Journal articles on the topic 'Indic poetry (Persian)'
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1
Hansen, Kathryn. "Languages on Stage: Linguistic Pluralism and Community Formation in the Nineteenth-Century Parsi Theatre." Modern Asian Studies 37, no. 2 (May 2003): 381–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x03002051.
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The Parsi theatre was the dominant form of dramatic entertainment in urban India from the 1860s to the 1930s. Named for its Bombay-based pioneers, the Parsi theatre blended certain European practices of stagecraft and commercial organization with Indic, Persian, and English stories, music, and poetry. Through the impact of its touring companies, it had a catalytic effect on the development of modern drama and regional theatre throughout South and Southeast Asia. Moreover, Parsi theatre is widely credited with contributing to popular Indian cinema its genres, aesthetic, and economic base. With Hindi films now the major cultural signifier for the middle classes and the ‘masses’ in South Asia and its diaspora, documentation and evaluation of the Parsi theatre is much needed, especially to connect it convincingly to the cinematic medium that followed.
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Fallahi, Esmaeil, Pontia Fallahi, and Shahla Mahdavi. "Ancient Urban Gardens of Persia: Concept, History, and Influence on Other World Gardens." HortTechnology 30, no. 1 (February 2020): 6–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/horttech04415-19.
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The history of Persian gardens goes back to a few millennia before the emergence of Islam in Iran (Persia). Designs of Persian gardens have influenced and are used extensively in the gardens of Al-Andalus in Spain, Humayun’s Tomb and the Taj Mahal in India, and many gardens in the United States and other countries around the globe. Bagh in the Persian language (Farsi) means garden and the word Baghdad (the capital city of Iraq) is rooted from the words bagh and daad (meaning “the garden of justice”). Pasargadae, the ancient Persian capital city, is the earliest example of Persian garden design known in human civilization as chahar bagh or 4-fold garden design. Bagh-e-Eram, or Garden of Eden or Eram Garden, is one the most attractive Persian gardens and is located in Shiraz, Iran. There are numerous other urban ancient gardens in Iran, including Bagh-e-Shahzadeh (Shazdeh), meaning “The Prince’s Garden” in Mahan, Golestan National Park near the Caspian Sea; Bagh-e-Fin in Kashan; Bagh-e-El-Goli in Tabriz; and Bagh-e-Golshan in Tabas. The design of each Persian garden is influenced by climate, art, beliefs, poetry, literature, and romance of the country and the region where the garden is located. In addition, each garden may have a gene bank of fruits, flowers, herbs, and vegetables. Although countless gardens were destroyed in the hands of invaders throughout the centuries, Persians have attempted either to rebuild or build new gardens generation after generation, each of which has become a favorite destination to tourists from around the world.
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Jabbari, Alexander. "From Persianate Cosmopolis to Persianate Modernity: Translating from Urdu to Persian in Twentieth-Century Iran and Afghanistan." Iranian Studies 55, no. 3 (July 2022): 611–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irn.2022.21.
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AbstractThis article examines twentieth-century Persian translations of Urdu-language works about Persian literature, focusing on two different Persian translations of an influential Urdu-language work on Persian literary history, Shiʿr al-ʿAjam (Poetry of the Persians), by Shibli Nuʿmani. The article offers a close, comparative reading of the Afghan and Iranian translations of Shiʿr al-ʿAjam in order to understand why two Persian translations of this voluminous text were published within such a short time period. These translations reveal how Indians, Afghans, and Iranians were invested in the same Persianate heritage, yet the emergence of a “Persianate modernity” undergirded by a cultural logic of nationalism rather than cosmopolitanism, along with Iran’s and Afghanistan’s differing relationships to India and Urdu, produced distinct approaches to translation.
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Dr Ali Kavousi Nejad. "Prose Translations of Ghalib’s Persian Poetry." Tasdiqتصدیق۔ 3, no. 01 (September 27, 2021): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.56276/tasdiq.v3i01.56.
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Mirza Asadullah Khan Ghalib is amongst the most eminent poets & writers of India. His poetry & letters, both in Persian & Urdu, remain a significant part of India’s literary history. Ghalib not only proved his command in Urdu poetry but also showed his abilities and mastery in Persian verse. He was proud of his Persian poetry and is rightfully considered amongst the most prominent Persian poets of his time. Many translators and critics have attempted to translate & write commentaries on his Persian poetry, both in prose and versified. Amongst these critics & translators, several individuals had the potential of taking forward the translations of Ghalib’s Persian Poetry into Urdu and produced many notable translations. In This study, we shall first introduce their translations and then present a comparative analysis of their prose translations to determine which translator was more successful in terms of considering all the minute textual details.
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Bangha, Imre. "Lover and Saint The Early Development of Ānandghan's Reputation." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 11, no. 2 (July 2001): 175–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186301000220.
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AbstractThe article examines the material relating to the early reception of the eighteenth century Hindi poet Ānandghan (Ghanānand). Ānandghan's poetic ideas were not far from those expressed in Persian literature, popular at that time in India. Apart from an abundance of idiomatic usage and paradoxes his approach to love reflects his taste for Persian poetry: the beloved can be either a woman or an undefined God, or even Krishna. Ānandghan's ‘openness’ towards Persian poetry earned him disrepute. In this article three early schools of criticism of his quatrains are distinguished: those of his opponents, of his fellow-devotees and of Brajnāth, the secular connoisseur. All three parties expressed their views on Ānandghan through poetry sometimes employing bitter or pungent language.
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Vartanyan, Egnara Gaikovna. "Synthesis of Arab-Muslim Culture in Persia and Northern India: Historical Background." Islamovedenie 12, no. 3 (October 31, 2021): 114–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21779/2077-8155-2020-12-3-114-123.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the process of the Persian language and culture de-velopment in the Middle Ages and the modern period, its continuity from the Sassanid era to the Samanid and Safavid eras and the synthesis of Arab-Muslim culture in Persia and India. The author turns to the origins of the New Persian language, examines the influence of Iranian culture on the cultural development of neighboring people and demonstrates that the Farsi language influenced the emergence in the Delhi Sultanate of a new Urdu language with a predominance of Persian-Arabic vocabulary. The synthesis of the Arab-Muslim culture of Iran, the mutual influence of the Arab-Islamic and local cultures, clearly manifested in the development of architecture, are considered. Chronologically, the article covers the period of the Middle Ages and the modern period. The re-search is based on the methodological principles of historicism and objectivity, as well as on the his-torical-comparative, historical-genetic, historical-typological methods and civilizational approach. The author concludes that the Iranian cultural influence in the Middle Ages and in the modern peri-od extended to all the eastern lands of Islam – from the Seljuk state to India. The Muslim society was multifaceted, yet subject to the strict rules of Islam. Classical Muslim thought and culture were characterized by a high adaptive capacity. At the end of the twentieth century, the Iranians declared the Persian language an important factor of cultural integration and the foundation of the national mentality. The Farsi language was proclaimed “the second language of Islam”, and the knowledge and study of classical poetry and philosophy of Sufism was recognized as an important means of consolidating the Muslims of the region. This cultural policy contributed to overcoming the interna-tional isolation of the Islamic Republic of Iran and expanding the scope of regional cooperation.
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Jamal, Muhammad Tanveer, and Abdul Zahoor Khan. "Poetry of Bābā Farīd." ISLAMIC STUDIES 61, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 85–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.52541/isiri.v61i1.1393.
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Shaikh Farīd al-Dīn Mas‘ūd Ganj-i Shakar (569/1173-664/1265) is one of the celebrated Chishtī Sufis of the Indian subcontinent. Chishtī order is credited with several seminal literary innovations in Medieval Islamic India. Bābā Farīd is considered the father of Punjabi poetry. He also had a great command of other languages including Persian and Arabic. The present study explores the contemporary sources that interacted with Bābā Farīd’s couplets. An effort has also been made to explore the originality of the Ashlōk-i Shaikh Farīd included in the Guru Granth. The study is a unique endeavour to conceptualize and examine the thematic connection of Bābā Farīd’s poetry with his life, teachings, and metaphysical thoughts preserved in biographical compendia.
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Ahmad, Dr Akhlaq, and Dr Zaheer Ahmad. "Wonderfulness of Wonderful Imagination in Iqbal Poetry." Al-Aijaz Research Journal of Islamic Studies & Humanities 6, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.53575/a1.v6.01.(22)1-17.
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Poetry in any language has been described as the presentation of feelings, ideas and different aspects of life that a ready not only obsorbs the thoughts but also enjoy the beauty of presenting these ideas and thoughts. Poetry is also distinguisded in literary genere that imiginations of poet and presenting in artistic way. A critic is always concerns with thsese artistics and imagination alongwith the presenting in a beautiful way. Allama Mohammad Iqbal is known as an imaginatry poet mostly depends on his feeling of wonderful ideas and its importance to the Muslims of India and that gave a life to the people of India regardless of their religion. This was the time when the people were suppressed by the British colonization. Iqbal woked them up for the imagination of freedom but his poetry was not only the Philosifical but the beauty of the poetry made the people to listen him and read his poetry again and again whenever they read it they felt a large quantity of energy inside them. This article emphasise the wonderfulness of his poetry of wonderful ideas of geart Urdu and Persian poet Allama Mohammad Iqbal.
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DHAVAN, PURNIMA, and HEIDI PAUWELS. "Controversies Surrounding the Reception of Valī “Dakhanī” (1665?–1707?) in Early Tażkirahs of Urdu Poets." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 25, no. 4 (May 27, 2015): 625–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186315000255.
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Early Urdu poetry, at the time called Reḳhtah, forms a remarkable example of the circulation of ideas in early modern India. Scholars trace its modern form to the reception in early eighteenth-century Delhi of a Southern literary idiom, usually called Dakhanī that is itself the result of repeated waves of migration from North India to the Deccan. While the historical origins of Urdu occupy an arena of lively scholarly debate, its later historical and literary importance is quite clear. By the start of the nineteenth century a highly literary and Persian-inflected form of Urdu would swiftly replace Persian in elite circles. Thus we have a historically significant moment at which the confluence of the vernacular and the cosmopolitan created a new cosmopolitan vernacular, however this process remains understudied.
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Habib, Irfan. "Reason vs. Religion in Medieval India: Mainly from Evidence in Persian." Medieval History Journal 26, no. 1 (April 30, 2023): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09719458231159489.
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The pursuit of reason may be defined as the drawing of logical deductions from a study of actual phenomena, and thus be essentially confined to the results gained from access to the various branches of science. It was in Greece where, from the fifth century BCE onward, rational thought was deemed to have developed most. Greek texts exercised undeniable influence on early thought in the Islamic world, Alberūnī’s Kitabu’l Hind being a remarkable product of that influence. Muslim theologians mounted a tirade against rationality (‘aql), in which the ṣūfīs joined; but since ṣūfic moral thought often tended to override Muslim theology, there could arise figures (even if partly imaginary) like Rābi‘a of Basra, who stood up against theology and its fictions. The conflict between ma‘qūlāt (reason) and manqūlāt (theology) was duly imported into India, along with the arrival of the Arabic–Persian sciences in the 13th and 14th centuries. Here poetry in Persian also became a major vehicle undermining theology. The tendency is partly present in Amīr Khusrau of Delhi (extolling love above theology!), but especially in the Iranian poet Ḥāfiz Shīrāzī, where the sāqī and ale-house constituted the major alternative to the pulpit and the mosque. In Indo-Persian poetry the same role is often ascribed to the but (idol) and the butkhāna (temple). It was under Akbar (r. 1556–1605) that a detailed inquiry (1574 onward) into Islamic beliefs and the doctrines of other religions led to disquiet about their validity. Abū’l Faẓl (d. 1602) became the leading light of a revival of rationality. Akbar’s own critique of Islam was similarly extended to aspects of Hinduism. ‘Urfī represents best the shift to reason, by the boldness of his poetry, rejecting religion for its inadequacy and looking forward to a just world. The seventeenth century did not fulfil the promise of the 16th. There was continuing interest in religion, shown by Jahāngīr’s formula: Tasawwuf = Vedānta; Dārā Shukoh’s translation of the Upanishads; and Mobad’s unique work Dabistān. But there was no corresponding assertion of rationality, whose votaries were reduced to a small band, last described, c. 1655.
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Dudney, Arthur. "Sabk-e Hendi and the Crisis of Authority in Eighteenth-Century Indo-Persian Poetics." Journal of Persianate Studies 9, no. 1 (June 8, 2016): 60–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341294.
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Modern debates over the merits of the so-called Indian Style (Sabk-e Hendi) in Persian literature, which was dominant from the late sixteenth to early nineteenth centuries, have been based on problematic assumptions about how literary style is tied to place. Scholars have often therefore interpreted the Persian literary criticism of the first half of the eighteenth century as a contest between Indians who praised Persian texts written in India and Iranians who asserted their privilege as native speakers to denigrate them. A more nuanced reading suggests that the debates mainly addressed stylistic temporality, namely the value of the writing styles of the “Ancients” (motaqaddemin) versus the innovative style of the “Moderns” (motaʾakhkherin). In the thought of the Indian critic Serāj al-Din ʿAli Khān Ārzu (d. 1756), there is clear evidence of a perceived rupture in literary culture that we can call a “crisis of authority.” Ārzu was concerned because Persian poetry had been judged according to “sanad” or precedent, but poets—both Indian and Iranian—were composing in a relatively new style (tāza-guʾi, literally “fresh speech”) that routinely went beyond the available precedents. All poets who know Persian well, he argued, including Indians, are allowed to innovate. While there was obvious rivalry between Persian-knowing Indians and the many Central Asians and Iranians settled in India, the contemporary terms of the debate have little in common with the later nationalism-tinged framing familiar to us.
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ALAM, MUZAFFAR. "The Pursuit of Persian: Language in Mughal Politics." Modern Asian Studies 32, no. 2 (May 1998): 317–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x98002947.
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The Mughal literary culture has been noted for its notable achievements in poetry and a wide range of prose writings in Persian. In terms of profusion and variety of themes this literary output was also perhaps incomparable. The court's patronage has rightly been suggested as an important reason for this. This patronage, however, was not consistent throughout; much of the detail of its detour thus requires a closer scrutiny. The phenomenal rise of the language defies explanation in the first instance. The Mughals were Chaghtā'i Turks and we know that, unlike them, the other Turkic rulers outside of Iran, such as the Ottomans in Turkey and the Uzbeks in Central Asia, were not so enthusiastic about Persian. Indeed, in India also, Persian did not appear to hold such dominance at the courts of the early Mughals. In his memoir, Bābur (d. 1530), the founder of the Mughal empire in India, recounted the story of his exploits in Turkish. The Prince was a noted poet and writer of Turkish of his time, second only to ‘Alī Sheēr Nawā’ī (d. 1526). Turkish was the first language of his son and successor, Humāyūn (d. 1556), as well.
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Baig, Sohaib. "Printing a Transregional Ṭarīqa: Haji Imdadullah Makki (d. 1899) and Sufi Contestations from Thana Bhavan to Istanbul." International Journal of Islam in Asia 3, no. 1-2 (September 14, 2023): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25899996-20230011.
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Abstract This article analyzes the prominence of print in the Sufi ṭarīqa of Haji Imdadullah Muhajir Makki (d. 1899), a pre-eminent Indian Chishti-Sabri shaykh who settled in the Ottoman Hijaz after escaping North India in the aftermath of the 1857 mutiny. It explores the transregional contexts of the publication of Haji Imdadullah’s works, in the long journey of his manuscripts from Mecca to their lithographic printing in North India and their distribution through Ottoman disciples as far as Istanbul. In this study two main lines of inquiry are followed. First, how did Imdadullah participate intimately from Mecca in the editing and publication of Arabic, Urdu, and Persian books in British India, including his famed commentary and critical edition of the Masnavi-yi Maʿnavi of Jalal al-Din Rumi (d. 1273)? Second, the article follows the emergence of broader scholarly exchanges as a series of Istanbul-based Mevlevi shaykhs became invested in Imdadullah’s publications and even translated some from Persian to Ottoman Turkish. Ultimately, this article sheds light on how such Indian – Ottoman encounters in the Hijaz were catalyzed by a common investment in the Persianate disciplines of Sufi theology and classical Persian poetry in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a period typically seen as marking the shrinking and disintegration of the Persianate world. In so doing, the article highlights how modern Sufi discourse in Persian continued to facilitate intellectual exchange between Indian and Ottoman Sufi shaykhs through the Hijaz and formed an integral pillar of transregional Persianate print culture.
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Chamankhah, Leila. "Ẓafarnamah: A Glimpse into the Text and its Historical and Intellectual Context." International Journal of Islamic Khazanah 13, no. 1 (January 31, 2023): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/ijik.v13i1.21293.
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Ẓafarnāmah (Book of Victory), written by the tenth Sikh leader, Guru Gobind Singh (d. 1708), in 1705, about the Mughal emperor of India, Aurangzeb (d. 1706). It is widely considered evidence of a religious leader's spiritual victory over a tyrant who not only broke his Koranic oath (and, consequently, fell from his status as a good believer). The book, originally in Persian poetry, is composed of one hundred and eight bayts (verses), and the first twelve verses praise God and His power. Due to its bold divine connotations, Ẓafarnāmah is widely regarded as a spiritual text. However, as I will argue in the following, Ẓafarnāmah should not be treated as just a spiritual text but as one of ‘the mirrors for princes’ that has a well-established tradition in the history of Persian literature and political ethics tradition as well.
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Shah, Syed Raheem Abbas, and Muhammad Akram Zaheer. "Educational System and Institutions in Persian Civilization: An Historical Description and its Impacts on Present Iran." Journal of South Asian Studies 9, no. 3 (December 30, 2021): 267–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.009.03.3945.
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Persian civilization had its rich culture since the pre-Islamic era. It left its impacts on those areas where the Persian language had adopted like contemporary India, Pakistan, Iran, Afghanistan, Iraq, Azerbaijan, Turkey, Tajikistan, and the Central Asian States. Its pre and post-Islamic educational system-generated hundreds of scholars which are well-nominated all over the world along with their inventions, philosophies, literature, and poetry. This article highlights an educational system in the Persian civilization since 2500 BC. Educational institutions before the conquest of Islam and post-Islamic changing patterns in it are going to be discussed in this article. There is also a focus upon educational institutions in modern Iran before the Islamic Revolution of 1979 that became the reason for the end of Pehlavi dynasty. Its hypothesis is that the present socio-economic and political development in Iran is a reason to strengthen the educational system that is protecting Persian civilization for centuries. The research is based on theoretically and historically descriptive, analytical, comparative, and qualitative and methods. The data is collected from books, research journals, newspapers, internet interviews, results of different dissertations, and personal visits to Iran in which attending several seminars, workshops, and training classes including visiting several universities and Research Centers in Qom and Tehran
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Hasanpour Alashti, Hossein. "The Three Most Outstanding Promoters of Indian Style of Persian Poetry in India." Journal of Literary Studies 7, no. 18 (September 1, 2015): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.52547/jls.7.18.69.
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Burney, Fatima. "Locating the World in Metaphysical Poetry." Journal of World Literature 4, no. 2 (June 10, 2019): 149–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24056480-00402002.
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Abstract Discussions on world literature often imagine literary presence, movement, and exchange in terms of location and prioritize those literary traditions that can be easily mapped. In many regards, classical ghazal poetry resists such interpretation. Nonetheless, a number of nineteenth-century writers working in Urdu and English reframed classical ghazal poetry according to notions of locale that were particularly underpinned by ideas of natural essence, or genius. This article puts two such receptions of the classical ghazal in conversation with one another: the naičral shāʿirī (natural poetry) movement in North India, and the portrayal of classical Persian poet Hafiz as a figure of national genius in the scholarship of Ralph Waldo Emerson. Both these examples highlight the role that discourses of nature and natural expression played in nineteenth-century literary criticism, particularly with regard to conceptions of national culture. They also demonstrate how Persianate literary material that had long circulated in cosmopolitan ways could be vernacularized by rereading conventionalized tropes of mystical longing in terms of more worldly belonging.
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Gupta, Vivek. "Arabic in Hindustan: Comparative Poetics in the Eighteenth Century and Azad Bilgrami’s The Coral Rosary." Journal of South Asian Intellectual History 4, no. 2 (December 9, 2022): 181–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25425552-12340034.
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Abstract This article examines the contributions of Ghulām ʿAlī “Āzād” Bilgrāmī (1704–1786) to our understanding of comparative poetics and Arabic in eighteenth-century Hindustan. It attends to Azad’s oeuvre through the lenses of translation, multilingualism, and literary science. Philological analysis reveals how Azad establishes analogues across these three literary languages that attest to the adaptive capacity of poetics. His sections on Hindi poetry in his Arabic work Subḥat al-marjān fī āthār Hindūstān (The Coral Rosary of Hindustan’s Traditions, 1763–64), and its later adaptation into Persian Ghizlān al-Hind (The Gazelles of India, 1764–65) anchor this study. The essay also establishes a Hindi inspiration for Azad’s Arabic poem Mir‘āt al-Jamāl (The Mirror of Beauty, 1773). By probing the intertextualities within and beyond Azad’s corpus, this study demonstrates how Arabic literary production in Hindustan benefits from a comparative method that accounts for a multilingual milieu. It thus considers the contributions of precolonial Hindi and Persian literatures to a reading of Arabic in Hindustan.
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O’Dell, Emily Jane. "Mapping the Silk Road: Geographies of Nature, Affect, and Spirituality in the Turkmen Poetry of Magtymguly Pyragy." International Journal of Persian Literature 7 (September 2022): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/intejperslite.7.0003.
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Abstract Magtymguly Pyragy is considered the national poet of the Turkmen people and credited with introducing classical Chagatai as a literary language and founding Turkmen literature.1 Hailing from the Caspian region near the modern-day border region between Turkmenistan and Iran,2 Pyragy traveled far and wide to Anatolia, Bukhara, Khiva, Afghanistan, and India; as a result, these geographies feature prominently in his poetry. Pyragy’s far-reaching geographic references in his poetry touch upon every stretch of the Silk Road from the Volga-Ural region all the way to China. His numerous verses evincing fear of the Kizilbash threat and his invocations of celebrated Persian mystic poets whose ranks he wished to join chart emotional, affective, and spiritual geographies that illuminate the political upheavals of the eighteenth century and the persistence of Pyragy’s own poetic ambitions in the face of regional instability. Surveying the diverse geographies and ecologies in the poetry of Pyragy reveals the unsettling realities of Turkmen tribal disunity, the affective expansiveness of the poetic Turkmen imaginary in depicting foreign landscapes, and the importance of nature and pride of place in the Caspian region in the midst of the shifting political geographies of the time.
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Prigarina, Natalia I., and Ludmila A. Vasilyeva. "The first ghazal of the Divan of Ghalib." Orientalistica 4, no. 5 (December 27, 2021): 1323–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2021-4-5-1323-1351.
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The article offers a multi-dimensional analysis of the first ghazal from the Urdu Divan by the Indian classic poet Mirza Ghalib (1797–1869). Ghalib wrote in two languages – Urdu and Persian, but it was the completion of the Urdu Divan that made him a great poet. The article presents the history of the creation and publication of the Divan, as well as discusses its sources. The authors focus on the complexity of the style and the richness of poetic themes, images and writing techniques. They also discuss the Sufi component of the first ghazal of the Divan, thus highlighting the poetics of the ghazal. The “opening” ghazal, which is placed at the beginning of a divan usually takes over the function of the hamd, i.e. the eulogy to the Creator, which is typical for a traditional introduction to a large poetic form. However, in Ghalib’s ghazal, this praise comes in a paradoxical form, which is caused by Ghalib`s high criteria of humanism and dignity. The analysis of the first ghazal helps in many ways to understand the creative credo typical for all of Ghalib's poetry, as well as the difficult path the poet had taken, while continuously improving his art of “hunting” for a poetic word. The ghazal is discussed in the context of Ghalib’s other Urdu and Persian poetry, as well as of Sufism that prevailed in India of Ghalib’s time.
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Sharma, Sunil. "From 'Ā'esha to Nur Jahān: The Shaping of a Classical Persian Poetic Canon of Women." Journal of Persianate Studies 2, no. 2 (2009): 148–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187470909x12535030823698.
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AbstractThe eighteenth century witnessed an interest in Persian women poets and attempts were made by writers of tazkeras to create a female canon of poets. The cultural shift in the Iranian-Indian interface at this time had a direct effect on the writing of Persian literary history that, on the one hand, resulted in the desire to maintain a universal vision regarding the Persianate literary past, exemplified by such writers as Vāleh Dāghestāni in Riāz al-sho' arā', and on the other hand, witnessed the increasingly popular move towards a more local and parochial version of the achievements of poets, as seen in Āzar Bēgdeli's Ātashkada and other writers of biographical dictionaries. The tri-furcation of the literary tradition (Iran, Turan [Transoxiana], India) complicated the way the memory of women poets would be accommodated and tazkera writers were often unencumbered by issues of nationalism and linguistic purity on this subject. However, ultimately the project of canonization of classical Persian women poets was a failure by becoming all inclusive.
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KEKLİK, Murat. "THE MOTIF OF “SECCADEYİ SUYA SERMEK” AND ITS REFLECTIONS IN CLASSICAL TURKISH POETRY." Akademik Dil ve Edebiyat Dergisi 6, no. 2 (August 30, 2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.34083/akaded.1081869.
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The motif of "seccadeyi suya sermek" is a motif encountered in epics and folk tales, Alevi-Bektashi legends and Dede Korkut stories. Over time, it has turned into a metaphor that takes place in modern Turkish poetry, albeit a little, in classical Turkish poetry texts. Motif; It has a depth of meaning in beliefs and cultures such as Sumer, India, China, Christianity, which goes back to mythological ages and points to the pre-Islamic beliefs of the Turks. The reconciliation of the concepts and metaphors of "prayer rug" and "water" in the structure of the motif is the embodiment of the intertwinedness, cohesion and syncretism in beliefs and cultures. The term used as "seccâde ber-âb efkend" in some Persian texts is more common in Turkish texts. Different meanings have been attributed to the phrase in legends, mystical texts and non-religious poems. It has also been seen that the motif is especially associated with Hızır in classical Turkish poetry. The meaning and content of the term has not been mentioned in historical sources and dictionaries. The meanings given to the term encountered in two of today's dictionaries are wrong. In the study, due to the syncretic nature of the motif, the concepts and metaphors of prayer rug, water, Hızır are emphasized in order to better draw the meaning of the phrase. By investigating the traces in mythologies and legends, the meaning frame of the phrase in classical Turkish poetry has been tried to be drawn through couplet examples.
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Prigarina, N. I. "On the Issue of the Concept of Taqlid in the Iqbal’s Poetry: Selfless Following or Shameless Imitation?" Orientalistica 6, no. 2 (September 8, 2023): 290–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2023-6-2-290-305.
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Muhammad Iqbal (1877–1938) was a notable figure in the Muslim Reformation movement in India of his time. He wrote poetry in Urdu and Persian and philosophical prose in English. The article is devoted to a rare case in the poetic practice of Iqbal when the theological concept of taqlid — “imitation”, “following the tradition”, radically changes its connotation in a poetic text. In Islam, there is a trend opposite to taqlid –ijtihad, the solution of emerging legal problems that had no precedent. The term ijtihad is always mentioned by Iqbal in the same sense, while for taqlid the situation is different. At the beginning of his creative career (1901–1905), the poet believed that “Suicide is better than the path of imitation (taqlid)”; however, in the poems in Persian “The Secrets of the Self” (Asrār-i Xudī, 1915), and then “The Mysteries of Selflessness” (Rumūz-i Bīxudī, 1918) taqlid acquires a positive connotation. Iqbal’s position is reflected in his comments on Nicholson’s English translation: “The idea is that taqlid is also a form of love”. The second poem deals with the formation of the Muslim nation. Chapter 16 of the poem Rumūz-i Bīxudī is titled: “In explaining that in the period of the decline of the nation, taqlid is better than ijtihad.” Nevertheless, examples of the positive use of the motive taqlid make up a smaller part of the statistics. Iqbal-Westerner and modernist comes to the conclusion that the penetration of the Western ideas, as well as the influence of the West on all spheres of life in India of his time, is fraught with terrible danger. At the same time, the poet’s attention is drawn to ijtihad, which contributes to progressive changes in the life of some Muslim countries. A. Schimmel, in her main work “Gabriel’s Wing” (first published in 1963), does not mention the positive connotation of Iqbal’s taqlid. Meanwhile, as one can see, the concept of taqlid, while retaining its meaning of “imitation, following”, changes its connotation depending on the poetic discourse.
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Truschke, Audrey. "Contested History: Brahmanical Memories of Relations with the Mughals." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 58, no. 4 (July 9, 2015): 419–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341379.
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Brahman Sanskrit intellectuals enjoyed a century of relations with the Mughal elite. Nonetheless, such cross-cultural connections feature only sporadically in Persian chronicles, and Brahmans rarely elaborated on their imperial links in Sanskrit texts. In this essay I analyze a major exception to the Brahmanical silence on their Mughal connections, theKavīndracandrodaya(“Moonrise of Kavīndra”). More than seventy Brahmans penned the poetry and prose of this Sanskrit work that celebrates Kavīndrācārya’s successful attempt to persuade Emperor Shah Jahan to rescind taxes on Hindu pilgrims to Benares and Prayag (Allahabad). I argue that theKavīndracandrodayaconstituted an act of selective remembrance in the Sanskrit tradition of cross-cultural encounters in Mughal India. This enshrined memory was, however, hardly a uniform vision. The work’s many authors demonstrate the limits and points of contestation among early moderns regarding how to formulate social and historical commentaries in Sanskrit on imperial relations.
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Patel, Saaleh. "The Veiled Voice: Can a Reading of Muhammad Iqbal's Poetical Response to his Political Moment in Relation to B. B. Yeats, Illuminate and Rethink our Understanding of the Self and its Relationship to the Nation State?" Journal of South Asian Studies 7, no. 2 (August 28, 2019): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.007.02.2817.
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Most Western literary critics will be aware of South Asian writers such as Rabindranath Tagore but may not have necessarily been exposed to the poetry of Muhammad Allama Iqbal (1877-1938), who arguably goes further in his critique of British colonialism. Iqbal occupies a unique moment; born in Sialkot (British India), studied at Cambridge and was a minority Muslim in a majority Hindu nation. His perspective allows him to address issues around nationhood, self-determination of Muslims, British imperialism and fanatical nationalism. His primary concern is awakening the Muslim spirit, shaking off political apathy, encouraging social change and cultivation of human potential through his poetry. This is where I want to contrast Iqbal's genius with that of W. B. Yeats (1865-1939), whose poetry was also profoundly concerned with national identity, religion and emancipation from the British empire. In many ways, Iqbal and Yeats share similar concerns: they both works against the attitudes of the writers of their time and in this sense refuse to be categorized into specific literary movements. They are both occupied in anti-colonial agitation and later in life even embark upon political careers. Strangely, they even seem to share paradoxes, both advocating and rejecting forms of nationalism. Yet both writers are strikingly dissimilar too. Formally they could not be more different, Iqbal follows an Urdu and Persian model and its various traditional structures whilst Yeats inherits the English tradition of poetry but deconstructs and refashions it to his unique usage. Iqbal is intensely direct and daringly vocal in his reclamation of the language for his people and unwaveringly critiques national identity and Empire. Yeats, in a modernist sense, can be cautious and sometimes evasive. Yeats’ romanticizing of a foreign landscape such as India or China, lands us into dangerous territory, for it slips into Orientalist discourse as extensively proliferated by Edward Said. In contrast, Iqbal’s aestheticization of his Indian landscape as well as the Hijaz (birthplace of Islam) is a way of reflecting nostalgically on past and then envisioning a new, fresh and hopeful future. Can Iqbal then offer a new way of thinking about the political issues that are so prevalent in our own time – nationalism, racism, and a Muslim identity crisis?
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Mishra, Ravi K. "Nationalism, Revivalism and Pan-Islamism: Shifts in the Political and Cultural Imaginings of Allama Iqbal’s Poetry." Studies in History 39, no. 2 (August 2023): 199–238. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02576430231208821.
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This paper argues that contrary to some popular perceptions, the ideological shift in Iqbal dates not from 1930 (when he apparently moved towards the acceptance of the two-nation theory at the Allahabad Session of the Muslim League) but to his stay in Europe from 1905 to 1908 (after which he made a complete and abrupt shift from Indian nationalism to revivalism and Pan-Islamism). This shift is powerfully expressed in the political and cultural imaginings of both his Urdu and Persian poetry. His poetry becomes suffused with the ideas of revivalism and Pan-Islamism in counter-position to those of composite nationhood and territorial nationalism on which the Indian national movement was premised. The shift is embodied in poetic imagery and metaphor incompatible with the modern idea of nationalism, especially the dominant idea of Indian nationalism. Iqbal’s later thoughts concerning Islam’s relations with non-Muslims in India and elsewhere promote an adversarial historical and cultural narrative of Islam. Though triggered by a passionate rejection of the West and its modernity, the shift manifested not just in a critique of the West but also of all non-Islamic cultures and civilizations. Iqbal’s narrative of Islam is teleological and triumphalist. Far from being defensive about the charges of intolerance and aggression levelled against Islam by its critics, he proudly invokes imagery of the sword and the conquest in the history of Islam, while bemoaning the decline of its political power in the modern era. Iqbal’s quest is for a supposedly pure Islam of the past and its revival in the twentieth century in the form of a redefined, reconstituted and revitalized Umma which cuts across boundaries of nations, continents and ethnicities. Few poets in the history of the modern world have had such influence as Allama Iqbal, and fewer still have made such fundamental shifts.
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Noorani, Yaseen. "The Lost Garden of Al-Andalus: Islamic Spain and the Poetic Inversion of Colonialism." International Journal of Middle East Studies 31, no. 2 (May 1999): 237–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800054039.
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In 1933, the Urdu and Persian poet Muhammad Iqbal (1873–1938) became the first Muslim to worship in the mosque of Cordoba since its conversion into a cathedral after the Moors were expelled from Spain in 1492. Iqbal had gone to London as a delegate to the third roundtable conference on the political future of India. On his return, he was invited to lecture in Madrid by the Orientalist Asin Palacios, and took the opportunity to visit the monument. Dramatizing the symbolic significance of his visit to the mosque, Iqbal swooned upon entering and uttered verses that presumably came to be included in his celebrated Urdu poem “Masjid-i Qurtubah”. Some years before, in 1919, the Egyptian Arabic poet Ahmad Shawqi (1868–1932) ended his five-year exile in Spain with a similar visit to the Andalusian monuments, albeit with less dramatic fanfare. Nevertheless, Shawqi as well was accompanied by his muse. In the introduction to his own famous poem about Islamic Spain, the “Siniyyah”, Shawqi recounts how the embryonic verses of this poem came to him as he toured the mosque and the Alhambra of Granada.
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Mashakova, A. "PERCEPTION OF THE WORKS OF ABAI KUNANBAYEV IN FOREIGN EASTERN COUNTRIES." Keruen 80, no. 3 (September 20, 2023): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.53871/2078-8134.2023.3-06.
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The creative writings of Abai Kunanbayev occupies an important place in the history of Kazakhliterature’s international relations formation and development. In the article, based on the example of thecreativity of the great Kazakh poet Abai Kunanbayev, literary ties of Kazakhstan with such foreign easterncountries as Iran, Pakistan, Turkey, Mongolia, China, India have been analyzed. The process of translating hisworks into Oriental languages is presented. Abai’s poetry collections have been published in Urdu, Persian,Turkish and Mongolian. The prose work “Words of Edification” has been translated into Chinese and Korean.Thanks to these translations, Abai’s creative heritage became available to a wide range of Eastern readers,scientists and literary critics, who evaluated Abai’s creativity in newspapers, journals and introductory articlesto the published books. Important aspects of foreign literary reception include speeches by foreign participantsin the international conferences. The article discusses the reports of the researchers from foreign easterncountries. Most Eastern poets and writers, literary critics and literary historians have made comparisons of theirown literary traditions with the poets. Eastern literary figures, showing respect for the spiritual national leaders,unconditionally raised Abai to the rank of the Teachers of the East. The relevance of the research topic is dueto the fact that the perception of Abai’s creative writings by Eastern literary critics, who recognize the specialrole and place of the Kazakh poet in the life of their people, contributes to the international popularization ofKazakh literature.
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Dr Ali Kavousi Nejad. "MIRZA GHALIB IN THE MIRROR OF HIS PERSIAN WORKS." Tasdiqتصدیق۔ 5, no. 01 (July 6, 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.56276/tasdiq.v5i01.160.
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Mirza Asadullah Khan Ghalib is one of the famous poets of the sub-continent, who, in addition to mastering the Urdu language and literature, is also considered one of the leaders of his time in Persian poetry and prose. He is one of the poets who have an extraordinary power of imagination. Mirza Ghalib recounts the difficult story of his trip to Calcutta to revive the family pension he received from the British government in the form of poetry and prose in his Persian creations. Mirza Ghalib Dehlavi is among those who experienced the events of the 1857 revolution. He writes the events of fifteen months of this revolution in Persian prose under the name "Dastanbo". During this important event, his beloved brother Yusuf dies in bed and Mirza Ghalib becomes very sad. In his Persian poetry and prose, Mirza Ghalib considers his ancestors and nobles to be from the Turks of Aibek and traces his lineage to Pashang and Afrasiab. In the field of historiography, his book "Mehr Nim Rooz" in the Persian language deals with the history of the kingdom of the Mughal kings of India. Ghalib's collection of Persian poetry and prose represents the life of this famous poet of the Persian language in the subcontinent of that time. In this research, we examine Mizra Asadullah Khan Ghalib in the mirror of his Persian works.
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Beers, Theodore S. "Revisiting the Question of Literary Patronage under the Early Safavids." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World, August 11, 2022, 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-12340005.
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Abstract This article reviews an old debate in Persian literary history surrounding the judgment of early modern poetry and, in particular, the legacy of the Safavid dynasty, and argues that a few of the questions over which scholars once disagreed have not been resolved to the extent that might be suspected. The general narrative that prevailed for most of the twentieth century, in which Persian lyric poetry of the early modern era was criticized as decadent and the Safavids were denounced for having abandoned their traditional duty to promote arts and letters, is now rightly considered obsolete. As the field has developed a more mature approach to these issues, however, the question of patronage at the Safavid court has been set aside more than it has been settled. We still have not reached a comprehensive understanding of the transformations that took place in Persian literary culture from the tenth/sixteenth century onward. The migration of scores of Iranian poets to Mughal India is recognized as a key development, but the impact of the contemporary situation in Safavid lands – including, perhaps, a relative lack of patronage – merits reconsideration.
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"THE ESTEEMED STATUS AND POSITION OF SHEIKH ANWAR SHAH KASHMIRI IN THE LIGHT OF HIS WRITINGS." Scholar Islamic Academic Research Journal 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.29370/siarj/issue2ar9.
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This research paper argues on the writings of Sheikh Anwar Shah Kashmiri about the Studies of Hadith and Arabic Literature. Sheikh Anwar Shah Kashmiri is one of the renowned Islamic Scholars of late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries India. He has authored a few significant numbers of valuable books in Arabic and Persian. Sheikh Anwar Shah would have remained an obscure writer had it not been for the publication of the collection of his lectures on the traditions of the Prophet Muhammad compiled by al- Bukhari, He was respected by students for his vast knowledge of the subjects taught in Darul Uloom Deoband, particularly his deep understanding of various branches of what is described as ‘Ilm al- Hadith, and for his open-mindedness and relatively liberal approach on various religious issues. In addition he has composed a variety of poetry including the panegyric poetry in the praise of Prophet Muhammad and has dedicated his commiseration towards his Shaikhs of allegiance order by his poetic lamentation.
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ABDULLAEVA-MELVILLE, FIRUZA. "A Friend's Tribute: Mir ‘Ali for Hilali." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, September 12, 2022, 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186322000554.
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Abstract This article will focus on a Persian manuscript of Central Asian origin of exceptional literary, historical, and artistic importance. It is a selection of poetry, which was composed in Herat and written in 1531–32 in Bukhara and now belongs to King's College, Cambridge (King's Pote 186). It is the second part of my research on this manuscript, and I shall concentrate mainly on its textual and artistic peculiarities. The first part, which was published recently, was dedicated to its provenance as well as its historical and religious setting.1 The studies also reflect the political, social, and cultural processes in a contemporary turbulent world. Among these are the Shaybanid and Safavid conquests of sixteenth-century Central Asia, Shah Jahan's literary preferences, the colonial ambitions of the former Cambridge graduate Ephraim Pote, East India Company agent-turned-scholar Antoine Polier, and expertise of the crème de la crème of Victorian Cambridge academia.
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Bronner, Yigal, and David Shulman. "Thinking with two heads: The poetics of asat in early-modern India." Indian Economic & Social History Review, May 5, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00194646241241667.
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In early modern India, and particularly South India—from roughly the sixteenth century until the eighteenth—a new literary vogue emerged in all major literary traditions (Tamil, Telugu, Kannada, Malayalam, Sanskrit, Persian). With remarkable salience, we find verses built around absurdity of various kinds and modes. Sometimes it is a matter of pushing the existing literary conventions and figures to an impossible extreme. In other cases, we find a fascination with asymmetry, disjunction, skewed causality, and irrealis or counter-factual linguistic forms. Although such experiments with absurdity have precedents in classical kāvya, the evident consistency and intertextual relations among outlandish poems in this period are very striking, as is the fact that the theoreticians of poetics found it necessary to posit a grammar for them (including for poems based on asat, that is, non-existence or sheer impossibility). This essay explores the forms and logical underpinnings that this fashion for the bizarre assumed; we also offer a tentative explanation for the new trend. The prabandha-based poems of absurdity need to be distinguished from the coded texts known in Kannada as beḍagina vacana and in early Hindi as ulaṭbaṃsi, in which an upside-down or inside-out world is created, the goal being to arrest intellection altogether. We also show the distinction between the poetry of the absurd in the early modern texts and the European Dada movement, which aims at unravelling language and enshrines a principle of pure randomality in the choice of words.