Relevant bibliographies by topics / Indias nationalist movement

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Academic literature on the topic 'Indias nationalist movement'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 18 May 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Indias nationalist movement"

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Ayob, Azman. "India-Burma (Myanmar) Relations under British India Administration prior to 1937 Separation: Influx of Indians and Awakening of Nationalist Movements in Burma." Environment-Behaviour Proceedings Journal 9, SI20 (March 13, 2024): 371–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21834/e-bpj.v9isi20.5892.

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The paper focuses on India-Burma relations under British India’s administration prior to the 1937 separation. As for data gathering, content analysis was adopted. The findings are analyzed through two perspectives: the influx of the Indians into Burma and the awakening of Burma’s nationalist movements related to Mahatma Gandhi. The findings of this study demonstrates that the influx of the Indian immigrants had eventually gave rise to the Burmese nationalist movements and the separation of Burma from British India was influenced by the Indian nationalists as well as a thought by Mahatma Gandhi that Burma cannot be part of India.
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Bhagavan, Manu. "The Rebel Academy: Modernity and the Movement for a University in Princely Baroda, 1908–49." Journal of Asian Studies 61, no. 3 (August 2002): 919–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3096351.

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In recent analyses of nationalism in colonial South Asia, Partha Chatterjee and Tanika Sarkar, among others, have argued that as a result of colonial domination in the “public sphere”—the realm of the state and civil society—Indian male nationalists deployed the “private sphere”—the realm of the home—as the discursive site of anticolonial nationalist imaginaries. The internal space of the home was “the one sphere where improvement could be made through [Indian men's] own initiative, changes could be wrought, where education would bring forth concrete, manipulable, desired results” (Sarkar 1992, 224; Chatterjee 1989) and it therefore took on “compensatory significance” in the experience of modernity in India (Chakrabarty 2000, 215–18).
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Gopikrishna, Dr P., Dr J. Anil Premraj, Dr A. Manikandan, Dr M. Vinothkumar, R. Ajayendra, Dr S. Raja, Chen Chen E. Dasigan, et al. "A Study on Techno-Nationalism, an Emerging Trend in the 21st Century India." Journal of Humanities and Education Development 6, no. 1 (2024): 30–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/jhed.6.1.5.

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Techno-nationalism is a nationalistic and ideological movement that also serves to understand the social and cultural effects of technology on the citizens of a country. Techno-nationalism is a fusion of the two words "Technology and Nationalism," in which they are politically focused together on the advancement of the country in terms of technology and its related dynamics. Initially, it was started in Europe and North America, then later in the twentieth century, various nations begin to make use of Techno-nationalism, and China has mastered this concept for their advancement. anyway, the main objective of this paper is to examine and prove the roots and growth of the Techno-nationalist movement in the world as well as in India and China's hostility to the emergence of Techno-nationalism in India and in its citizens with the support of different eminent references. In this context, a survey also conducted to prove the emergence of the Techno-nationalism in India. Respondents are common Indian people who will fall within the categories of different sectors and analyzed this data through the references of many technological, cultural, scientific, social, historical theories respectively.
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Fasseur, C., and D. H. A. Kolff. "II. Some Remarks on the Development of Colonial Bureaucracies in India and Indonesia." Itinerario 10, no. 1 (March 1986): 31–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300008974.

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A systematic comparison of the development of modern bureaucracies in India and Indonesia during the colonial era has never been made. No equivalent of the excellent work done by J.S. Furnivall on the colonial administration in Burma and Java is available. Yet, much of what he said is useful for the subject of this paper and we shall therefore lean heavily on him. It would be an overstatementto say that Indians before the Second World War felt interested in the events and developments in Indonesia. In the other direction that interest surely existed. We need only to recall the deep impact the Indian nationalist movement made upon such Indonesian nationalists as Sukarno.‘The example of Asian nationalism to which Indonesians referred most often was the Indian one.’ This applies for instance to the Congress non-cooperation campaign in the early 1920s. Indonesian nationalists could since then be classified as cooperators and non-cooperators, although for them the principal criterion was not the wish to boycott Dutch schools, goods and government officials(such a boycott actually never occurred in colonial Indonesia)but the refusal to participate in representative councils such as the Volksraad(i.e. People's Council).
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Mukerji, Sumit. "The Novelist and the Nationalist: Bankim Chandra in the Life of Subhas Chandra Bose." Indian Historical Review 49, no. 1_suppl (June 2022): S81—S95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03769836221105949.

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This article seeks to explore a hitherto unploughed field of research on Indian freedom movement in general and Subhas Chandra Bose in particular that is the influence of Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay, the famous novelist of Bengal in the life of Subhas Chandra Bose, the militant nationalist. While Bankim Chandra was never embroiled in politics, yet his influence on Indian nationalist movement was most profound. It was particularly discernible in the firebrand revolutionaries of Bengal whose legacy was inherited by Subhas Chandra Bose. No work on Bankim Chandra’s influence on the inception, germination, evolution, articulation maturation and expression of Bose’s concept of nationalism has been produced so far. The article tries to recapture and reassess the extent of reflection of Bankim Chandra’s outlook on British rule in India and India’s subjection to British imperialism, the contentious issue of Hindu nationalism and also related pertinent issues like communalism and secularism. It is a comparative study which intends to review these issues and questions in critical perspective. The central point is that Bankim Chandra’s influence on Bose was not transitory but everlasting and Bankim was always an abiding source of inspiration behind all his nationalist endeavour.
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Reetz, Dietrich. "In Search of the Collective Self: How Ethnic Group Concepts were Cast through Conflict in Colonial India." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 2 (May 1997): 285–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00014311.

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When the concept of Western nationalism travelled to India in the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century it was carried by British officialdom and an increasingly mobile and articulate Indian élite that was educated in English and in the tradition of British society. Not only did it inspire the all-India nationalist movement, but it encouraged regional politics as well, mainly in ethnic and religious terms. Most of today's ethnic and religious movements in South Asia could be traced back to their antecedents before independence. Looking closer at the three major regional movements of pre-independence India, the Pathans, the Sikhs and the Tamils, one finds a striking similarity in patterns of mobilization, conflict and concept irrespective of their association with the national movement (Red Shirt movement of the Pathans, Sikh movement of the Akalis) or independent existence in opposition to Congress (non-Brahmin/Tamil movement)
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ANDERSON, EDWARD, and PATRICK CLIBBENS. "‘Smugglers of Truth’: The Indian diaspora, Hindu nationalism, and the Emergency (1975–77)." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 5 (June 4, 2018): 1729–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000750.

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AbstractDuring the Indian Emergency (1975–77) a range of opposition groups and the Indian state competed to mobilize the Indian diaspora. The Emergency therefore needs to be understood as a global event. Opposition activists travelled overseas and developed transnational networks to protest against the Emergency, by holding demonstrations in their countries of residence and smuggling pamphlets into India. They tried to influence the media and politicians outside India in an effort to pressurize Indira Gandhi into ending the Emergency. An important strand of ‘long-distance’ anti-Emergency activism involved individuals from the Hindu nationalist movement overseas, whose Indian counterparts were proscribed and imprisoned during the period. Several key Hindutva politicians in recent decades were also involved in transnational anti-Emergency activism, including Subramanian Swamy and Narendra Modi. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh's role in opposing the Emergency—particularly the way in which it enabled overseas Indians to act as ‘smugglers of truth’—remains an important legitimizing narrative for Hindu nationalists. Indira Gandhi's Congress government mounted its own pro-Emergency campaigns overseas: it attacked diasporic opposition activists and closely monitored their activities through diplomatic missions. The state's recognition of the diaspora's potential influence on Indian politics, and its attempts to counter this activism, catalysed a long-term change in its attitude towards Indians overseas. It aimed to imitate more ‘successful’ diasporas and began to regard overseas Indians as a vital political and geopolitical resource. The Emergency must be reassessed as a critical event in the creation of new forms of transnational citizenship, global networks, and long-distance nationalism.
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Hoque, Obaidul. "Exploring the Role of Women’s Print Media in the Indian Nationalist Movement: A Study of Select Women’s Magazines in Colonial India." Journal of Language and Linguistics in Society, no. 34 (June 24, 2023): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jlls.34.29.34.

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This research paper explores the role of women’s print media in the Indian nationalist movement, focusing on select women’s magazines in colonial India. The study examines the ways in which these magazines facilitated the participation of women in the movement and contributed to the dissemination of nationalist ideologies. Through a qualitative analysis of primary sources, including magazines such as Stri Dharma and Bharati, the study uncovers the diverse ways in which women’s magazines engaged with nationalist discourse. These magazines served as a platform for women writers to express their views on political issues, and also provided information on the activities of the nationalist movement. The study finds that women’s magazines played a significant role in shaping the political consciousness of women in colonial India, and that they provided a space for women to participate in nationalist discourse. The magazines also served as a means of building solidarity among women, as they shared stories of struggle and celebrated the achievements of female nationalists. Furthermore, this study contributes to our understanding of the role of women in the Indian nationalist movement and highlights the importance of women’s print media in shaping political discourse during this period. The findings suggest that women’s magazines were instrumental in creating a space for women’s voices in the nationalist movement, and played a significant role in shaping the political consciousness of women in colonial India.
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Patel, Trishula. "From the Subcontinent with Love." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 455–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9408002.

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Abstract “Africa weaves a magic spell around even a temporary visitor,” wrote the former Indian high commissioner to East and Central Africa, Apa Pant, in 1987, echoing the allure that the continent had over him and other fellow Indian diplomats. But the diplomatic roles of men like Pant and the history of Indian engagement with Rhodesia has not, until now, been explored. This article argues that the central role of India in the colonial world ensured that London reined in the white settler Rhodesian government from enacting discriminatory legislation against its minority Indian populations. After Indian independence in 1947, the postcolonial government shifted from advocating specifically for the rights of Indians overseas to ideological support for the independence of oppressed peoples across the British colonial world, a mission with which it tasked its diplomatic representatives. But after India left its post in Salisbury in 1965, Indian public rhetorical support for African nationalist movements in Rhodesia was not matched by its private support for British settlement plans that were largely opposed by the leading African political parties in the country, colored by private patronizing attitudes by India's representatives toward African nationalists and the assumption that they were not yet ready to govern themselves.
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Therwath, Ingrid. "Cyber-hindutva: Hindu nationalism, the diaspora and the Web." Social Science Information 51, no. 4 (November 20, 2012): 551–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018412456782.

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Hindu nationalists defend the advent of a Hindu state in India, while projecting the universal appeal of their ideology. Their very territorialized yet universal claims have been finding particular resonance among migrant populations, particularly in North America. This study strives to go beyond content analyses that foreground voices to focus on the network structure in order to highlight the new transnational practices of nationalism. Two main points emerge from this in-depth scrutiny. On the one hand, Hindu nationalist organizations have transferred their online activities mainly to the USA, where the Indian diaspora is 3.2 million strong, and constitute therefore a prime example of long-distance transnational nationalism. On the other hand, the morphological discrepancies between the online and the offline networks point to new strategies of discretion developed to evade the gaze of authorities in countries of residence. The recourse to cartography thus becomes crucial not only in understanding what sectarian or illegal movements do and show but also what they seek to hide.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Indias nationalist movement"

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Pakhrin, Kalyani. "Indias nationalist movement and the participation of Nepali women of Darjeeling." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2596.

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Menon, Kalyani Devaki. "Dissonant subjects: Women in the Hindu nationalist movement in India." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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Kuracina, William F. "Toward a Congress Raj : Indian nationalism and the pursuit of a potential nation-state." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available, full text:, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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Dhingra, Leena. "Exhumation : a novel and critical commentary." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.249429.

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Weeks, Deborah G. "Movement Of The People: The Relationship Between Black Consciousness Movements, Race, and Class in the Caribbean." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002340.

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Deol, Harnik. "Religion and nationalism in India : the case of the Punjab, 1960-1990." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1443/.

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The research examines the factors which account for the emergence of ethno-nationalist movements in multi-ethnic and late industrialising societies such as India. The research employs a historical sociological approach to the study of nationalism. Opening with an interrogation of the classic theories of nationalism, the research shows the Eurocentric limitations of these works. By providing an account of the distinctive nature and development of Indian nationalism, it is maintained that the nature, growth, timing and scope of nationalist movements is affected by the level of development and the nature of the state and society in which they emerge. Using the theoretical framework developed here, the theses seeks to explain the nature and timing of breakaway movements in the Indian subcontinent. By providing an account of the social composition of the Sikh secessionist movement, the research shifts the focus on to the peasantry. Consequently, the study interrogates the social and cultural sphere beyond the English-speaking Indian elite. The role of the widely influential media, such as the vernacular press and cassettes, in ethnic movements is also considered. The hypothesis is that the conjunction of three sets of factors explain the rise of Sikh nationalism. The first is economic, notably the transition to commercial agriculture, the second is the revolution in communication, notably the expansion of vernacular press and cassettes and the third is religious, notably the revolutionary Sikh religious ideology with emphasis on martyrdom. The theses traces the three stage evolution of the Sikhs from a religious congregation into an ethnic community in the nineteenth century and from an ethnic community into a nation in the twentieth century.
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Sanghera, Jasvinder. "Exploring links between the Social Reform, Nationalist, and Women's Movements in India." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0011/MQ52479.pdf.

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Fjällsby, Per-Olof. "Indien som utopi och verklighet : Om den teosofiska rörelsens bidrag till indisk utbildning och politik 1879-1930." Doctoral thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-13049.

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This thesis aims to contribute to a deeper understanding of the political ambitions and actions of the Theosophical Society within the emerging nationalist movement in India during 1879-1930. Different theoretical perspectives have been applied depending on the historical context, and Ludwik Fleck’s theory of thought collectives and thought styles served as a general frame for interpreting the movement’s actions and development A central concern in this study has been the attempt to explain how a numerically small movement with its roots in the West could come to have political influence in India for a period of time. The study starts off in a western historical context in an attempt to uncover the reasons behind the movement's commitment to India. It focuses on a culture or civilization critique the Theosophical Society shared with several other contemporary movements. The first part of the thesis examines the theosophical movement's establishment in India. The relationship with other Indian reform movements has been identified and dividing lines behind the official's eclectic attitude have been shown. The theosophical activities in India can thus be understood in relation to its critique of the modern development of society. My study of the period partly indicates shifts in opinions over time and position-takings with clear elements of competition in relation to other reform movements. The second study examines the theosophist’s involvement in education and discusses how the nationalist/theosophical educational ideals are reflected in tuition and in textbooks. Emphasis on the connection to the students’ own reality in order to develop a national consciousness is central. One's own religion, the historical narratives and the mother language are at the forefront of a national identity. The theosophist’s ambitions were to overcome the political and religious issues, but the network that was developed were too challenging to be accepted. The third study examines theosophy in the open political arena. The pattern is partly the same in terms of methods to reach a consensus for the main target - Home Rule. The political challenges were reflected in an increased political mobilization, which broadened the political activities outside the Congress. My study shows that there was an opposition in the theosophical movement to the politicization during the war, also among leading theosophists. After the war the marginalization of Theosophy was obvious in politics when the theosophical leadership chose to opt out of the Congress under Gandhi's leadership.
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Thapar-Björkert, Suruchi. "Reconstructing the history of women's participation in the nationalist movement in India, 1905-1945." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1997. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/36330/.

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The nationalist struggle in India against British colonial rule brought about the political mobilisation of both men and women. The nationalist leaders required the participation of women in the nationalist movement because the movement's importance and success was dependent on women's contribution to and involvement in it. While the existing research has contributed to my understanding of women's interaction with political life in India, this study attempts to reconstruct the dominant interpretations on women's political involvement. In doing so, it deconstructs concepts such as 'active', 'private', 'public' and 'political'. The argument in this thesis is shaped through three inter-related themes. First, it problematises women's emergence into the public sphere from a purdah-bound domestic existence. Secondly, it locates the domestic as an equally important site of nationalist activities as the public sphere. Thirdly, in the light of the above themes, it is suggested that dichotomous concepts such as public/private do not help to explain the interaction between these spheres, which facilitated the complex process of women's emergence in the public sphere. Moreover, the associated concepts of political/apolitical do not take into account women's political contributions from within the domestic sphere. Within the domestic sphere, women's nationalist identities were continuously re-negotiated to accommodate values of ancient Indian culture and the new Western influences. These identities shifted from an educated domestic woman to a nonviolent and non-antagonistic public woman to a public woman aware of challenging Western ideas, yet primarily confined to the domestic sphere. The nationalist movement also served as an important vehicle for encouraging middle-class women to engage in activities and to adopt new role models. The representations of women constructed by the nationalist project enabled women to play a political role through the avenues they opened, in both the public and domestic domains. However, women's political past and their varied contribution to the struggle was not effective in undermining gender inequalities or improving their status in society. The ideas in this historical study are shaped primarily through oral narratives and Hindi vernacular literature. The interviews with Indian activists, as a non-Western researcher, made me aware of the negotiable category 'Other'. Official and unofficial sources provided an initial framework for the study of this historical period.
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Kovacs, Anja. "The difference they make : activism and agency of women in the Hindu nationalist movement in India." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.445506.

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Books on the topic "Indias nationalist movement"

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Chattopadhyay, Dilipkumar. Bipinchandra Pal and Indian national movement. Calcutta: Mahanam Prakashan, 1986.

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Imām, Hassan. Indian national movement. New Delhi: Anmol Publications, 1999.

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Śekhara, Bandyopādhyāẏa, ed. Nationalist movement in India: A reader. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2009.

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1947-, Patnaik Himanshu S., Mishra Prasanna Kumar, and Utkal University. Post-graduate Dept. of History., eds. Studies in nationalist movement in India. Bhubaneswar: P.G. Dept. of History, Utkal University, 2001.

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Jaffrelot, Christophe. The Hindu nationalist movement in India. New York: Columbia University Press, 1996.

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Arora, K. C. Indian nationalist movement in Britain, 1930-1949. New Delhi, India: Inter-India Publications, 1992.

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Umar, Badruddin. The Indian national movement. Dhaka, Bangladesh: University Press, 1993.

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Kāmat, Sūryanātha. Quit India movement in Karnataka. Bangalore: Lipi Prakashana, 1988.

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Shukla, Vivekananda. Rebellion of 1942: Quit India movement. Delhi: H.K. Publishers & Distributors, 1989.

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Ahluwalia, B. K. Muslims and India's freedom movement. New Delhi: Heritage Publishers, 1985.

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Book chapters on the topic "Indias nationalist movement"

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Roy, Baijayanti. "Hakenkreuz, Swastika and Crescent: The Religious Factor in Nazi Cultural Politics Regarding India." In Palgrave Series in Asian German Studies, 253–82. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40375-0_11.

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AbstractThis chapter examines, on the basis of under-utilized archival materials, the uses of different religions in Nazi cultural politics aimed at India between 1933 and 1939. The goal of such politics was to generate respect for Nazi Germany and project it as sympathetic to the aspirations of various groups of Indians. Nazi propaganda used different tropes for the diverse politico-religious organizations it addressed. Aryanism was an effective vehicle of propaganda for Hindu nationalists and Hindu revivalists, as well as some Buddhists, whereas purported parallels between Islam and Nazism formed the core of the overtures towards Islamists. The chapter traces the dissemination of such propaganda through a cobweb-like Nazi network that existed in the Indian subcontinent, comprising Germans as well as Indians. The chapter demonstrates how Nazi cultural politics in India, which was inconsistent in the beginning, gradually became more coherent as it began to follow the dictates of Nazi foreign policy. As the war approached, religion-based propaganda gave way to strategic support for the secular anti-colonial movement led by the Indian National Congress.
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Chakrabarty, Bidyut, and Rajendra K. Pandey. "Socio-economic Dimensions of the Nationalist Movement." In Modern Indian Political Thought, 302–39. London: Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003440062-21.

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Valiani, Arafaat A. "Physical Training, Ethical Discipline, and Creative Violence: Zones of Self-Mastery in the Hindu Nationalist Movement." In Militant Publics in India, 163–86. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230370630_6.

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Harindranath, Ramaswami. "Software Industry, Religious Nationalism, and Social Movements in India: Aspects of Globalization?" In Citizenship and Participation in the Information Age, edited by Manjunath Pendakur and Roma Harris, 56–64. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442602465-007.

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Charlton-Stevens, Uther. "The End of Anglo-India?" In Anglo-India and the End of Empire, 233–86. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197669983.003.0006.

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Abstract During the Quit India movement of 1942, pressure on all Indian communities to abandon British/Western clothing in the spirit of sartorial nationalism reached fever pitch. Anglo-Indians remained attached to markers of their European ancestry, especially the topi. Dress was but one of several perceived threats to Anglo-Indians' hybridized identity. In this climate and with Indian independence imminent, Frank Anthony sought to reorient Anglo-Indians through his communal nationalist formula "Anglo-Indian by community, Indian by nationality". Despite Anthony promising the preservation of Anglo-Indians' English mother tongue and westernized culture, a significant pro-British faction opposed his prescription. After unavailing pleas to the incoming Labour government in London and their Cabinet Mission of 1946 for representation in the Constituent Assembly of India, Anthony met with Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, and Vallabhbhai Patel, who generously conceded three seats on the constitution-making body, enabling Anthony to achieve almost unique constitutional recognition. In Pakistan, a rival leader, Cecil Edward Gibbon, sought to rebrand Anglo-Indians as Anglo-Muslims (though Anglo-Pakistanis or "Anglos" remained more common). Some sought to register as British as an insurance against deterioration in their position whilst remaining in India and Pakistan. Others proposed colonization schemes or emigrated, principally to Anglosphere countries, resulting in a global diaspora.
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Singh, Gajendra. "The Place of Revolutionary Violence in India, 1905–1947." In The Oxford Handbook of Late Colonial Insurgencies and Counter-Insurgencies, 275–90. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198866787.013.31.

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Abstract The ordering principle in the historiography of the nationalist movement(s) in colonial India—the longest and most sustained of anti-colonial nationalist movements from the early years of the First World War to the aftermath of the Second—has been to consider them in relation to the normative nationalism of Gandhi and Gandhism. Non-violence is assumed to have been its natural character, and political violence its failure, its limits, and the expression of sub-, semi-, or aberrant nationalisms. If these movements are considered on their own terms, however, a different history can be constructed. They were central to the imaginary that justified the violence excesses of the colonial state (both in judicial and extra-judicial violence), developed a logic or legitimate violence and proportionate response that endured throughout the early twentieth century, and defined the nationalist mainstream in the 1940s, through the Quit India Movement and the mass insurgencies and genocides of that decade. This paper will offer an overview of these movements; of their logics, consciousnesses, and violent excess.
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Mohite, Ragini. "Paternalism and Nationalism in Tagore’s Writings." In Modern Writers, Transnational Literatures, 27–66. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781949979060.003.0002.

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This chapter shines light on the complex interweaving of paternalism and nationalism in two of Tagore’s political novels: Gora and The Home and the World. It is cognizant that Tagore speaks to key moments of India’s colonial history which include the First War of Independence in 1857, the 1859 Indigo Revolt, the swadeshi movement, and the 1905 partition of Bengal. Gora takes us to the colonial periphery and allows Tagore a mediation on the caste and class-based paternalism often underlying nationalist and reform movements and the complex positioning of Irish soldiers in India in ways pertinent to the discussions of race in contemporary postcolonial criticism. Meanwhile, The Home and the World enables a narrative discourse on nationalist symbolism and the different formulations of nationalism itself. This chapter examines such issues within the framework of international interlocutors like Sister Nivedita and W. E. B. Du Bois, generic innovations, translation, and the proliferation of texts through periodicals.
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Laursen, Ole Birk. "‘The bomb plot of Zurich’: Indian nationalism, Italian anarchism and the First World War1." In Anarchism, 1914-18. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784993412.003.0007.

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This essay explores the so-called ‘Bomb Plot of Zürich’, in which the Indian nationalists Virendranath Chattopadhyaya and Abdul Hafiz of the Indian Independence Committee collaborated with the German Foreign Office and a band of Swiss-based Italian anarchists led by Arcangelo Cavadini and Luigi Bertoni to smuggle German-manufactured bombs, weapons and poison into Switzerland and Italy in the summer of 1915. This was a prime example of the solidarities and overlaps between, in principle, conflicting ideologies of Indian nationalism, German imperialism and Italian anarchism. The essay draws primarily on proceedings from the Swiss Federal Court and aims to situate the event within both the histories of the Indian nationalist movement abroad as well as the Italian anarchist movement. It argues that, during the geo-political context of the First World War, the Indian nationalists forged strategic alliances with strange bedfellows to overthrow the British Empire.
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Patel, Dinyar. "The Transnational Career of the ‘Indian Edison’." In Bombay Before Mumbai, 239–61. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190061708.003.0012.

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Shankar Abaji Bhisey (1867-1935) was a genius inventor whose career unfolded in three different continents. In his lifetime, he was known as the ‘Indian Edison’ and the ‘Pioneer Indian Inventor’. Bhisey’s most promising invention was the Bhisotype, a mechanical typecaster that promised to bring revolutionary change to the global printing industry. However, Bhisey required significant financial support for his inventive work. In Bombay and abroad, he found such support amongst leaders of the early Indian nationalist movement, many of whom enjoyed close business connections or possessed substantial business experience. Dadabhai Naoroji, Gopal Krishna Gokhale, and the British socialist Henry Hyndman were his three greatest supporters. By actively taking an interest and a financial stake in Bhisey’s career, these leaders demonstrated two dynamics at play. Firstly, the worlds of Indian finance and early nationalism were inextricably connected, especially in and through Bombay. Secondly, early nationalists and their British political allies could cooperate on a range of India-related activities beyond the domain of high politics.
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Gupta-Carlson, Himanee. "Knowing Your Place." In Muncie, India(na). University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041822.003.0007.

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This chapter discusses Hindu nationalism and its outreach to Indians living outside of India, particularly the United States. It describes how the movement has impacted the daily lives of Indian Americans in Muncie, Indiana, through a close reading and discourse analysis of conversations with Indian and other South Asian residents of Muncie. The author uses auto-ethnography to situate the analysis within the context of her experiences and argues that the manner in which South Asian Americans in Muncie of differing religious backgrounds might offer a template for challenging religious discrimination.
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Reports on the topic "Indias nationalist movement"

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Saleem, Raja M. Ali, Ihsan Yilmaz, and Priya Chacko. Civilizationist Populism in South Asia: Turning India Saffron. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0009.

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The 21st century has witnessed a significant shift in how the concept of nationalism is understood. A political marriage between identity politics and populism has resulted in “civilizationism,” a new form of nationalism that entails an emotionally charged division of society into “the people” versus “the Other.” All too often, the divisive discourses and policies associated with civilizationalist populism produce intercommunal conflict and violence. This paper draws on a salient case study, India’s Hindutva movement, to analyze how mainstream populist political parties and grassroots organizations can leverage civilizationist populism in campaigns to mobilize political constituencies. In surveying the various groups within the Hindutva movement and conducting a discourse analysis of their leaders’ statements, the paper shows the central role of sacralized nostalgia, history, and culture in Hindutva populist civilizationism. By analyzing the contours and socio-political implications of civilizationist populism through this case study, the paper contributes to the theoretical understanding of the concept more generally.
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Monthly Infographics Report: March 2024. Microgovernance Research Initiative (MGR), April 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.57189/mgrinfmar24.

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MGR recorded 1503 violent incidents during March 2024, mostly triggered by politics, access to resources, and other socio-economic factors. More than 242 deaths and 2698 injuries have been recorded from these incidents. The highest number of violent incidents have been recorded in the form of clashes and attacks (426). Some 153 incidents are directly political violence, protests and arrests which resulted in 16 deaths. Geographically, Chittagong (351) scores the highest number of violence followed by Dhaka (306), Rajshahi (244) and Barishal (213). There were 86 protests and demonstrations and only 16 of protests were triggered by politics. While some 36.81% of political violence contributed by Bangladesh Awami League & affiliates, Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) scored only 2.08% of political violence in the month of March. Law and security forces conducted 6.94% of political violence. Intra-party violence within the Awami League showed a small count of 16. Whereas 52% political incidents were rural, 38% of political violence incidents took place in urban areas. After the election, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) experienced a noticeable decrease in its active involvement, mainly due to the government's strengthened control over state mechanisms. Nevertheless, they are attempting to mobilize their supporters by spearheading a movement advocating the boycott of Indian products. Furthermore, unrest is going on among general students at Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET) in opposition to the Bangladesh Chattro League's endeavors to reintroduce politics into the BUET campus.
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