Relevant bibliographies by topics / Indic poetry (Persian)

Academic literature on the topic 'Indic poetry (Persian)'

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Published: 26 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Indic poetry (Persian)"

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Hansen, Kathryn. "Languages on Stage: Linguistic Pluralism and Community Formation in the Nineteenth-Century Parsi Theatre." Modern Asian Studies 37, no. 2 (May 2003): 381–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x03002051.

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The Parsi theatre was the dominant form of dramatic entertainment in urban India from the 1860s to the 1930s. Named for its Bombay-based pioneers, the Parsi theatre blended certain European practices of stagecraft and commercial organization with Indic, Persian, and English stories, music, and poetry. Through the impact of its touring companies, it had a catalytic effect on the development of modern drama and regional theatre throughout South and Southeast Asia. Moreover, Parsi theatre is widely credited with contributing to popular Indian cinema its genres, aesthetic, and economic base. With Hindi films now the major cultural signifier for the middle classes and the ‘masses’ in South Asia and its diaspora, documentation and evaluation of the Parsi theatre is much needed, especially to connect it convincingly to the cinematic medium that followed.
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Fallahi, Esmaeil, Pontia Fallahi, and Shahla Mahdavi. "Ancient Urban Gardens of Persia: Concept, History, and Influence on Other World Gardens." HortTechnology 30, no. 1 (February 2020): 6–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/horttech04415-19.

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The history of Persian gardens goes back to a few millennia before the emergence of Islam in Iran (Persia). Designs of Persian gardens have influenced and are used extensively in the gardens of Al-Andalus in Spain, Humayun’s Tomb and the Taj Mahal in India, and many gardens in the United States and other countries around the globe. Bagh in the Persian language (Farsi) means garden and the word Baghdad (the capital city of Iraq) is rooted from the words bagh and daad (meaning “the garden of justice”). Pasargadae, the ancient Persian capital city, is the earliest example of Persian garden design known in human civilization as chahar bagh or 4-fold garden design. Bagh-e-Eram, or Garden of Eden or Eram Garden, is one the most attractive Persian gardens and is located in Shiraz, Iran. There are numerous other urban ancient gardens in Iran, including Bagh-e-Shahzadeh (Shazdeh), meaning “The Prince’s Garden” in Mahan, Golestan National Park near the Caspian Sea; Bagh-e-Fin in Kashan; Bagh-e-El-Goli in Tabriz; and Bagh-e-Golshan in Tabas. The design of each Persian garden is influenced by climate, art, beliefs, poetry, literature, and romance of the country and the region where the garden is located. In addition, each garden may have a gene bank of fruits, flowers, herbs, and vegetables. Although countless gardens were destroyed in the hands of invaders throughout the centuries, Persians have attempted either to rebuild or build new gardens generation after generation, each of which has become a favorite destination to tourists from around the world.
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Jabbari, Alexander. "From Persianate Cosmopolis to Persianate Modernity: Translating from Urdu to Persian in Twentieth-Century Iran and Afghanistan." Iranian Studies 55, no. 3 (July 2022): 611–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irn.2022.21.

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AbstractThis article examines twentieth-century Persian translations of Urdu-language works about Persian literature, focusing on two different Persian translations of an influential Urdu-language work on Persian literary history, Shiʿr al-ʿAjam (Poetry of the Persians), by Shibli Nuʿmani. The article offers a close, comparative reading of the Afghan and Iranian translations of Shiʿr al-ʿAjam in order to understand why two Persian translations of this voluminous text were published within such a short time period. These translations reveal how Indians, Afghans, and Iranians were invested in the same Persianate heritage, yet the emergence of a “Persianate modernity” undergirded by a cultural logic of nationalism rather than cosmopolitanism, along with Iran’s and Afghanistan’s differing relationships to India and Urdu, produced distinct approaches to translation.
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Dr Ali Kavousi Nejad. "Prose Translations of Ghalib’s Persian Poetry." Tasdiqتصدیق۔ 3, no. 01 (September 27, 2021): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.56276/tasdiq.v3i01.56.

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Mirza Asadullah Khan Ghalib is amongst the most eminent poets & writers of India. His poetry & letters, both in Persian & Urdu, remain a significant part of India’s literary history. Ghalib not only proved his command in Urdu poetry but also showed his abilities and mastery in Persian verse. He was proud of his Persian poetry and is rightfully considered amongst the most prominent Persian poets of his time. Many translators and critics have attempted to translate & write commentaries on his Persian poetry, both in prose and versified. Amongst these critics & translators, several individuals had the potential of taking forward the translations of Ghalib’s Persian Poetry into Urdu and produced many notable translations. In This study, we shall first introduce their translations and then present a comparative analysis of their prose translations to determine which translator was more successful in terms of considering all the minute textual details.
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Bangha, Imre. "Lover and Saint The Early Development of Ānandghan's Reputation." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 11, no. 2 (July 2001): 175–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186301000220.

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AbstractThe article examines the material relating to the early reception of the eighteenth century Hindi poet Ānandghan (Ghanānand). Ānandghan's poetic ideas were not far from those expressed in Persian literature, popular at that time in India. Apart from an abundance of idiomatic usage and paradoxes his approach to love reflects his taste for Persian poetry: the beloved can be either a woman or an undefined God, or even Krishna. Ānandghan's ‘openness’ towards Persian poetry earned him disrepute. In this article three early schools of criticism of his quatrains are distinguished: those of his opponents, of his fellow-devotees and of Brajnāth, the secular connoisseur. All three parties expressed their views on Ānandghan through poetry sometimes employing bitter or pungent language.
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Vartanyan, Egnara Gaikovna. "Synthesis of Arab-Muslim Culture in Persia and Northern India: Historical Background." Islamovedenie 12, no. 3 (October 31, 2021): 114–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21779/2077-8155-2020-12-3-114-123.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the process of the Persian language and culture de-velopment in the Middle Ages and the modern period, its continuity from the Sassanid era to the Samanid and Safavid eras and the synthesis of Arab-Muslim culture in Persia and India. The author turns to the origins of the New Persian language, examines the influence of Iranian culture on the cultural development of neighboring people and demonstrates that the Farsi language influenced the emergence in the Delhi Sultanate of a new Urdu language with a predominance of Persian-Arabic vocabulary. The synthesis of the Arab-Muslim culture of Iran, the mutual influence of the Arab-Islamic and local cultures, clearly manifested in the development of architecture, are considered. Chronologically, the article covers the period of the Middle Ages and the modern period. The re-search is based on the methodological principles of historicism and objectivity, as well as on the his-torical-comparative, historical-genetic, historical-typological methods and civilizational approach. The author concludes that the Iranian cultural influence in the Middle Ages and in the modern peri-od extended to all the eastern lands of Islam – from the Seljuk state to India. The Muslim society was multifaceted, yet subject to the strict rules of Islam. Classical Muslim thought and culture were characterized by a high adaptive capacity. At the end of the twentieth century, the Iranians declared the Persian language an important factor of cultural integration and the foundation of the national mentality. The Farsi language was proclaimed “the second language of Islam”, and the knowledge and study of classical poetry and philosophy of Sufism was recognized as an important means of consolidating the Muslims of the region. This cultural policy contributed to overcoming the interna-tional isolation of the Islamic Republic of Iran and expanding the scope of regional cooperation.
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Jamal, Muhammad Tanveer, and Abdul Zahoor Khan. "Poetry of Bābā Farīd." ISLAMIC STUDIES 61, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 85–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.52541/isiri.v61i1.1393.

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Shaikh Farīd al-Dīn Mas‘ūd Ganj-i Shakar (569/1173-664/1265) is one of the celebrated Chishtī Sufis of the Indian subcontinent. Chishtī order is credited with several seminal literary innovations in Medieval Islamic India. Bābā Farīd is considered the father of Punjabi poetry. He also had a great command of other languages including Persian and Arabic. The present study explores the contemporary sources that interacted with Bābā Farīd’s couplets. An effort has also been made to explore the originality of the Ashlōk-i Shaikh Farīd included in the Guru Granth. The study is a unique endeavour to conceptualize and examine the thematic connection of Bābā Farīd’s poetry with his life, teachings, and metaphysical thoughts preserved in biographical compendia.
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Ahmad, Dr Akhlaq, and Dr Zaheer Ahmad. "Wonderfulness of Wonderful Imagination in Iqbal Poetry." Al-Aijaz Research Journal of Islamic Studies & Humanities 6, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.53575/a1.v6.01.(22)1-17.

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Poetry in any language has been described as the presentation of feelings, ideas and different aspects of life that a ready not only obsorbs the thoughts but also enjoy the beauty of presenting these ideas and thoughts. Poetry is also distinguisded in literary genere that imiginations of poet and presenting in artistic way. A critic is always concerns with thsese artistics and imagination alongwith the presenting in a beautiful way. Allama Mohammad Iqbal is known as an imaginatry poet mostly depends on his feeling of wonderful ideas and its importance to the Muslims of India and that gave a life to the people of India regardless of their religion. This was the time when the people were suppressed by the British colonization. Iqbal woked them up for the imagination of freedom but his poetry was not only the Philosifical but the beauty of the poetry made the people to listen him and read his poetry again and again whenever they read it they felt a large quantity of energy inside them. This article emphasise the wonderfulness of his poetry of wonderful ideas of geart Urdu and Persian poet Allama Mohammad Iqbal.
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DHAVAN, PURNIMA, and HEIDI PAUWELS. "Controversies Surrounding the Reception of Valī “Dakhanī” (1665?–1707?) in Early Tażkirahs of Urdu Poets." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 25, no. 4 (May 27, 2015): 625–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186315000255.

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Early Urdu poetry, at the time called Reḳhtah, forms a remarkable example of the circulation of ideas in early modern India. Scholars trace its modern form to the reception in early eighteenth-century Delhi of a Southern literary idiom, usually called Dakhanī that is itself the result of repeated waves of migration from North India to the Deccan. While the historical origins of Urdu occupy an arena of lively scholarly debate, its later historical and literary importance is quite clear. By the start of the nineteenth century a highly literary and Persian-inflected form of Urdu would swiftly replace Persian in elite circles. Thus we have a historically significant moment at which the confluence of the vernacular and the cosmopolitan created a new cosmopolitan vernacular, however this process remains understudied.
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Habib, Irfan. "Reason vs. Religion in Medieval India: Mainly from Evidence in Persian." Medieval History Journal 26, no. 1 (April 30, 2023): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09719458231159489.

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The pursuit of reason may be defined as the drawing of logical deductions from a study of actual phenomena, and thus be essentially confined to the results gained from access to the various branches of science. It was in Greece where, from the fifth century BCE onward, rational thought was deemed to have developed most. Greek texts exercised undeniable influence on early thought in the Islamic world, Alberūnī’s Kitabu’l Hind being a remarkable product of that influence. Muslim theologians mounted a tirade against rationality (‘aql), in which the ṣūfīs joined; but since ṣūfic moral thought often tended to override Muslim theology, there could arise figures (even if partly imaginary) like Rābi‘a of Basra, who stood up against theology and its fictions. The conflict between ma‘qūlāt (reason) and manqūlāt (theology) was duly imported into India, along with the arrival of the Arabic–Persian sciences in the 13th and 14th centuries. Here poetry in Persian also became a major vehicle undermining theology. The tendency is partly present in Amīr Khusrau of Delhi (extolling love above theology!), but especially in the Iranian poet Ḥāfiz Shīrāzī, where the sāqī and ale-house constituted the major alternative to the pulpit and the mosque. In Indo-Persian poetry the same role is often ascribed to the but (idol) and the butkhāna (temple). It was under Akbar (r. 1556–1605) that a detailed inquiry (1574 onward) into Islamic beliefs and the doctrines of other religions led to disquiet about their validity. Abū’l Faẓl (d. 1602) became the leading light of a revival of rationality. Akbar’s own critique of Islam was similarly extended to aspects of Hinduism. ‘Urfī represents best the shift to reason, by the boldness of his poetry, rejecting religion for its inadequacy and looking forward to a just world. The seventeenth century did not fulfil the promise of the 16th. There was continuing interest in religion, shown by Jahāngīr’s formula: Tasawwuf = Vedānta; Dārā Shukoh’s translation of the Upanishads; and Mobad’s unique work Dabistān. But there was no corresponding assertion of rationality, whose votaries were reduced to a small band, last described, c. 1655.
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Books on the topic "Indic poetry (Persian)"

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Choubey, O. B. S. Traces of Indian philosophy in Persian poetry. Delhi: Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, 1985.

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Bilkan, Ali Fuat. Sebk-i Hindî ve Türk edebiyatında Hint tarzı. İstanbul: 3F Yayınevi, 2007.

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Khātamī, Aḥmad. Sabk-i Hindī va dawrah-ʼi bāzgasht, yā, Nishānahʹhāʹī az sabk-i Hindī dar dawrah-ʼi avval-i bāzgasht-i adabī. [Tehran]: Bahāristān, 1992.

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Prigarina, Natalʹi͡a Ilʹinichna. Indiĭskiĭ stilʹ i ego mesto v persidskoĭ literature: Voprosy poėtiki. Moskva: Izdatelʹskai͡a firma "Vostochnai͡a literatura" RAN, 1999.

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Ghalib, Mirza Asadullah Khan. Selections from the Persian ghazals of Ghalib. [Karachi]: Pakistan Writers' Co-operative Society, 1997.

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Rūmī, Jalāl-Dīn. Rending the veil: Literal and poetic translations of Rumi. Prescott, AZ: Hohm Press, 1995.

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Rūmī, Jalāl-Dīn. The Rumi collection: An anthology of translations of Mevlâna Jalâluddin Rumi. Brattleboro, Vt: Threshold Books, 1998.

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Rūmī, Jalāl-Dīn. Rumi--daylight: A daybook of spiritual guidance. Putney, Vt: Threshold Books, 1990.

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Rūmī, Jalāl-Dīn. Tales of mystic meaning: Selections from the Mathnawī of Jalāl-ud-Dīn Rūmī. Oxford: Oneworld, 1995.

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Ḥāfiẓ. The Dīvān-i-Hāfiz. Bethesda, Md: Ibex Publishers, 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "Indic poetry (Persian)"

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Kugle, Scott, and Aditya Behl. "Haqiqat al-Fuqara: Poetic Biography of “Madho Lal” Hussayn (Persian)." In Same-Sex Love in India, 145–56. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-62183-5_19.

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Kugle, Scott, and Aditya Behl. "Haqiqat al-Fuqara: Poetic Biography of “Madho Lal” Hussayn (Persian)." In Same-Sex Love in India, 145–56. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-05480-7_19.

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Nagasaki, Hiroko. "Duality in the Language and Literary Style of Raskhan’s Poetry." In Text and Tradition in Early Modern North India, 159–73. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199478866.003.0008.

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Hiroko Nagasaki looks closely at the poet Raskhan’s signature chands, that is, the metrical forms in which he most frequently composed, focusing in particular on the savaiyā. What she finds is a metrical structure that combined Persian and Indic systems of prosody, allowing different methods of scansion and therefore different stylistic options. This discovery in turn reveals a connection between Raskhan’s poems of Vaishnava bhakti and the highly stylized world of the Persian ghazzal, a form heavily influenced by the idiom of Sufi devotion. These insights into stylistic crossover are especially significant in light of the hagiographical tradition surrounding Raskhan, which claims he was a Muslim who took up devotion to Krishna at some point in adulthood.
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Dudney, Arthur. "Building a Vernacular Culture on the Ruins of Persian?" In India in the Persian World of Letters, 187–234. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192857415.003.0006.

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Modern scholars and critics have generally accepted the false premise that Indians started using Urdu more widely in the eighteenth century because Mughal politics were in a shambles and feckless nobles could no longer fund poetry in Persian, the language of cosmopolitan prestige, and nationalist pride meant they needed their own language (Hindi/Urdu/reḳhtah/khaṛī bolī) rather than the supposedly “foreign” Persian. The Urdu literary historical tradition credits Ārzū with having developed such a language ideology, but the relationship between the ideas addressed in Ārzū’s surviving works, which are nominally about Persian alone, and the Urdu tradition have not been developed in detail. This chapter considers how Ārzū’s mentorship of poets and ideas on language, particularly the “everyday” (rozmarrah) usage, influenced the vernacular literary tradition of Delhi and was a catalyst in building the consciousness of a pre-existing, dispersed community of language users across India.
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Dudney, Arthur. "Innovation and Poetic Authority in Eighteenth-Century Persian." In India in the Persian World of Letters, 94–141. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192857415.003.0004.

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In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Persian literary culture was experiencing a transformation: A poetics that explicitly valued newness, the “tāzah-goʾī” or “Fresh Speech,” threatened the traditional system of literary authority (sanad). To address this disconnect, Ārzū reiterated the importance of tradition as a unifying factor across the Persian world of letters while also systematizing the expertise of living poets. This chapter argues against the common but anachronistic interpretation of the tāzah-goʾī debate as a contest between Iranian and Indian aesthetics. It analyzes Ārzū’s influential disagreements with the long-dead Abū al-Barakāt Munīr Lahorī (1610–44) and with his contemporary Shaiḳh Muḥammad ʿAlī Ḥazīn Lāhījī (1692–1766). In Ārzū’s framing, Munīr and Ḥazīn both stood for a literary purism that valorized the works of the pre-tāzah-goʾī poets, but their claims to be the present-day guardians of this earlier poetic style were undercut by their inconsistency.
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Dudney, Arthur. "A Literate Life." In India in the Persian World of Letters, 15–53. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192857415.003.0002.

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This chapter situates Ārzū among his patrons, friends, and rivals. It is primarily based upon tażkirahs (compendia of poets’ biographies), particularly Ārzū’s own tażkirah Majmaʿ al-Nafāʾis. Ārzū followed the typical career path for a Mughal man of letters, from early education in a familial and small-town environment to urban network building and education to a career in full flower in the capital. Soon after settling in Delhi he met Ānand Rām Muḳhliṣ, who introduced him to his future patron and facilitated his arrival into literary high society. He also came to know Mīrzā ʿAbd al-Qādir Bedil, the most important poet in Delhi, shortly before Bedil’s death in 1720. Ārzū tied himself into prestigious literary networks, including Bedil’s former circle, and battled with various literary rivals, particularly the Iranian émigré Muḥammad ʿAlī Ḥazīn. The chapter closes with a summary of Ārzū’s critical works, which include commentaries, dictionaries, and treatises.
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Jahanbegloo, Ramin. "Walking in the Steps of the Mystics." In Talking Poetry, 98–100. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192869180.003.0027.

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Abstract While the presence and relevance of Indian tradition to India cannot be denied, nor possibly be objected to, no tradition, whether Indian or any other, could be, in such a complex evolving world, be completely a matter of the past. Past is important, the presence of past in our present is also relevant and can be felt, but past cannot claim to have found all the answers for everything, for us already. There are huge number of problems, issues and concerns which would have never arisen before. Look at this issue of right to privacy, there is no evidence in our traditions, whether a person has this inalienable right.
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Busch, Allison. "The Poetry of History in Early Modern India." In How the Past was Used. British Academy, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197266120.003.0007.

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This chapter shows how Hindi poetry can be an important resource for understanding the Mughal period (1526–1857). Mughal historians have largely relied on Persian and European sources, but much can be gained by examining the local historical cultures that were cultivated in Indian vernacular languages. Busch focuses on a specific Hindi work, the Binhai Raso of Maheshdas Rao, which tells the story of the Mughal succession war of 1658 from the viewpoint of the Gaur Rajputs who fought (and died) in defence of the Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan. Since the materials are primarily literary rather than documentary in nature, they present challenges to would-be historian of historical culture, but they have the potential to contribute new perspectives not only to the field of Mughal history, but to the re-theorisation of Indian historiographical practices.
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Pellò, Stefano. "11. Persian Poets on the Streets: The Lore of Indo-Persian Poetic Circles in Late Mughal India." In Tellings and Texts: Music, Literature and Performance in North India, 303–26. Open Book Publishers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0062.11.

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Busch, Allison. "The Poetics of History in Padmakar’s Himmatbahādurvirudāvalī." In Text and Tradition in Early Modern North India, 260–81. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199478866.003.0013.

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Allison Busch places Padmakar Bhatt and his Himmatbahādurvirudāvalī in the context of the literary and political imaginary of the eighteenth century. She shows how Padmakar inherits the genre of the virudāvalī (itself a multi-faceted tradition) from Sanskrit, but also a rich lexicon from the vernacular, Arabic, and Persian. The form and language of his work thus reflect the changed political and cultural realities of his time. The seamless movement between modes of versified poetic description in the Himmatbahādurvirudāvalī reflects Padmakar’s simultaneous function as both historian and poet.
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Conference papers on the topic "Indic poetry (Persian)"

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GÜZEL, bdurrahman. "THE INFLUENCE OF ALI SHIR NAVOI ON Mughal NORTH INDIA." In The Impact of Zahir Ad-Din Muhammad Bobur’s Literary Legacy on the Advancement of Eastern Statehood and Culture. Alisher Navoi' Tashkent state university of Uzbek language and literature, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.52773/bobur.conf.2023.25.09/bzai2996.

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India, which has been a long-time ally of Turkic states throughout history, has had a dense Turkish population, especially as a result of the expeditions made by the Ghaznels, Timur and Baburls to North India. During the campaigns of Mahmud of Ghazni, many families with the surname Türkîolan can be found even today in Muradâbâd, Sambhal and Rampurgibi regions in Northern India, where the Turkish population settled. It is known that a significant Turkish population settled here during Timur's expeditions to Kabul, Punjab, Sind and Delhi after Ghazni. As a matter of fact, the Kutbils (1206-1266), Balabans (1266-1290), Kalach Sultanate (1290-1320), Tughluqs (1320-1414), Seyyids (1414-1451) and Lods (1451) ruled in North India from the 13th century. -1526) were able to gain power by taking advantage of the power of the Turkish population that had settled here before. Babur's defeat of Lûdîler in 1526 and the conquest of North India, unlike other expeditions, means the beginning of a permanent rule in this region. During the period when Babur sat on the throne for about five years, the importance he gave to Turkish in this region, along with Persian and Hindi, ensured that Turkish was spoken in the palace and that Turkish developed as a language of poetry. In this respect, Chagatai Turkish is a "new field"52 where the Timur literary tradition continues in North India, and it also represents a symbol of cultural dominance. This issue will be addressed in our work.
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