapprochement between these adversarial positions is to be achieved.
This paper explores the legal and historical basis of aboriginal rights, focussing on self-government and the fiduciary relationship between aboriginal peoples and the Crown. It discusses international law principles under which Quebec will seek recognition as an independent state and the relevance of aboriginal rights to that recognition. Finally, it urges that the current debate provides an opportunity to establish a new partnership between Quebec and aboriginal peoples, to their mutual benefit.
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Thompson, Guy. "'Native' policy in colonial Zimbabwe, 1923-1938." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=56911.
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In the period between the granting of self-government in 1923 and 1938, the 'native' policy formulated by Europeans in colonial Zimbabwe had three dimensions. The first was a land and agricultural policy designed to restrict competition from Africans in the produce market. The second was a labour policy addressed at the chronic labour shortages in the European mining and agricultural sectors. The third was a series of control measures seeking to impede black political organization. The goals of these policies were largely achieved by 1938 due to a combination of government initiatives and the impact of the depression. Part of this success was directly due to the effects of the depression; as economic conditions improved, Africans regained some of their economic autonomy and reasserted themselves politically.
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Albert, S. M. "Medical pluralism among the indigenous peoples of Meghalaya, northeast India : implications for health policy." Thesis, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine (University of London), 2014. http://researchonline.lshtm.ac.uk/1856013/.
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Introduction: Meghalaya is a state in northeast India that has a predominantly indigenous population and an age-old system of tribal medicine. There are practitioners of this system in most villages, who use medicinal plants sourced from the state’s vast forest bio-resources. This project studied the tribal medicine of Meghalaya from three perspectives, the healer, the community and the policy maker. It locates tribal medicine within the government’s policy on medical pluralism and seeks to understand how tribal medicine of a local context fits into the national policy of the Government of India. Methods: A mixed methods study design was employed. Estimates of awareness and use of traditional medicine in the community were obtained from the analysis of a household survey. For the qualitative component tribal healers, policy makers, and influential members of the community were interviewed. A combination of in-depth interviews, observations and focus group discussions was employed in the field with healers, while in-depth interviews were the main source of data from policy actors. Qualitative data was analysed using a thematic content analysis approach that incorporated elements of the grounded theory approach. Results: The community - tribal medicine has wide acceptance across the state, 87% believed it to be efficacious and 46 % reported using it in the 3 months prior to the survey. In comparison only 31% had heard of any of the AYUSH (Ayurveda, Yoga, Unani, Siddha and Homeopathy) systems that are being promoted by the state and only 10.5% had ever used it in their lifetime. Healers - tribal healers are a heterogeneous group who treat a wide variety of ailments. Their expertise is well regarded in the community for certain ailments such as musculoskeletal disorders, but often their services were sought when patients were dissatisfied with biomedicine. For physical ailments that are culturally understood their services are often the preferred option. Their expertise niches have evolved through their interactions with, and the perceived needs of the community. 16 Policy actors – although there were some appreciative voices, several biomedical doctors and policy makers in the government department of health derided tribal medicine’s unscientific nature. In comparison other systems like Ayurveda and homeopathy were assumed to have scientific merit mainly because of institutionalisation and government recognition of these systems. The comparison with homeopathy is pertinent as its scientific credentials are being increasingly questioned in scientific literature. In contrast those outside the health department, academics, biomedical doctors and other influential members of the community favoured tribal medicine because of its widely regarded efficacy and its cultural value. Neglect of tribal medicine while promoting the imported AYUSH systems was seen as illogical and disrespectful to their culture by the latter group. Conclusions: the current policy in Meghalaya of mainstreaming AYUSH medicine is not supported by locally relevant evidence. It has led to a disproportionate increase in AYUSH doctors in the public sector. It represents a top down approach to policy formulation that ignores local realities. This study demonstrates the importance of contextualising policy to cultural milieus. It emphasises the importance of research in health system development and questions the generalising of policy in a country as diverse as India. The study illustrates the complexities, but points to the potential benefits of supporting tribal medicine in Meghalaya.
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Hirsch, Robb Young, and n/a. "Kindling tikanga environmentalism : the common ground of native culture and democratic citizenship." University of Otago. Department of Geography, 1997. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070530.150425.
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An innovative regime combining native culture and democracy in community fisheries management has crystallized in New Zealand. While researchers have looked into co-management of natural resources between communities and governments, and various studies have isolated indigenous ecologies on one hand and highlighted environmentalism in modern society on another society on another, no substantial research has gauged the opportunities for indigenous peoples and the wider citizenry of democratic-capitalistic societies to collaborate as cultures in concert with the environmental law. The primary research, involving local experimentation, concerns the viability of the novel cooperative endeavor called Taiapure-local fishery. I discovered in the principal trial communities in the North and South Islands that its design is compelling if properly understood. Yet the salience of the regime is hampered by external pressures from the commercial fishing industry, control by central government, and by internal lack of solidarity and trust. I conclude that human relationships and the leadership of local people are the keys to sucess of the New Zealand model and its wider dynamics.
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Petterson, Jonathan Cody. "All this dies with us the decline and revision of a Mestizo Gentry (Chumbivilcas, Cuzco, Peru) /." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2010. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3397779.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2010.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed April 7, 2010). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 532-658).
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Olivera, Rodríguez Inés, and Gunther Dietz. "Higher education and indigenous peoples: national contexts to place the experiences." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/112543.
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Con la intensión de ofrecer el marco de referencia para comprender y comparar las experiencias canalizadas en este número, el siguiente texto presenta la situación de los jóvenes indígenas en la educación superior en México y Perú. Esta descripción contextual ha sido construida desde la comprensión de que todo lo avanzado en esta materia ha sido el resultado de procesos de configuración de una demanda, su traducción como política pública y su re-traducción en la gestión, aplicación o uso de la misma. De esta forma, el texto presenta los casos de México y Perú en dos ejes: la formulación de la demanda y la construcción de la oferta de educación superior intercultural o para pueblos indígenas.In order to provide a contextual frame to understand and to compare the experiences analyzed in this issue, this introductory text presents the situation indigenous youth is facing in higher education in Mexico and Peru. This contextual presentation has been shaped by our conviction that what has been achieved is a result of a larger process of indigenous struggles and claims, their translation into public policy and its implementation inside higher education institutions. Accordingly, this text introduces the cases of Mexico and Peru through two dimensions: the emergence of the specific claims, on the one hand, and the respective construction of intercultural higher education for indigenous people, on the other hand.
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Green, Deirdre. "Engagement and Innovation in Criminal Justice: Case Studies of Relations between Indigenous Groups and Government Agencies." Thesis, Griffith University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366272.
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This research aims to draw attention to the way government and Indigenous groups engage in community settings and explores the potential of this sphere of political activity as a source of innovation and reform.
Indigenous people have many good ideas about managing crime and justice in their communities, but what happens to those ideas when they are presented to an agency of the criminal justice system? To investigate the fate of Indigenous ideas and how they might be progressed through western bureaucracies, I conducted four case studies – two in New Zealand and two in the Australian state of Queensland – that represent examples of what occurs when government and Indigenous groups come together to develop a local crime and justice project. This thesis presents an empirical record of the events in each case, a comparative analysis of what occurred and my hypothesis of what might be likely to occur in other similar cases.
I found that Indigenous leaders responded to government projects by challenging the government’s intentions, venting their anger, hijacking the agenda and contesting the projects’ assumptions. My analysis of the policy background to the cases shows that although governments currently favour community ‘capacity building’ strategies, these policies mistakenly assume that Indigenous communities are capacity deficient. Indigenous leaders tend to interpret policies that encourage devolved decision-making arrangements as government support for self-determination, and ‘whole of government’ strategies continue to disappoint because the public sector is unable to coordinate its resources. Instead, successful local projects often depend on the accidental convergence of a good idea, a committed and enthusiastic leadership, some degree of political will and sufficient resources. To maximise these opportunities for reform, bureaucrats need to feel comfortable in the ‘community space’, to learn to operate within the Indigenous domain and be willing to put Indigenous ideas into practice.
The thesis concludes that Indigenous communities are highly capable of developing reform projects and effective forms of governance on Indigenous terms, but government actors are often unsure of how to utilise the expertise of Indigenous people. Effective Indigenous leaders are experts in the history, conditions and aspirations of their communities. They are also experts in the practice of consensus decision-making, can mobilise community support for a good idea and have learned to negotiate with unresponsive and uncoordinated government agencies. When government and Indigenous groups are willing to engage, and each acknowledges the potential contribution of the other, then there is potential for a new way forward in the relationship between government agencies and Indigenous people.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Criminology and Criminal Justice
Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences
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Olberding, Elizabeth Claire. "REDD+ and Costa Rica, another form of colonialism and commodification of natural resources? An indigenous perspective." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/83931.
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The primary objective of the international initiative, Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+), is to conserve carbon by protecting forests and/or planting trees. The World Bank's Forest Partnership Carbon Facility (FPCF) introduced the REDD+ program to Costa Rica in 2008 and consultation with key stakeholders has been ongoing since. The major participants involved in the program include small landowners, representatives of the timber industry, and indigenous nations. Notwithstanding some native groups' opposition to and misunderstanding of the REDD+ program, the Costa Rican government signed an agreement with the World Bank (WB) in 2013 guaranteeing the sale of up to $63 million in carbon credits through the REDD+ program (World Bank, 2013). The government of Costa Rica has plans to continue implementing the initiative, despite the intense opposition of a number of Bribris, an indigenous group located in Talamanca in the eastern portion of the country near the border with Panama. The Bribri are also the largest native population in Costa Rica. This inquiry samples indigenous peoples' perspectives, specifically the Bribris from Talamanca and the Ngäbes from Abrojos Montezuma, concerning key elements of the REDD+ program to understand more fully why they perceive the program the way they do. The principal findings of this study concerning those views include the following: the government has violated indigenous people's rights throughout the REDD+ implementation process, many interview respondents remarked that they lacked information about REDD+, feared privatization of their land, and were opposed to the initiative's commodification of natural resources. These results illuminate key policy and implementation concerns that could inform government and World Bank policy, while also providing study participants an opportunity to exercise individual agency concerning the topic. This research contributes to the growing body of literature about REDD+ by providing the first-hand perceptions of members of Costa Rican indigenous communities of the initiative and their stated reasons for those views.Master of Urban and Regional Planning
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Tiba, Makhosini Michael. "Indigenous African concept of a leader as reflected in selected African novels." Thesis, University of Limpopo (Turfloop Campus), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/980.
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Thesis (M.A. (English Studies)) --University of Limpopo, 2012The mini dissertation seeks to explore the positive and negative qualities of an indigenous African leader as presented in a variety of oral texts including folktales, proverbs and praise poems as well as in the African novels of Mhudi, Maru, Things Fall Apart and Petals of Blood in order to deduce an indigenous African concept of a leader. This research is motivated by the fact that although researchers and academics worldwide acknowledge that it is very difficult to objectively define and discuss the terms ‘leader’ and ‘indigenous leader’ yet many tend to dismiss offhand such indigenous concepts of leadership as ubuntu as primitive, barbaric and irrelevant to modern institutions without examining them in detail.
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Begg, Anne, and n/a. "Bicultural nationhood in the bonds of capital." University of Otago. Department of Communication Studies, 2006. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070508.142710.
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This thesis approaches the issue of bicultural nationhood as articulated through a Maori/Pakeha binary in Aotearoa/New Zealand by interrogating the deeply entrenched social forms that inform liberal democracy and that institutionalize capitalism in the modern nation-state. More specifically, it explores the concepts of �self-governing people�, �public sphere� and �free market� as three forms of collective agency that discursively construct �society� within the social imaginary and that interact to set the terms of democratic citizenship. Central to this discussion is the indigenous/non-indigenous binary constituting biculturalism and the manifestation of �indigeneity� as both unassimilable difference in the project of modernity and as political struggle for recognition and power. This study elaborates through the mediated texts of the mediasphere and argues that there is a constant relation between nation, culture and class wherein culture-as-difference provides a framework for masking class struggle in capitalist relations of production as well as for enabling the dominant group to discursively construct their own ethnicity as national cultural identity.
What is at stake in this discussion is the contrast between cultural difference as it emerges in the performance of everyday life and as reaction to issues of economic marginalization and cultural difference as it is contrived by the nation-state in terms of a Maori/Pakeha binary. The aim of this thesis is to highlight the necessity of difference in cultural identified, labeled and marketed as a fixed concept, but is an ephemeral by-product of ongoing social struggle for survival, recognition and political power. The objective is to undercut current ideological propositions and demand a just, equitable and democratic approach to the conceptualization of nationhood in Aotearoa/New Zealand.
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Parter, Carmen. "Decolonising public health policies: Rightfully giving effect to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’ knowledges and cultures of ways of being, knowing and doing in public health policies." Thesis, University of Sydney, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/24415.
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This thesis details how the current health system consistently fails to incorporate Indigenous ways of knowing, being and doing. Using the Intervention Level Framework and the 3Es (enact, embed, and enable), the thesis demonstrates the ongoing coloniality and systemic racism of Indigenous public health policymaking and health systems in Australia. The research cogently demonstrates the need for greater self-determination and control of Indigenous affairs by Indigenous people, the necessity of privileging Indigenous voices, and Indigenous control, direction, and co-design a public policy-making, and the requirement to disrupt, deconstruct and decolonise Western knowledges and cultures of ways of being knowing and doing in order to move beyond colonial imperialist traumatic approaches to Indigenous public health policy which continue to this day.
The research provides identifiable and concrete leverage points in the system which can be used to transform those racialized rules and norms to achieve sustainable transformational systemic, organisational and individual change such as legislation, statutory bodies and government commitments underpinned by the need to overcome deep-seated resistance to changing status quo mindsets and beliefs in order to address Indigenous oppression and disadvantage and implement Indigenous culture once it has been incorporated into a public policy.
The findings fundamentally call for a turning away from white possessive logics and willingness to deeply listen with an open heart and open mind in genuine partnership with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people so as to decolonise and Indigenise health systems and policy-making, including non-Indigenous people and governments being held to account and relinquishing power and control over Indigenous affairs in favour of localised place-based community-led approaches based on relatedness, connectivity, respect, reciprocity, reverence and responsibility.
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Conceiç̧ão, Ana Maria Romão Wamir da. "Government environmental education programmes and campaigns (EEPCs) in Mozambique the role of indigenous knowledge and practices /." Pretoria : [s.n.], 2006. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-10022007-115810/.
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Daniel, Lakshmi Kiran. "Privilege and policy : the indigenous elite and the colonial education system in Ceylon 1912-1948." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:652d093a-bcd6-49ca-aa17-787cd251e4c3.
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The development of educational policies in colonial Ceylon has hitherto been examined from the perspective of either the government or missionary agencies. The role of the indigenous elite in this process has not received the attention it deserves, but merely treated as a peripheral theme. This thesis attempts to redress the imbalance by focusing on the interaction between elite initiatives and the growth of cultural nationalism as key factors in the formulation of educational policy. The many dimensions of the elite's concern with educational policy are explored. The nature of their involvement and their contribution over time are the central themes of the present study. Newspapers, contemporary journals, various school magazines, the writings of the elite themselves and transcripts of debates in the Legislative and State Councils provide an insight into the public and private opinion of the English educated Ceylonese. Chapter one sketches the social background of colonial Ceylon. It describes the plural composition of the population and highlights the importance of language and religion as components of plurality. It also identifies the economic and educational opportunities through which elite status could be acquired. The form and content of education are similarly discussed. Chapter two describes the formulation of government policy and the early contributions of the indigenous leaders. Particular attention is paid to two issues - language and the administration of schools - which emerged as problems crucial to Ceylon's educational structure under colonial rule. Chapter three traces the organizational and individual responses of the upper strata in local society to education as shaped by growing cultural nationalism. The issues of language and religion now assumed a greater degree of political significance. New techniques of opposition, including the establishment of schools and cultural associations on Buddhist, Hindu and Muslim denominational lines, are analyzed in this chapter. In chapter four the repercussions of universal franchise in the educational field are assessed. The increasing political and social aspirations of the masses became the catalyst for action on the part of the leaders, as did the ethnic and caste antagonisms that had surfaced as potentially powerful factors. In chapter five, further political developments that induced the leadership to take a bold step forward - the construction of a free and egalitarian system of education - are examined. How elite competition emerged as a determinant of policy implementation is also discussed. This thesis concludes that while knowledge of English remained the sine qua non for the acquisition and preservation of status, the response of the privileged social group to educational problems in the face of increasing political challenges was to ensure that the availability to the masses of an education, albeit a vernacular education remained secure.
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Choate, Peter W. "Assessment of parental capacity for child protection : methodological, cultural and ethical considerations in respect of indigenous peoples." Thesis, Kingston University, 2018. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/42579/.
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Parenting capacity assessments (PCA) have been used in the child intervention system in Canada since at least the 1970s. They are used in other Western jurisdictions including the United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand and the United States. There is a relatively large literature that considers the ways in which these assessments might be conducted. This thesis, drawing upon the prior work of the candidate, seeks to show that, despite widespread use, the PCA is a colonial methodology that should not be used with Indigenous peoples of Canada. The PCA draws upon Eurocentric understandings of parenting, definitions of minimal or good enough parenting, definitions of family and community as well as the use of methods that have neither been developed nor normed with Indigenous peoples. Using critical theory, particularly "Red Pedagogy" which is rooted in an Indigenous lens, the PCA is deconstructed to examine applicability to Indigenous populations of Canada, and potentially other populations that do not fit a Eurocentric understanding of family and parenting. Implications for clinical practice with Indigenous peoples are drawn which may have relevance for other populations.
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Ward, Damen Andrew. "The politics of jurisdiction : 'British' law, indigenous peoples and colonial government in South Australia and New Zealand, c.1834-60." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289016.
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Lavoie, Manon 1975. "The need fo a principled framework to effectively negotiate and implement the aboriginal right to self-government in Canada /." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=78221.
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The aim of this thesis is to reveal the need for a principled framework that would establish an effective implementation of the aboriginal peoples' right to self-government in Canada. In recent decades, many agreements instituting the right to self-government of First Nations have been concluded between the federal and provincial governments and aboriginal peoples. It then becomes important to evaluate the attempts of the two existing orders of government and the courts of Canada as regards the right to self-government and assess the potential usefulness of the two's efforts at defining and implementing the right. Firstly, the importance and legitimacy of the right to self-government is recognized through its beginnings in the human right norm of self-determination in international law to the establishment of the right in Canadian domestic law. Secondly, an evaluation of the principal attempts, on behalf of the governments and the courts, to give meaning and scope to the aboriginal right to self-government, which culminate in the conclusion of modern agreements, reveals their many inefficiencies and the need for a workable and concrete alternative. Lastly, the main lacunae of the negotiation process, the main process by which the right is concluded and implemented, and the use of the courts to determine the scope and protection of the right to self-government, are revealed. An analysis of European initiatives to entrench the right to self-government, mainly the European Charter of Self-Government and its established set of principles that guide the creation of self-government agreements, are also used in order to propose a viable option for the establishment of a principled framework for the aboriginal right to self-government in Canada.
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Kopas, Paul Sheldon. "Self-government in Europe and Canada : a comparison of selected cases." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28093.
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Efforts to clarify aboriginal rights in Canada have centered around the demand by aboriginal people for a constitutionally entrenched right to self-government but the substance and character of that form of government are not defined.
Comparative political studies have sought to identify possible features of self-government from other political systems. This study observes that in several European countries there are regions with high degrees of local autonomy then compares them to existing Canadian developments, endeavoring to see what might be learned. From Denmark, the Faroe Islands, and from the British Isles, the Isle of Man and Guernsey, are compared with the James Bay Cree (Quebec) and the Sechelt Band (British Columbia) self-governments and the proposed Territory of Nunavut in Canada.
Material was gathered from the literature, from telephone interviews with administrators in the three European jurisdictions, and from personal interviews in Canada.
The nascent Canadian experience with self-government includes many of the features of self-government in the European cases and leads to some optimism. Important issues in Canada such as the multitude of cases and the paucity of resources in some aboriginal communities require further study.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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SIMON, MICHAEL PAUL PATRICK. "INDIGENOUS PEOPLES IN DEVELOPED FRAGMENT SOCIETIES: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF INTERNAL COLONIALISM IN THE UNITED STATES, CANADA AND NORTHERN IRELAND." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/183996.
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The purpose of this dissertation was to compare British policy towards Ireland/Northern Ireland and United States and Canadian Indian policies. Despite apparent differences, it was hypothesized that closer examination would reveal significant similarities. A conceptual framework was provided by the utilization of Hartzian fragment theory and the theory of internal colonialism. Eighteen research questions and a series of questions concerned with the applicability of the theoretical constructs were tested using largely historical data and statistical indices of social and economic development. The research demonstrated that Gaelic-Irish and North American Indian societies came under pressure from, and were ultimately subjugated by colonizing fragments marked by their high level of ideological cohesiveness. In the Irish case the decisive moment was the Ulster fragmentation of the seventeenth century which set in juxtaposition a defiant, uncompromising, zealously Protestant, "Planter" community and an equally defiant, recalcitrant, native Gaelic-Catholic population. In the United States traditional Indian society was confronted by a largely British-derived, single-fragment regime which was characterized by a profound sense of mission and an Indian policy rooted in its liberal ideology. In Canada the clash between two competing settler fragments led to the victory of the British over the French, and the pursuit of Indian policies based on many of the same premises that underlay United States policies. The indigenous populations in each of the cases under consideration suffered enormous loss of land, physical and cultural destruction, racial discrimination, economic exploitation and were stripped of their political independence. They responded through collective violence, by the formation of cultural revitalization movements, and by intense domestic and international lobbying. They continue to exist today as internal colonies of the developed fragment states within which they are subsumed.
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Hassan, Syeda Kanwal. "An analysis of Pakistan's foreign policy towards Peoples Republic of China : a strengthening alignment (2005 onwards)." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2019. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/643.
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The problem driving this research stems from the lack of a systematic and theoretically, informed framework to identify the dynamics of Pakistan is strengthening alignment with China. Pakistan developed close defence and strategic ties with China during the Cold War period as both states balanced against a common adversary i.e. India. However, Pakistan has attempted to bolster and expand its' links with China in the aftermath of U.S. military presence in Afghanistan due to a host of regional and global developments that widened the cracks and increased the mistrust that has existed between Pakistan and U.S. This study hypothesises that Pakistan has maintained a policy of alignment with China prior to 2005 however; from 2005 onwards, Pakistan has attempted to diversify its scope of relations with China as in response to external changes and circumstances in the geopolitical and geo-economic sphere. Therefore, the objective of this research is to analyse why Pakistan has attempted to strengthen its' alignment towards China from 2005 onwards. The existing literature on the subject is outdated, rigorously descriptive and is void of conceptual connections. To address these gaps; this research adopts a theoretical framework of analysis that is informed by neoclassical realist theory of foreign policy analysis to help analyse Pakistan's China policy. This framework offers a two-level analysis of Pakistan's behaviour. The independent variable is the set of system-level drivers such as international power relations, external threat perceptions and international economic interdependencies. The intervening variable, which affects the way Pakistan's decision-makers perceive the system-level developments, is the strategic culture at the unit level. This study suggests that the principle driver of Pakistan's accelerated alignment policy towards China during this period is Pakistan's perceptions of international systemic/structure drivers, which are; the external developments that have occurred in its region. In addition, how Pakistan perceives those external developments is determined by its' strategic culture; which an intervening role. The strategic culture, the author argues, is dominated by Pakistan's distrust of India and, it narrowly confines the idea of Pakistan's national interest to military security whilst neglecting the economic aspect of it. The thesis finds that Pakistan has actively tried to cultivate a broader and robust relationship with China to limit its' dependency on U.S. for strategic, economic and diplomatic support. Pakistan has become increasingly sceptic of the U.S. for its carrots-and-stick approach towards Pakistan. Whereas China has enabled Pakistan to continue in its' revisionist agendas which to some extent are tolerable for China. It finds that growth in China's economic and military power has provided Pakistan with an alternate patron from whom it can procure weapons, conventional and non-conventional and it can seek financial support. This study also finds that although there is evidence of a deeper relationship beyond the traditional security-centric one, however; it is developing into more of a client-patron relationship, given, that Pakistan is increasingly becoming a country highly indebted to China.
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Wildcat, Daniel R. Peroff Nicholas C. "Indigenizing American Indian policy finding the place of American Indian education /." Diss., UMK access, 2006.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Henry W. Bloch School of Business and Public Administration. University of Missouri--Kansas City, 2006."A dissertation in public affairs and administration and social science." Advisor: Nicholas Peroff. Typescript. Vita. Title from "catalog record" of the print edition Description based on contents viewed Jan. 29, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 201-216). Online version of the print edition.
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Aldrich, Rosemary Public Health & Community Medicine Faculty of Medicine UNSW. "Flesh-coloured bandaids: politics, discourse, policy and the health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples 1972-2001." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Public Health and Community Medicine, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/27276.
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This thesis concerns the relationship between ideology, values, beliefs, politics, language, discourses, public policy and health outcomes. By examining the origins of federal health policy concerning Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples 1972-2001 I have explored the idea that the way a problem is constructed through language determines solutions enacted to solve that problem, and subsequent outcomes. Despite three decades of federal policy activity Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children born at the start of the 21st Century could expect to live almost 20 years less than non-Indigenous Australians. Explanations for the gap include that the colonial legacy of dispossession and disease continues to wreak social havoc and that both health policy and structures for health services have been fundamentally flawed. The research described in this thesis focuses on the role of senior Federal politicians in the health policy process. The research is grounded in theory which suggests that the values and beliefs of decision makers are perpetuated through language. Using critical discourse analysis the following hypotheses were tested: 1. That an examination of the language of Federal politicians responsible for the health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples over three decades would reveal their beliefs, values and discourses concerning Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples and their health 2. That the discourses of the Federal politicians contributed to policy discourses and frames in the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health policy environment, and 3. That there is a relationship between the policy discourses of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health policy environment and health outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples. The hypotheses were proven. I concluded that there was a relationship between the publicly-expressed values and beliefs of politicians responsible for health, subsequent health policy and resulting health outcomes. However, a model in which theories of discourse, social constructions of people and problems, policy development and organisational decision-making were integrated did not adequately explain the findings. I developed the concept of "policy imagination" to explain the discrete mechanism by which ideology, politics, policy and health were related. My research suggests that the ideology and values which drove decision-making by Federal politicians responsible for the health of all Australians contributed to the lack of population-wide improvement in health outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples in the late 20th Century.
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Lou, Yin-yee, and 劉燕儀. "An analysis of the small house policy in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2011. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B46781687.
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Truffin, Barbara. "Représentations et pratiques du "Droit" en Amazonie équatorienne: la garantie constitutionnelle des droits des peuples indigènes en contexte." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211099.
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Ribeiro, Tereza Cristina. "Povos indígenas em negoçiação e conflito: movimento indígena e governo Lula da Silva (2003-2006)." Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, 2013. http://repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/18819.
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Este trabalho reúne um relato de experiências em diálogo com a proposição teórica de vários autores que tem como tema geral o relacionamento entre povos indígenas e o estado brasileiro em conflito e negociação na construção de uma política indigenista estatal. Os índios e índias, a partir da constituição das organizações e entidades de seu movimento social, seja em níveis local, regional e nacional, elaboraram conceituações e ações políticas que se tornaram referências para a investigação social e acadêmica. Ao mesmo tempo, a organização estatal referendou-se na sua tradição de pensamento e ação sobre os índios, herança dos tempos coloniais, onde as populações originárias padeciam sob a tutela do estado, por serem consideradas incapazes de pensar, tomar decisões, ou seja, eram desprovidas de cidadania plena. The present work brings together a narrative of experiences in dialogue with the theoretical propositions of several authors whose general theme of the relationship between indigenous peoples and the Brazilian state in conflict and negotiation seeking to build an indigenous public policy. Indigenous men and women, from the creation of the organizations and bodies of their social movement, whether at local, regional and national levels, developed concepts, policies and actions that have become benchmarks for social and academic research. At the same time, the state organization endorsed itself on its tradition of thought and action about indigenous peoples and communities, an inheritage of colonial times in which native populations suffered under the tutelage of the state, due to them being considered unable to think, make decisions, or in other words, were deprived of full citizenship.
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Elfving, Sanna Katariina. "The European Union's animal welfare policy and indigenous peoples' rights : the case of Inuit and seal hunting in Arctic Canada and Greenland." Thesis, University of Surrey, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.656320.
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This thesis investigates whether the European Union (EU) achieves a fair balance between the protection of seals and the rights of indigenous peoples to engage in their traditional economic activities. It does this in the context of the EU legislation on trade in seal products, which imposes a sale and import ban on products from commercial seal hunts, but exempts indigenous peoples from its scope. Despite this exemption, Inuit of Canada have been unable to access the EU market under the legislation. In this thesis, it is argued that the balance is fair, if the EU legislation recognises and respects the rights under the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples; does not impose a disproportionate restriction on the right of indigenous peoples to engage in the commercial exploitation of seal products; is consistent with the EU's obligations under international trade agreements in that it does not discriminate against products of Inuit origin from Canada as opposed to those from Greenland; and results in improved animal welfare outside the EU. In order to assess what the concept of 'fair balance' may mean in the context of the EU seal products legislation, this thesis examines three specific legal tests balancing human rights and societal interests. The thesis concludes that despite the EU's arguments to contrary, the balance is unfair due to the de facto discrimination against products originating Inuit regions of Canada.
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Ramos, Howard. "Divergent paths : aboriginal mobilization in Canada, 1951-2000." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84541.
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My dissertation focuses on the rise and spread of Aboriginal mobilization in Canada between 1951 and 2000. Using social movement and social-political theories, it questions the relationship between contentious actions and formal organizational growth comparing among social movement and political sociological perspectives. In most accounts, contentious action is assumed to be influenced by organization, political opportunity and identity. Few scholars, however, have examined the reverse relationships, namely the effect of contentious action on each of these. Drawing upon time-series data and qualitative interviews with Aboriginal leaders and representatives of organizations, I found that critical events surrounding moments of federal state building prompted contentious action, which then sparked mobilization among Aboriginal communities. I argue that three events: the 1969 White paper, the 1982 patriation of the Constitution, and the 1990 'Indian Summer' led to mass mobilization and the semblance of an emerging PanAboriginal identity. This finding returns to older collective behaviour perspectives, which note that organizations, opportunities, and identities are driven by triggering actions and shared experiences that produce emerging norms. Nevertheless, in the case of Canadian Aboriginal mobilization, unlike that of Indigenous movements in other countries, building a movement on triggering actions led to mass mobilization but was not sustainable because of a saturation of efficacy. As a result, Aboriginal mobilization in Canada has been characterized by divergent interests and unsustained contention.
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Rodriguez, Fernandez Gisela Victoria. "Reproduciendo Otros Mundos: Indigenous Women's Struggles Against Neo-Extractivism and the Bolivian State." PDXScholar, 2019. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5094.
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Latin America is in a political crisis, yet Bolivia is still widely recognized as a beacon of hope for progressive change. The radical movements at the beginning of the 21st century against neoliberalism that paved the road for the election of Bolivia's first indigenous president, Evo Morales, beckoned a change from colonial rule towards a more just society. Paradoxically, in pursuing progress through economic growth, the Bolivian state led by President Morales has replicated the colonial division of labor through a development model known as neo-extractivism. Deeply rooted tensions have also emerged between indigenous communities and the Bolivian state due to the latter's zealous economic bond with the extractivist sector.
Although these paradoxes have received significant attention, one substantial aspect that remains underexplored and undertheorized is how such tensions affect socio-political relations at the intersections of class, race and gender where indigenous women in Bolivia occupy a unique position. To address this research gap, this qualitative study poses the following research questions: 1. How does neo-extractivism affect the lives of indigenous women? 2. How does the state shape relations between neo-extractivism and indigenous women? 3. How do indigenous women organize to challenge the impact of state-led extractivism on their lives and their communities? To answer these questions, I conducted a multi-sited ethnographic study between October 2017 and June 2018 in Oruro, Bolivia, an area that is heavily affected by mining contamination. By analyzing processes of social reproduction, I argue that neo-extractivism leads to water contamination and water scarcity, becoming the epicenter of the deterioration of subsistence agriculture and the dispossession of indigenous ways of life. Because indigenous women are subsistence producers and social reproducers whose activities depend on water, the dispossession of water has a dire effect on them, which demonstrates how capitalism relies on and exacerbates neo-colonial and patriarchal relations.
To tame dissent to these contradictions, the Bolivian and self-proclaimed "indigenist state" defines and politicizes ethnicity in order to build a national identity based on indigeneity. This state-led ethnic inclusion, however, simultaneously produces class exclusions of indigenous campesinxs (peasants) who are not fully engaged in market relations. In contrast to the government's inclusive but rigidly-defined indigeneity, indigenous communities embrace a fluid and dual indigeneity: one that is connected to territories, yet also independent from them; a rooted indigeneity based on the praxis of what it means to be indigenous. Indigenous women and their communities embrace this fluid and rooted indigeneity to build alliances across gender, ethnic, and geographic lines to organize against neo-extractivism. Moreover, the daily responsibilities of social reproduction within the context of subsistence agriculture, which are embedded in Andean epistemes of reciprocity, duality, and complementarity, have allowed indigenous women to build solidarity networks that keep the social fabric within, and between, communities alive. These solidarity networks are sites of everyday resistances that represent a threat and an alternative to capitalist, colonial and patriarchal mandates.
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Vujcich, Daniel Ljubomir. "Where there is no evidence, and where evidence is not enough : an analysis of policy-making to reduce the prevalence of Australian indigenous smoking." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f2d8fbe9-b506-4747-993a-0657cb1df7bf.
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Background: Evidence-based policy making (EBPM) has become an article of faith. While critiques have begun to emerge, they are predominately based on theory or opinion. This thesis uses the 2008 case study of tobacco control policy making for Indigenous Australians to analyse empirically the concept of EBPM. Research questions: (1) How, if at all, did the Government use evidence in Indigenous tobacco control policy making? (2) What were the facilitators of and barriers to the use of evidence? (3) Does the case study augment or challenge the apparent inviolability of EBPM? Methods: Data were collected through: (1) a review of primary documents largely obtained under the Freedom of Information Act 1982; and (2) interviews with senior politicians, senior bureaucrats, government advisors, Indigenous health advocates and academics. Results: Historically, Indigenous smoking was not problematised because Indigenous people faced other urgent health/social problems and smoking was considered a coping mechanism. High prevalence data acquired salience in 2007/08 in the context of a campaign to reduce disparities between Indigenous and non-Indigenous health outcomes. Ensuing policy proposals were based on recommendations from literature reviews, but evidence contained in those reviews was weak; notwithstanding this, the proposals were adopted. Historical experiences led policy makers to give special weight to proposals supported by Indigenous stakeholders. Moreover, the perceived urgency of the problem was cited to justify a trial-and-evaluate approach. Conclusion: While the policies were not based on quality evidence, their formulation/adoption was neither irrational nor reckless. Rather, the process was a justifiable response to a pressing problem affecting a population for which barriers existed to data collection, and historical experiences meant that evidence was not the only determinant of policy success. The thesis proposes a more nuanced appraoch to conceptualising EBPM wherein evidence is neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition for policy. The approach recognises that rigorous evidence is always desirable but that, where circumstances affect the ability of such research being conducted, consideration must be given to acting on the basis of other knowledge (e.g. expert opinion, small-scale studies). Such an approach is justifiable where: (1) inaction is likely to lead to new/continued harm; and (2) there is little/no prospect of the intervention causing additional harm. Under this approach, non-evidentiary considerations (e.g. community acceptability) must be taken into account.
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Lea, Teresa Sue. "Between the pen and the paperwork : a native ethnography of learning to govern indigenous health in the Northern Territory." Thesis, University of Sydney, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1891.
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Macdonald, Mary Ellen 1969. "Hearing (unheard) voices : aboriginal experiences of mental health policy in Montreal." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84525.
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The focus of this dissertation is the mental health experiences of Aboriginal people in Montreal as they interface with health policy, and lack thereof, for this population.Drawing on anthropological fieldwork from Montreal, Eastern Quebec, and Ontario, this thesis endeavours to unravel the jurisdictional tapestry that Aboriginal clients must negotiate when seeking services in Montreal. Using an ethnographic methodology, this project provides an understanding of the ordering of health services for Aboriginal clients from street-level to policy offices.
This thesis draws on three theoretical areas (theories of illness, aboriginality, and public policy) to explicate four themes that emerge from the data. Analysis moves along a continuum between the illness experience and the macro-social determinants of politics and bureaucracy that impact the health of the individual as well as support and organize systems of care.
Discussion of Theme #1 (evolution of mental health and wellness categories in health theory, policy and practice) and Theme #2 ( the culture concept in health policy) demonstrates that despite the progressive evolution of concepts in health theory and policy, Aboriginal people generally do not find services in Montreal that provide culturally-sensitive, holistic care. Discussion of Theme #3 (barriers to wellness created by jurisdiction) argues that jurisdictional barriers prevent clients' access to even the most basic and rudimentary services and that such barriers can actually disable and increase distress. Discussion of Theme #4 ( Aboriginal-specific services) looks at the pros and cons of creating an Aboriginal-specific health centre in Montreal.
Together, these four themes show that understanding Aboriginal people in Montreal requires contextualizing their embodied experience within the colonial history and institutional racism which characterizes many healthcare interactions, and clarifying the bureaucracy that complicates the search for well-being. Montreal's Aboriginal problematic is located in a system characterized by entrenched bureaucracy, jurisdictional complexity and injustice, these elements mapping onto Aboriginal reality with serious repercussions for individual identity and well-being.
Hearing the voices of Aboriginal people in Montreal as they seek out care for mental health problems requires the resolution of jurisdictional and policy clashes that currently silence their suffering. This thesis endeavours to advance this crucial social agenda.
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Parminter, Terry Graham. "An examination of the use of a human behaviour model for natural resource policy design and implementation by government (central and regional) agencies." The University of Waikato, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2638.
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In recent years, one of the most significant pieces of environmental legislation in New Zealand has been the Resource Management Act (New Zealand Government 1991) that has empowered local government agencies to manage the use of natural resources in their regions. Three Government Departments have been responsible for developing policies directly relating to the use of natural resources in New Zealand. The Department of Conservation has been mainly concerned with the management of natural resources on public land. The Ministry for the Environment has particularly addressed environmental policy issues of national significance. The Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry has worked with New Zealand's agricultural, horticultural and forestry industries to encourage sustainable resource use and development for the benefit of all New Zealanders. In general, local and central government agencies carrying out policy analyses have drawn upon highly goal driven theories such as Rational Choice or Incremental Policy Theories or alternatively they have applied more loosely framed theories such as Systems Policy Thinking or Garbage Can Theory. Policy formulation and instrument selection may have been based upon instrumentalist, proceduralist, contingentist or constitutivist selection criteria, depending upon the assumed influence of peoples' behavioural and social contexts in addition to the technical characteristics of the tools themselves. However, there has been a limited range of policy theories to guide the integration of policy analysis, and formulation and operational planning into a management strategy for effective policy delivery. Such theories would have assisted policy agencies to identify the human and social behaviours most closely related to policy issues and to better match policies to differences in the political and social context of each of the issues that they were dealing with. In academic articles a number of behaviour models from social psychology have been used to explain and predict human behaviour. One of those, the Theory of Reasoned Action (TRA) has a long history of use in research and application. It has been adapted to suit the needs of policy makers in human health, marketing, and education. Applications of the TRA have been reported to have achieved coefficients of determination for behaviour of on average, 53% in one study and 71% in another. Some of the modified models based upon the Theory such as the Theory of Planned Behaviour, have in themselves been able to make additional contributions to peoples' understanding of how to explain and predict human behaviour in more complex situations. In this report, unless otherwise stated, references to the TRA are inclusive of all associated models, such as the Theory of Planned Behaviour. This thesis has examined the application of the Theory of Reasoned Action in the formulation of environmental policy. Five research questions were considered. 1. Could a human behaviour model based upon the Theory of Reasoned Action be developed sufficiently for environmental policy makers to explain landowner behaviour associated with managing indigenous vegetation? 2. How well could the social psychology model of human behaviour based upon the TRA have predicted public responses to a policy programme? 3. How well could the social psychology model of human behaviour based upon the TRA have distinguished between the policy-intervention needs of different stakeholder groups? 4. How much have peoples' values, attitudes and beliefs affected their behaviour? 5. What would be the immediate antecedents to peoples' behaviour and how have they led to behaviour change? This has been a quantitative study to develop and test models of human behaviour specific to the preservation of indigenous vegetation. Three data sets were compared from surveys of peoples' bush protection behaviour, the establishment of indigenous woodlots and the protection and planting of riparian areas with indigenous vegetation. The results from the analyses have shown that accounting for peoples' intentions could have been used to improve the estimates of peoples' use of policy-desired practices. The coefficients of determination in multivariate equations to predict peoples' natural resource behaviour based upon non-specific (external) variables, varied between 3 - 10%. By including intentions in the models, the level of explanation increased to 10 - 17%. The results may have been lower than expected from other examples in the literature due to poorly specified measures of behaviour relative to the measures used for intentions. When it came to estimating intentions (rather than the actual behaviours), the TRA variables in regression equations achieved coefficients of determination of 55 - 75% and these provided a measure of how well the underlying values, attitudes and beliefs could have given policy makers an understanding of peoples' behaviour. Comparing the beliefs of people with high and low intentions to perform the behaviours, clear differences have been identified that could have been the basis of policy strategies for behaviour change. After analysing and considering these examples, this thesis has argued that the TRA could be used in the future to provide policy agencies with an increased level of understanding of human behaviour and so enable them to formulate policy interventions for achieving predictable levels of behaviour change.
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Patrick, Michele Colleen. "'CLOSING THE GAP' Negotiating Alignment with Australia's First Peoples. A Comparative Discourse Analysis of the 2017 speeches presented by Australian Political Leaders." Thesis, Griffith University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/378152.
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In Australia, Closing the Gap is a highly profiled federal government policy aimed at closing the gap of disadvantage between Australia’s First Peoples and non-Indigenous Australians. This policy comprises of a yearly report providing statistical data addressing the progress of the initiative. As a significant parliamentary contribution towards the ideology of reconciliation in Australia, political leaders present a national address that responds to the statistical data of the report. This thesis presents a com-bined discourse analysis of the speeches presented in 2017, by Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull and Leader of the Opposition Bill Shorten. Being a political discourse analy-sis, it focuses on the language features used by Australian political leaders to support their political ideology. Michèle Koven (2002) presented a model that explained how political leaders align (or misalign) themselves with other social actors. This research will adapt that model to identify how these leaders position themselves ideologically through their Closing the Gap speeches. Then by using critical discourse analysis, it will also present a typology of discursive strategies used in such political discourses, when negotiating an ideological alignment with Australia’s First Peoples. These two approaches will be further justified with two more supporting analyses. This compara-tive analysis contributes to a clearer understanding of how political language is used in Australia. Additionally, it contributes to the surprisingly minimal literature related to Australian political discourse analysis surrounding Indigenous issues, reconciliation and the Closing the Gap policy itself. By analysing such political speeches, reflection,
engagement and empowerment then have the capacity to influence institutionalised
notions of racism, poverty and class-consciousness with the view to rectifying them.Thesis (Masters)
Master of Arts Research (MARes)
School of Hum, Lang & Soc Sc
Arts, Education and Law
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Limerick, Michael. "What Makes an Aboriginal Council Successful? Case Studies of Aboriginal Community Government Performance in Far North Queensland." Thesis, Griffith University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367186.
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Improving Aboriginal community governance is increasingly recognised as pivotal to closing the gap in social and economic outcomes between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australians. The past decade has seen a shift in Indigenous policy from a preoccupation with national governance structures and a broader human rights agenda to a focus on governments engaging directly with local Indigenous communities to address the specific manifestations of Indigenous disadvantage. In discrete Aboriginal settlements, community governments are central to this new strategy, both as advocates for community needs and as agencies for program and service delivery. Yet Aboriginal Councils have had a chequered history, leading to persistent misgivings about their capacity to achieve desired outcomes. There is a dearth of empirical evidence about ‘what works and what doesn’t’ in the unique and challenging context of Aboriginal community governance. The current study was motivated by the desire to discover what is required for an Aboriginal Council to be successful in achieving the outcomes desired by its constituents. Specifically, what governance attributes contribute to successful Aboriginal community government performance? Moreover, the research sought to delve deeper, to seek answers to the more fundamental question concerning the contextual, historical or cultural factors that shape a particular Aboriginal community’s approach to governance, whether successful or unsuccessful. The research involved three case studies of Aboriginal Councils, in the far north Queensland communities of Yarrabah, Hope Vale and Lockhart River. Unlike previous studies of Indigenous community governance, the research design included a detailed assessment of the level of performance achieved by each Council, revealing one high-performing Council and two Councils whose performance was generally poor. An assessment of performance covering each Council outcome area is essential in order to make valid causal inferences about the specific determinants of Council performance. The study adopted a holistic conception of performance, focusing on the extent to which the Councils were achieving the particular set of outcomes desired by their constituents. Such an approach recognises that different communities seek different outcomes from their community governments and that desired outcomes will include not only deliverables such as programs and services but also preferences about governance processes, which will reflect cultural values. The study’s focus on Council performance recognises that, regardless of underlying questions about the appropriateness of imported Western governance structures, in practice residents of Indigenous communities express strong expectations that their elected Councils will deliver services and programs that meet their needs and aspirations and improve their quality of life. Within the constraints of prevailing legislative and policy frameworks, Indigenous communities exhibit considerable pragmatism in their efforts to optimise opportunities for self-determination through developing their community governments. The case study data canvassed a wide range of governance attributes, institutions and practices suggested by the literature as important to governmental performance, in both indigenous and other contexts. The analysis found that a particular configuration of ‘orthodox’ governance principles and practices was necessary for successful Aboriginal Council performance, comprising: a strategic orientation based on a shared vision, a clear separation of powers, institutionalising the rule of law, positive and strategic engagement with government, targeted community engagement and an effective and efficient administration featuring a commitment to sound financial management, a stable workforce and human resource management practices that value, support and develop staff. The research further identified the key contextual factors that had shaped the distinct approaches to governance in the three communities. These are significant in explaining why some Aboriginal Councils adopt the particular mix of governance attributes that are necessary to improve their performance, while others do not. Key contextual factors include: a resource base of education and skills within the community that matches the needs of the community government; a pool of community members who have had a significant degree of exposure to the outside world; strongly egalitarian political norms underpinning a ‘whole of community’ orientation to governance; and a commitment to overcoming the historical legacy of dependency through a willingness to take responsibility for community government outcomes. These findings provide an indication about the strategies that need to be pursued for Aboriginal community governments to effectively meet the needs and aspirations of their constituents and realise their promise as instruments of self-determination.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Department of Politics and Public Policy
Griffith Business School
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Walker, Roz. "Transformative strategies in indigenous education : a study of decolonisation and positive social change : the Indigenous Community Management Program, Curtin University." Thesis, Click here for electronic access, 2004. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/678.
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This thesis is located within the social and political context of Indigenous education within Australia. Indigenous people continue to experience unacceptable levels of disadvantage and social marginalisation. The struggle for indigenous students individually and collectively lies in being able to determine a direction which is productive and non-assimilationist – which offers possibilities of social and economic transformation, equal opportunities and cultural integrity and self-determination. The challenge for teachers within the constraints of the academy is to develop strategies that are genuinely transformative, empowering and contribute to decolonisation and positive social change. This thesis explores how the construction of two theoretical propositions – the Indigenous Community Management and Development (ICMD) practitioner and the Indigenous/non-Indigenous Interface – are decolonising and transformative strategies. It investigates how these theoretical constructs and associated discourses are incorporated into the Centre’s policy processes, curriculum and pedagogy to influence and interact with the everyday lives of students in their work and communities and the wider social institutions. It charts how a group of Indigenous and non-Indigenous staff interact with these propositions and different ideas and discourses interrupting, re-visioning, reformulating and integrating these to form the basis for both Indigenous and non-Indigenous futures in Australia.
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Mejía, Tarazona Alejandro, and Palacios Danny Ramírez. "Social control in hydrocarbon policies: a comparative analysis of indigenous participation in Peru and Ecuador." Politai, 2018. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/123803.
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In recent years, the incidence of non-state actors and social control have been configured as a public policy problem. fte present article is framed inside of the public policy analysis and for it is used the frame explanatory of the design of the policy through the analysis of the instruments of NATO typology. fte work is structured based on an analysis of congruence that allows to generate a logical coherence of a historical narrative of the countries analyzed. fte case study is the free and informed consultation in the hydrocarbons policies of Peru and Ecuador. fte main argument is that the objectives assumed by the government for the hydrocarbons sector become in the implementation of policies that affecting positively or negatively the social control in the sector. Within a comparative analysis, it is studied how these objectives come to consolidate and to generate a normative and institutional change within the analyzed sector, causing the indigenous participation to be affected in a way that generates a deficit of social control in the Ecuadorian case; and strengthening it for the Peruvian case.En los últimos años, la incidencia de los actores no estatales y el control social se ha configurado como un problema de política pública. El presente artículo se enmarca dentro del análisis de las políticas públicas y para ello se utiliza el marco explicativo del diseño de la política mediante el análisis de los instrumentos de la tipología NATO. El trabajo se estructura sobre la base de un análisis de congruencia, el cual permite generar una coherencia lógica de una narrativa histórica de los países analizados. El caso de estudio es la consulta previa, libre e informada en las políticas hidrocarburíferas de Perú y Ecuador. El argumento principal es que los objetivos asumidos por el Gobierno para el sector hidrocarburífero devienen en la implementación de políticas, las cuales afectan positiva o negativamente el control social en el sector. Dentro de un análisis comparativo, se estudia cómo estos objetivos llegan a consolidarse y a generar un cambio normativo e institucional dentro del sector analizado, lo que determina que la participación indígena se vea afectada de manera que se genera un déficit de control social en el caso ecuatoriano; y el fortalecimiento del mismo para el caso peruano.
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Walker, Roz. "Transformative strategies in Indigenous education a study of decolonisation and positive social change." Click here for electronic access, 2004. http://adt.caul.edu.au/homesearch/get/?mode=advanced&format=summary&nratt=2&combiner0=and&op0=ss&att1=DC.Identifier&combiner1=and&op1=-sw&prevquery=OR%28REL%28SS%3BDC.Identifier%3Buws.edu.au%29%2CREL%28WD%3BDC.Relation%3BNUWS%29%29&att0=DC.Title&val0=Transformative+strategies+in+indigenous+education+&val1=NBD%3A.
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Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2004.Title from electronic document (viewed 15/6/10) Presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, University of Western Sydney, 2004. Includes bibliography.
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Parsons, Meg. "Spaces of Disease: the creation and management of Aboriginal health and disease in Queensland 1900-1970." University of Sydney, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5572.
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Doctor of Philosophy(PhD)Indigenous health is one of the most pressing issues confronting contemporary Australian society. In recent years government officials, medical practitioners, and media commentators have repeatedly drawn attention to the vast discrepancies in health outcomes between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. However a comprehensive discussion of Aboriginal health is often hampered by a lack of historical analysis. Accordingly this thesis is a historical response to the current Aboriginal health crisis and examines the impact of colonisation on Aboriginal bodies in Queensland during the early to mid twentieth century. Drawing upon a wide range of archival sources, including government correspondence, medical records, personal diaries and letters, maps and photographs, I examine how the exclusion of Aboriginal people from white society contributed to the creation of racially segregated medical institutions. I examine four such government-run institutions, which catered for Aboriginal health and disease during the period 1900-1970. The four institutions I examine – Barambah Aboriginal Settlement, Peel Island Lazaret, Fantome Island lock hospital and Fantome Island leprosarium – constituted the essence of the Queensland Government’s Aboriginal health policies throughout this time period. The Queensland Government’s health policies and procedures signified more than a benevolent interest in Aboriginal health, and were linked with Aboriginal (racial) management strategies. Popular perceptions of Aborigines as immoral and diseased directly affected the nature and focus of government health services to Aboriginal people. In particular the Chief Protector of Aboriginals Office’s uneven allocation of resources to medical segregation facilities and disease controls, at the expense of other more pressing health issues, specifically nutrition, sanitation, and maternal and child health, materially contributed to Aboriginal ill health. This thesis explores the purpose and rationales, which informed the provision of health services to Aboriginal people. The Queensland Government officials responsible for Aboriginal health, unlike the medical authorities involved in the management of white health, did not labour under the task of ensuring the liberty of their subjects but rather were empowered to employ coercive technologies long since abandoned in the wider medical culture. This particularly evident in the Queensland Government’s unwillingness to relinquish or lessen its control over diseased Aboriginal bodies and the continuation of its Aboriginal-only medical isolation facilities in the second half of the twentieth century. At a time when medical professionals and government officials throughout Australia were almost universally renouncing institutional medical solutions in favour of more community-based approaches to ill health and diseases, the Queensland Government was pushing for the creation of new, and the continuation of existing, medical segregation facilities for Aboriginal patients. In Queensland the management of health involved inherently spatialised and racialised practices. However spaces of Aboriginal segregation did not arise out of an uncomplicated or consistent rationale of racial segregation. Rather the micro-histories of Fantome Island leprosarium, Peel Island Lazaret, Fantome Island lock hospital and Barambah Aboriginal Settlement demonstrate that competing logics of disease quarantine, reform, punishment and race management all influenced the ways in which the Government chose to categorise, situate and manage Aboriginal people (their bodies, health and diseases). Evidence that the enterprise of public health was, and still is, closely aligned with the governance of populations.
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au, alan charlton@audit wa gov, and Alan David Charlton. "A.O. Neville, the 'destiny of the race', and race thinking in the 1930s." Murdoch University, 2002. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20090903.85539.
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The notion of 'race' was central to the thinking about and administration of Aboriginal affairs in the 1930s, but its meaning was fluid. In many respects Auber Octavius Neville, senior bureaucrat in Western Australia from 1915-1940 and a national figure in Aboriginal affairs during that period, was emblematic of the race thinking of the period. This study looks at the Western Australian Moseley Royal Commission of 1934, the Western Australian Parliamentary debates and legislation of 1929 and 1936, the Canberra Conference of Commonwealth and State Aboriginal Authorities in 1937, and Neville's 1947 book, Australia's Coloured Minority - for their exemplification of race thinking. Basic incompatibilities and inconsistencies, as evidenced in Neville's thinking and action across his career, were common in the period. Neville's central administrative desire was to force biological absorption to its ultimate conclusion - the 'Destiny' of Aborigines of the part descent was to be absorbed biologically into the white community. He used scientific support to 'prove' the 'safety' of this strategy. The central premise of Neville's race thinking, however, was that some form of racial essentialism would always negatively impact upon the 'absorption' of Aborigines into white Australia. Other major figures differed with Neville over the suitability of absorption, notably Queensland Chief Protector, J. W. Bleakley, but still believed in some essential 'Aboriginal-ness'. The thesis also traces Neville's attempts to dominate Aboriginal affairs both in the construction of the 'problem' and in proclaiming solutions. Neville was absolutely certain that his solution was the only way forward. This certainty, when added to the inconsistent notions of race that informed his conceptualisation of the 'problem', produced policies and practices of insurmountable internal contradictions that have profoundly affected generations of Aborigines.
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Moombe, Kaala Bweembelo. "Analysis of the market structures and systems for indigenous fruit trees: the case for Uapaca Kirkiana in Zambia." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2652.
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Thesis (MScFor (Forest and Wood Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2005.This study is about marketing of Uapaca kirkiana fruit in Zambia, a fruit that has great economic value especially among the rural and urban poor. It contributes to general food security. In southern Africa, farmers and other stakeholders have identified Uapaca as a priority species for domestication. Current agroforestry initiatives are promoting integration of indigenous trees into farming systems to provide marketable products for income generation. Domestication of trees however, depends on expanding the market demand for tree products. There is considerable evidence that expanding market opportunities is critical for the success of domestication innovations but farmers have been introduced to domestication with little consideration for marketing. The existing market potential can be achieved through sound knowledge on markets and marketing. Information on the marketing of Uapaca fruit is inadequate. This study, therefore, aimed at generating information on the marketing of Uapaca kirkiana fruit, including the basic conditions of demand and supply of the fruit. The main study was conducted in Chipata and Ndola districts in the Eastern and Copperbelt provinces respectively, while fruit pricing was conducted in Lusaka district in Lusaka Province. Questionnaires and participatory research methods were used to collect the data. A total of 37 markets involving 49 collectors, 59 retailers, 189 consumers and 20 government forest workers are included in the study. The study reveals that there is demand for the fresh and secondary products of the fruit and hence substantial fruit trading exists in Zambia. However, the marketing system is characterised by underdevelopment. There is insufficient capacity to satisfy the demand for the fruit and institutional /policy support to Uapaca fruit market expansion. Currently, only basic technology for product development exists. The results suggest a need to address policy and capacity development for expansion of Uapaca kirkiana fruit industry. To improve the Uapaca trade industry, the study proposes developing and scaling up policy strategies, fruit processing sector, research-extension-trader-agribusiness linkages, infrastructure development and knowledge generation for improved understanding of the Uapaca fruit markets.
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Henri, Dominique. "Managing nature, producing cultures : Inuit participation, science and policy in wildlife governance in the Nunavut Territory, Canada." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2cde7bcb-4818-4f61-9562-179b4ee74fee.
Full textAbstract:
In this thesis, a critical analysis is proposed of the relationships between Inuit participation, science and policy in wildlife governance in the Nunavut Territory, Canada. This analysis situates the emergence of a participatory regime for the governance of wildlife in Nunavut, explores its performance and examines the relations between the ways in which wildlife governance arrangements are currently represented in policy and how they are played out in practice across the territory. To pursue these objectives, this research draws upon a number of theoretical perspectives and methodological strategies poised at a crossroads between environmental geography, science and technology studies, political ecology and ecological anthropology. It combines participant observation, semi-directed interviews and literature-based searches with approaches to the study of actor-networks, hybrid forums and scientific practices associated with Latour and Callon, as well as with Foucauldian and post-Foucauldian analyses of power, governmentality and subjectivity. This analysis suggests that the overall rationale within which wildlife governance operates in Nunavut remains largely based on a scientific and bureaucratic framework of resource management that poses significant barriers to the meaningful inclusion of Inuit views. In spite of their participation in wildlife governance through a range of institutional arrangements, consultation practices and research initiatives, the Inuit of Nunavut remain critical of the power relations embedded within existing schemes, where significant decision-making authority remains under the control of the territorial (or federal) government, and where asymmetries persist with regard to the capacity of various actors to produce and mediate their claims. In addition, while the use of Inuit knowledge, or Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit, in wildlife governance in Nunavut has produced some collaborative research and management endeavours, it has also crystallised a divide between ‘Inuit’ and ‘scientific’ knowledge, generated unresolved conflicts, fuelled mistrust among wildlife co-management partners and led to an overall limited inclusion of Inuit observations, values and beliefs in decision-making.