Journal articles on the topic 'Indian state'
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1
Bauer, W. J. "California State Indian Museum." Labor Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas 9, no. 2 (May 17, 2012): 141–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-1540052.
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Carleton, Jennifer Nutt. "State Income Taxation of Nonmember Indians in Indian Country." American Indian Law Review 27, no. 1 (2002): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20070690.
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Sethi, Devika. "The Ban Formula." Indian Historical Review 45, no. 1 (June 2018): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983618768934.
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In a colonial context, and against the backdrop of an anti-colonial movement, it is all too easy to see censorship of publications operating along racial lines and to assume that only publications by Indian authors were subject to censorship. However, non-Indian authors—former colonial officials and soldiers, journalists and missionaries—writing in English on matters concerning India commanded audiences in their home countries in addition to being read by an influential section of the Indian population. Precisely because they escaped colonial stereotyping about ‘seditious natives’, non-Indian authors’ words carried a greater illusion of neutrality and sometimes more weight. Their criticism of the colonial state or excessive approbation of nationalist leaders could less easily be dismissed as biased than that by Indians. By reconstructing the question of, and the controversy over, the possible banning of seven such books by the colonial state in the 1920s–30s, this article will question commonly held assumptions about the conduct of the censorship of publications in late colonial India.
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Bordilovska, Olena. "Current State of Ukrainian-Indian Relations." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 590–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-34.
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The article delineates the diplomatic relations between Ukraine and the Republic of India based on a high level of trust and mutual understanding, being friendly and collaborating. Recently, two countries have been able to build a solid base for the development of economic cooperation, trade and scientific relations, using the Soviet-era cooperation traditions and a certain unity of approaches to understanding of the modern world. At the same time, analysts and indologists point out the lack of attention to Ukrainian-Indian relations by Ukrainian authorities and underestimation of real opportunities and prospects for cooperation. The level of political dialogue is not in line with the potential of these relationships either. The overall image of Ukraine has been significantly improved by Ukraine’s persuasive defence of its national interests, victory in international legal instances, in particular the recognition of the aggressive actions of the Russian Federation in the east of Ukraine as well as the entry into force of the Association Agreement with the European Union that has led to a revival of interest from Indian partners. The next task for Ukrainian politicians and experts is to explain the strategic importance for Ukraine of the Association Agreement with the EU, the prospects for its implementation, and the absence of negative consequences for cooperation with Asian countries. The author emphasises that Ukraine does not make full use of this area of its foreign policy, therefore losing opportunities for advancing and protecting its national interests in this important region. Keywords: the Republic of India, Ukraine, EU, association, Ukrainian-Indian relations.
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CHERESHNEVA, Larisa Aleksandrovna. "CONSTITUTIONS OF JAWAHARLAL NEHRU AND LIAQUAT ALI KHAN: CORRELATION OF POLITICAL STRATEGY AND STATE AND LEGAL REALIA OF INDEPENDENT INDIA AND PAKISTAN (1947–1956)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 174 (2018): 210–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-174-210-216.
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India and Pakistan, which emerged on the political map of the world 70 years ago, with the end of two hundred years of colonial rule of Britain, appeared to be the first states in the South Asia that demonstrated the uniqueness of the algorithms of the sovereignty of the liberated countries of the East. To what extent was it possible to combine tradition and modernization in their state-building? Return to the Eastern despotism, monarchical princely forms of governing or the creation of republics? What was the role in the States of free Hindustan to be supposed for their religion, religious institutions? Could the system of separation of powers correspond to the traditional ideas of many Indian and Pakistani peoples about power? We describe the characteristics of the program models of the state system, developed by the leading political forces of Colonial India – the All-Indian National Congress and the Muslim League for the future independent Hindustan, and their correlation with the real state and legal foundations of the Indian Union and Pakistan, formed in 1947–1956. It is noted that the League had only a general idea of the state formation and nation-building of Pakistan, which could not but affect the specifics of the Muslim project “Two Nations-two Indias” and subsequently led Pakistan to slide to the military dictatorships. The interrelation of the development of democratic legislation with the ideas of social justice, equality of national and ethno-religious minorities and the title majority is shown, the emphasis is placed on the risks of violation of the historical multiculturalism of the Indian civilization. We have involved the Indian, Pakistani and British documentaries on state-legal, historical and political issues, archival materials of the National Archives of India.
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Kumar-Banerjee, Ananya. "Contested and Cemented Borders: Understanding the Implications of Overseas Indian Citizenship." New Global Studies 13, no. 3 (November 18, 2019): 365–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ngs-2019-0037.
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AbstractAlthough the Person of Indian Origin (PIO) and Overseas Citizen of India (OCI) schemes have existed for some time, they began to serve a political and economic purpose for the Republic of India with the arrival of the twenty-first century. The OCI status asserts “Indianness” as a legible quality in diasporic memory. It does the work of cementing political Indo-Pakistani and Indo-Bangladeshi borders, while coopting the language of transnationalism to bolster the fundamentally nationalist regime of capitalism at work in the Republic of India. The goal of this regime is to promote a functionally nationalist, and thus, anti-transnational reality. As more generations of South Asians live and grow up abroad, creating a legible “Indianness” functions as a service to the capitalist Indian economy. These individuals abroad are encouraged to identify as diasporic “Indians” who must engage with their “motherland.” Thus, the transnationalist discourse of decreasing territoriality is exploited by the Indian state to serve goals that function in ideological opposition to transnationalism. As this discourse of legible “Indianness” becomes more successful, there will be increasing incentives for the ruling party in India to further privilege OCIs. In the end, the language and capital of the OCIs affirms the powers of capitalism contemporary Indian nation-state.
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Seema Sharma and Deepa Mann. "State and Social Responsibility of the Corporate: Analysis of the Role of State in India." Think India 18, no. 3 (December 16, 2015): 01–09. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/think-india.v18i3.7791.
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The present article aims to underscore the role of state in developing the context within which corporate social responsibility (CSR) has emerged in India. The paper traces the trajectory of the Indian economy through the five year plans which were considered to be its backbone and which have now been jettisoned. In addition, it takes a critical look at the public rhetoric of the political class to justify CSR in India. The analysis shows that Indian state since Independence has been dominated by the bourgeoisie class and hence even while focusing on planned development, it continued to create pockets of want in the social sector which have eventually been used to provide justification for the mandated CSR in India. The state had neglected the social sector throughout the plan periods. With the onset of privatization, liberalization, and globalization under the structural adjustment in India, the involvement of state in social sector was likely to reduce further. The state therefore pushed for mandatory CSR to fill the likely gap and the political class of the country provided necessary rhetorical justification for the same.
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Das Acevedo, Deepa. "Secularism in the Indian Context." Law & Social Inquiry 38, no. 01 (2013): 138–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2012.01304.x.
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Indian constitutional framers sought to tie their new state to ideas of modernity and liberalism by creating a government that would ensure citizens' rights while also creating the conditions for democratic citizenship. Balancing these two goals has been particularly challenging with regard to religion, as exemplified by the emergence of a peculiarly Indian understanding of secularism which requires the nonestablishment of religion but not the separation of religion and state. Supporters argue that this brand of secularism is best suited to the particular social and historical circumstances of independent India. This article suggests that the desire to separate religion and state is integral to any understanding of secularism and that, consequently, the Indian state neither is nor was meant to be secular. However, Indian secularists correctly identify the Indian state's distinctive approach to religion-state relations as appropriate to the Indian context and in keeping with India's constitutional goals.
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Ranjan, Amit. "Language as an Identity: Hindi–Non-Hindi Debates in India." Society and Culture in South Asia 7, no. 2 (July 2021): 314–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23938617211014660.
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Non-Hindi speakers in India always accuse that Hindi is imposed on them. As language is an essential component of an individual's and group's identity particularly in the Indian state of Tamil Nadu, Hindi is largely seen as Aryan's language spoken by north Indians. Tensions between Hindi and non-Hindi language have roots in the British India. There were demands for linguistic states in colonial years that accelerated in post-independent India. Although an idea to create states based on language were not accepted by early Indian leadership, they were gradually created. This paper attempts to critically examine the politics of language-based identity and related tensions.
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Ram, S. Tulasi, and ,Dr T. Srinivasa Rao. "Dissuade Of Crop Insurance In Telangana State." Restaurant Business 118, no. 9 (September 3, 2019): 161–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/rb.v118i9.8024.
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Contribution of Indian Agriculture sector is much higher than the world average and it is also called backbone for Indian economy by providing employment opportunities. Telangana, a newly formed state in India and majority of work force depends on agriculture and allied activities. In India agriculture is called playing dice with rains and even it badly affected by natural calamities, pests and diseases too. Crop Insurance is one the best option to mitigate the risk that associated with the agriculture sector. Agriculture Insurance Company of India ltd (AICI) one of the general insurance company that dedicated to cover crop insurance in India. AICI statistics shows that only two farmers from Telangana state opted for crop insurance under national agriculture Insurance Scheme. This proposed research will be an explorative in nature to identify the reasons behind farmers not opting for crop insurance. Primary data collected with the help of questionnaire from farmers, interaction with primary agriculture cooperative society secretaries, bankers and Agriculture officers.
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Bernardi-Boyle, Dao Lee. "State Corporations for Indian Reservations." American Indian Law Review 26, no. 1 (2001): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20070670.
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Stein, Burton, and Hartmut Scharfe. "The State in Indian Tradition." Journal of the American Oriental Society 111, no. 3 (July 1991): 591. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604282.
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Shulman, David, and Hartmut Scharfe. "The State in Indian Tradition." Pacific Affairs 64, no. 4 (1991): 593. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759894.
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WILLIAMS, Alexander. "Imagining the Post-colonial Lawyer: Legal Elites and the Indian Nation-State, 1947–1967." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 15, no. 1 (May 22, 2020): 156–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2020.7.
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AbstractA key feature of British rule in India was the formation of a class of elite metropolitan lawyers who had an outsized role within the legal profession and a prominent position in Indian politics. This paper analyzes the response of these legal elites to the shifting social and political terrain of post-colonial India, arguing that the advent of the Indian nation-state shaped the discursive strategies of elite lawyers in two crucial ways. First, in response to the slipping grasp of lawyers on Indian political life and increasing competition from developmentalist economics, the elite bar turned their attention towards the consolidation of a national professional identity, imagining an ‘Indian advocate’ as such, whose loyalty would ultimately lie with the nation-state. Second, the creation of the Supreme Court of India, the enactment of the Constitution of India, and the continuous swelling of the post-colonial regulatory welfare state partially reoriented the legal elite towards public law, particularly towards the burgeoning field of administrative law.
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TRAVERS, ROBERT. "Indian Petitioning and Colonial State-Formation in Eighteenth-Century Bengal." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 1 (January 2019): 89–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000841.
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AbstractThis article explores the role of Indian petitioning in the process of consolidating British power after the East India Company's military conquest of Bengal in the late eighteenth century. The presentation of written petitions (often termed‘arziin Persian) was a pervasive form of state-subject interaction in early modern South Asia that carried over, in modified forms, into the colonial era. The article examines the varied uses of petitioning as a technology of colonial state-formation that worked to establish the East India Company's headquarters in Calcutta as the political capital of Bengal and the Company as a sovereign source of authority and justice. It also shows how petitioning became a site of anxiety for both colonial rulers and Indian subjects, as British officials struggled to respond to a mass of Indian ‘complaints’ and to satisfy the expectations and norms of justice expressed by petitioners. It suggests that British rulers tried to defuse the perceived political threat of Indian petitioning by redirecting petitioners into the newly regulated spaces of an emergent colonial judiciary.
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Jolad, Shivakumar, and Chaitanya Ravi. "Caste, Conservative, Colonial, and State Paternalism in India's Alcohol Policies." Indian Public Policy Review 3, no. 5 (Sep-Oct) (September 23, 2022): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.55763/ippr.2022.03.05.004.
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Alcohol consumption in India is governed by social and moral codes and religious norms, stratified by caste and gender, and controlled by state policies. Indian alcohol policy today consists of measures ranging from high taxation to strict prohibition across different states. Our article examines whether the Western state paternalistic framework is adequate to explain the alcohol policies of India. We conduct a critical reading of texts on socio-cultural and political history of alcohol consumption, taxation, and regulation in India, and study their influence on contemporary alcohol policies of Indian states. A central theme presented in this paper is that India’s complex history, with social institutions of caste, religious conservatism, regional politics and colonialism, has created a unique complex of experiences related to alcohol, and argues for a greater alignment of Western paternalistic frameworks with Indian socio-political context. Broadly, we argue that state paternalism should be understood beyond the national and state politics of the present, and factor in the path-dependency of socio-cultural and political history of the state being examined.
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Khanna, Sushil. "State-Owned Enterprises in India: Restructuring and Growth." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 30, no. 2 (February 19, 2014): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v30i2.4237.
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Economic reforms in India are often hailed as the march of private enterprise, unshackled from bureaucratic control. Though it is true that the Indian growth story is led by private capital, reforms have also unleashed a resurgent public sector in the Indian economy, with a significant contribution to investment and growth in India. This article looks at the political economy of SOE reforms, their partial privatization and restructuring, with enhanced autonomy as the key factors that have shaped a more dynamic SOE sector, at least amongst those controlled by the central government. As India moved to market-based prices and incentives, and better contract enforcements, central government SOEs (CSOEs) have substantially enhanced their profitability, investments and growth. As far as manufacturing SOEs are concerned, their profitability and efficiency is superior to private firms, while the performance of CSOEs in services has been rather poor.
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Akee, Randall K. Q., Katherine A. Spilde, and Jonathan B. Taylor. "The Indian Gaming Regulatory Act and Its Effects on American Indian Economic Development." Journal of Economic Perspectives 29, no. 3 (August 1, 2015): 185–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.29.3.185.
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The Indian Gaming Regulatory Act (IGRA), passed by the US Congress in 1988, was a watershed in the history of policymaking directed toward reservation-resident American Indians. IGRA set the stage for tribal government-owned gaming facilities. It also shaped how this new industry would develop and how tribal governments would invest gaming revenues. Since then, Indian gaming has approached commercial, state-licensed gaming in total revenues. Gaming operations have had a far-reaching and transformative effect on American Indian reservations and their economies. Specifically, Indian gaming has allowed marked improvements in several important dimensions of reservation life. For the first time, some tribal governments have moved to fiscal independence. Native nations have invested gaming revenues in their economies and societies, often with dramatic effect.
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Sarmah, Bhupen. "India’s Northeast and the Enigma of the Nation-state." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 42, no. 3 (August 2017): 166–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0304375418761514.
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One of the major challenges before the “mainstream Indian nationalists” at the dawn of India’s independence was the political integration of the “Northeast” with India envisaged as a nation-state. Some parts of the colonial frontier, such as the Naga Hills, had already witnessed a parallel nationalist discourse with the imagination of sovereignty before India’s independence. With independence, the Indian nation-state project was made difficult by the geopolitical significance of the region, shaped by the experience of the partition, which separated India and Pakistan (East and West), creating a milieu of not-so-favorable international politics. The postcolonial history of the troubled periphery has been marked by an imposed notion of homogeneity and a binary of the nation-state (or the Indian mainstream) and the Northeast. Political theorists have long refuted the notion of national homogeneity. Nevertheless, the dichotomy between the plains and the valley constructed by the colonial logic was and is reinforced by the nation-state ideology, turning the periphery into a cauldron of conflict. This article engages critically with the history of conflict witnessed in the region since independence, against the backdrop of colonial interventions and the integrationist logic of the nation-state. This article argues that the political and developmental strategies, adopted by the Indian state to integrate the region, have led to the perpetuation of conflict in different forms.
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Houben, V. J. H., and D. H. A. Kolff. "IX. Between Empire Building and State Formation. Official Elites in Java and Mughal India." Itinerario 12, no. 1 (March 1988): 165–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s016511530002341x.
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The reason to compare the recent histories of India and Indonesia was that they were the scenes of the two most extensive and populous colonial empires of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The decision to push back the comparison to the pre-colonial era meant loosing track of the vital focus of the enterprise. Moreover, pre-colonial India presents a unity in only some respects whereas Indonesia as a territorial concept did not even exist then. The tendency of Indonesianists to focus, for convenience's sake, on the island of Java seems to become inescapable. This confronts those on the Indian wing of the comparison with the dilemma to what extent they are entitled to give up Indian unity and if they do, what part of India compares best with insular Java. Especially fit for comparison seem the regional states of South India: Vijayanagar, Madurai etc. Both the rice-based economies of the South Indian states and their size suggests this. Although Java became the core region of one of the colonial empires, whereas the South Indian states would stay at the periphery of the other, such a comparison could well be fruitful.
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AMBAGUDIA, JAGANNATH, and SASMITA MOHANTY. "Adivasis, Integration and the State in India: Experiences of Incompatibilities." International Review of Social Research 9, no. 2 (October 30, 2020): 108–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.48154/irsr.2019.0012.
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Anthropologists, administrators and policy makers debated the adivasis question in the post-independent India from the perspectives of isolation, assimilation and integration. Amidst discourses, integration approach was followed to address the adivasi issues in the post-colonial period. Following the integration approach, the Indian state made series of promises to the adivasis in terms of granting equal citizenship rights in social, economic, political and cultural spheres; providing equal opportunities and committed to preserve and protect adivasi culture and identity. Despite such promises, adivasis continue to live at the margin of the post-colonial state, and thereby experiencing different forms of marginalization, dispossession and deprivation. They have developed cynicism towards the integration policy and experiencing declining sense of involvement in the (mainstream) society. The integration approach of the Indian state has become a means of exclusion for the adivasis in India. Within this backdrop, the paper critically examines the contemporary dynamics of integration of adivasis in the Indian state.
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AMBAGUDIA, JAGANNATH, and SASMITA MOHANTY. "Adivasis, Integration and the State in India: Experiences of Incompatibilities." International Review of Social Research 9, no. 2 (October 30, 2020): 108–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.48154/irsr.2019.0012.
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Anthropologists, administrators and policy makers debated the adivasis question in the post-independent India from the perspectives of isolation, assimilation and integration. Amidst discourses, integration approach was followed to address the adivasi issues in the post-colonial period. Following the integration approach, the Indian state made series of promises to the adivasis in terms of granting equal citizenship rights in social, economic, political and cultural spheres; providing equal opportunities and committed to preserve and protect adivasi culture and identity. Despite such promises, adivasis continue to live at the margin of the post-colonial state, and thereby experiencing different forms of marginalization, dispossession and deprivation. They have developed cynicism towards the integration policy and experiencing declining sense of involvement in the (mainstream) society. The integration approach of the Indian state has become a means of exclusion for the adivasis in India. Within this backdrop, the paper critically examines the contemporary dynamics of integration of adivasis in the Indian state.
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Mahmood, Rafat. "Jean Drèze and Amartya Sen. An Uncertain Glory: India and its Contradictions. Princeton: Princeton University Press. USA. 2013. 448 pages. $ 29.95." Pakistan Development Review 52, no. 2 (June 1, 2013): 178–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v52i2pp.178-179.
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The spectacular performance of India in terms of economic growth has generally been a source of pride for the Indians as a nation, in addition to attracting significant international applause. Drèze and Sen, on the contrary, question the justification of lauding Indian performance in their book, ‘An Uncertain Glory: India and its Contradictions’. In their book, they focus on the performance parameters that actually reflect standards of living of Indian population. Their analysis portrays a shockingly dismal state of affairs for a vast majority of citizens of the country. The book disillusions the reader about the projected image of Indian development through a detailed yet objective discussion on specific issues plaguing the social sector of the country. The discourse throughout is substantiated by extensive statistical evidence, in addition to a comprehensive statistical appendix given at the end of the book.
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Walker, Lydia. "Jayaprakash Narayan and the politics of reconciliation for the postcolonial state and its imperial fragments." Indian Economic & Social History Review 56, no. 2 (April 2019): 147–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464619835659.
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Jayaprakash (JP) Narayan was an activist, politician and political thinker who attempted to use peace negotiations on India’s borders to renegotiate the postcolonial Indian state. This article tracks JP’s efforts to find non-national vehicles for regional nationalist demands through his positions on the contentious political questions of a Nagaland in India, and a Tibet in China. It locates JP within the Anglophone international peace movement that transitioned from support of Indian independence to a critique of the state violence of the Indian government, and traces JP’s thinking and work in support of some degree of autonomy for Tibet and Nagaland. Finally, this article connects these projects to JP’s non-statist critique of Indian state sovereignty, arguing that through a more decentralised and inclusively organised India, JP sought to re-organise what decolonisation had wrought.
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Pant, Harsh V., and Kartik Bommakanti. "India's national security: challenges and dilemmas." International Affairs 95, no. 4 (July 1, 2019): 835–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz053.
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Abstract India faces a very challenging strategic environment, with its immediate opponents possessing significant capabilities and militaries that are modernizing rapidly. This article explores the opportunities, challenges and constraints confronting the Indian state in building its military strength to deal with its variegated threat environment. It examines how India has dealt with the use of force and how it seeks to shape its armed forces in the face of new threats and emerging capabilities. This article explores six key areas of enquiry and is correspondingly structured. First, how does the Indian state view the use of force? Second, what has the Indian state's recent experience been with conflict and to what extent has it influenced its thinking? Third, how does the Indian state view the future character of conflict? Fourth, what conclusions has India drawn about the role of alliances and strategic partners in dealing with the nature of the conflict it faces? Fifth, how does the Indian state intend to configure its forces to deal with this evolving nature of conflict? Finally, what do all these factors mean for its defence acquisitions? As an emerging power, India has to contend with these questions and the measures it has put in place are still a work in progress. There remains a fundamental need for greater integration across the Indian security sphere—in interservice arrangements, in procurement processes, and in broader strategic thinking and planning.
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Cao, Yongrong, Hsin-Che Wu, and Min-Hua Huang. "Cognitive Explanations of Indian Perceptions of China." Asian Survey 61, no. 2 (March 2021): 324–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.2.324.
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In recent years, the economic development of China and India and their border confrontations have intensified bilateral strategic competition. This study used the State of Democracy in South Asia survey to identify dual mindsets of competition and contingency that drive how Indians perceive China’s influence in Asia. These two mindsets are based on a cognitive schema characterized by a political predisposition against China. However, this negative orientation is moderated as more information is acquired regarding the impact of China on India. The competition mindset does not always manifest itself, and is only cognitively activated when a change is perceived in India’s power status. On the other hand, the contingent principle appears whenever competition seems to have abated, or disadvantage seems unavoidable. The mindsets of competition and contingency are not only relevant to the evolution of Sino–Indian relations, but also explain how Indian policymakers behave and respond in international society.
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Shtatina, Marina. "Administrative Reforms in India." Proceedings of the Institute of State and Law of the RAS 14, no. 1 (March 14, 2019): 166–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.35427/2073-4522-2019-14-1-shtatina.
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Unlike other developing countries, India abandoned the concept of catching-up development, and all its administrative reforms supported the ideology of Indian identity by introducing the most promising scientific achievements in the field of public administration. We identify three stages of administrative reforming in India: 1) the stage of formation of the national public administration; 2) the stage of the state interventional development of the public administration; 3) the stage of liberalization and informatization of the public administration. Since India had received independence, the new state used of the achievements of the colonial civil service and maintained institutions guaranteeing the unity of the state. The Indian government has succeeded in establishing a "living democracy" as the inherent part of Indian culture which supports the traditions of pluralism and is based on the application of rule by consensus and accommodation. Established in 1966, the First Administrative Reforms Commission ensured the leading role of the state in economic development. It improved the organizational foundations of public administration, including the mechanisms of socio-economic planning. The Commission’s reports prepared the base for constitutional recognition of India as a socialist republic. The most important instrument of the Union public administration was the licensing system, which extended to all spheres of economic activity and spawned the creation of numerous inspections with broad jurisdictional powers. The economic crisis and the inability of the Union to solve the social problems by interventionist methods — these were the reasons of the liberal reforms of the 1990s — 2000s. The rejection of the license system, the transition to the methods of soft administrative and legal regulation, the empowerment of decentralized bodies have changed the main areas of activity of the Indian public administration. The National Institute for Transforming India has provided the solutions to the problems in 80 areas of the country’s socio-economic development, acting through the mediation of all stakeholders — central, state and local government officials, public organizations and citizens. Liberal reforms are also aimed at democratizing governance and forming a citizen-oriented administration. They are focused on the implementation of innovative e-technologies in business and public administration.
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Nikitin, Dmitrii. "The Anglo-Indian Community of the 1880s in the early works of Rudyard Kipling." Человек и культура, no. 4 (April 2022): 121–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8744.2022.4.36815.
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The subject of the study is the Anglo-Indian community of the 1880s and the reflection of its characteristic features in the works of Rudyard Kipling in the mid-1880s - early 1890s - newspaper essays, poems, short stories. Such features of the Anglo-Indian community as isolation, its isolation from the indigenous population of India, hostility towards travelers who judge the state of the country based on short-term visits, not understanding the unique climatic, political, and social conditions of India are considered in detail. Special attention is paid to the attitude of the Anglo-Indian community to the emerging national movement demanding the expansion of the rights of Indians in the governance of the country. As a result of the study , the following conclusions were made: 1) the image of a traveler who describes India, but does not have knowledge about it and understanding of its conditions, often found in the early works of R. Kipling ("Paget, C. P.", "Anglo-Indian Society", "The Enlightenment of Padgett, a member of Parliament"), was characteristic of the Anglo-Indian literature of the period under study (in in particular, for the work of J. Abery-Mackay) and reflected the views widely spread in the Anglo-Indian environment; 2) the changing conditions of Indian life, such as the emergence and development of the national movement, are becoming a new plot in Anglo-Indian literature and Kipling's work, showing the negative attitude of the community to the strengthening of the political activity of the indigenous population India.
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Jamalpuria, Aditi. "Environmental Regulatory Efficacy in India: An Inter-State Comparison." Journal of Environmental Assessment Policy and Management 19, no. 03 (September 2017): 1750016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1464333217500168.
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In India industrial pollution is regulated at two levels: the centre and the state. This two tier regulatory structure results in a difference in the efficacy of environmental regulation among the Indian states. Literature exploring the policy debate around the inter-state efficacy of the environmental regulation in India, however, is sparse. This paper utilises principal component analysis to construct an environmental regulatory efficacy index to show an inter-state disparity in the efficacy of environmental regulation in India. It develops an environmental regulatory policy model to categorise the existing Indian regulatory strategies to control industrial pollution. Findings of the environmental regulatory efficacy index are matched with the environmental regulatory policy model to show that a proactive regulatory strategy improves the efficacy of environmental regulation. Policy discussion recommends the need to integrate the environmental policy with the economic policy and suggests diligent utilisation of funds to improve the efficacy of environmental regulation.
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Obeng, Pashington. "Service to God, Service to Master/Client: African Indian Military Contribution in Karnataka." African and Asian Studies 6, no. 3 (2007): 271–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920907x212231.
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AbstractThis essay examines how African Indians (Abyssinians, Habshis, Siddis) from medieval times to the present have played significant political and military roles to forge sovereignties in the land area currently covered by the State of Karnataka, South India. I provide a brief history of the military activities of African Indians in the Indian subcontinent to foreground how the Africans deployed the unstable political climate in the Deccan, ethnicization of military culture, religious filiation, and force of personality to assert influence over communities that settled in areas bounded by present-day Karnataka.
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Bhambhri, C. P. "Indian State, Social Classes and Secularism." Social Scientist 22, no. 5/6 (May 1994): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3517902.
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Sharma, Dinesh C. "Ganges Uproots People in Indian State." Frontiers in Ecology and the Environment 3, no. 8 (October 2005): 413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3868656.
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Parthasarathi, P. "The State of Indian Social History." Journal of Social History 37, no. 1 (September 1, 2003): 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh.2003.0152.
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Singh, I. J. "Inter-State Sustainability of Indian Agriculture." Journal of Sustainable Agriculture 3, no. 1 (May 14, 1993): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j064v03n01_10.
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Walker, R. Dale, and Patricia Silk Walker. "The Sad State of Indian Health." Psychiatric Services 37, no. 10 (October 1986): 977. http://dx.doi.org/10.1176/ps.37.10.977.
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Mishra, Amit Kumar. "Diaspora, Development and the Indian State." Round Table 105, no. 6 (November 2016): 701–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2016.1246859.
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Sharma, Dinesh C. "Indian state launches decentralised health scheme." Lancet 358, no. 9277 (July 2001): 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(01)05461-7.
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Johnson, Joshua, and Richard Witmer. "American Indian Representation and State Policy." Representation 56, no. 2 (February 17, 2020): 173–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2020.1725611.
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Rubin, Barnett R. "Economic liberalisation and the Indian state." Third World Quarterly 7, no. 4 (October 1985): 942–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436598508419876.
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Diwakar, Rekha. "Change and continuity in Indian politics and the Indian party system." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 2, no. 4 (November 25, 2016): 327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891116679309.
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The 2014 Indian general election was notable due to a single party – the Bharatiya Janata Party – winning a majority of seats in Lok Sabha for the first time since 1984. The Congress, the other main national party, suffered its worst ever defeat. This election was viewed by some as signalling the advent of a phase of a BIP-dominated party system in India. In this article, I revisit the results of this election, and of the subsequent state assembly elections, to analyse if they signal a substantial change in the political landscape and party system in India. I argue that although the Congress decline has continued, and the BJP has won many recent state assembly elections, it is premature to conclude that the Indian party system has shifted to a BJP-dominated one. Further, given India’s first-past-the-post electoral system and a diffused political environment, where state and regional parties continue to be strong in many parts of the country, achieving a legislative majority remains a difficult proposition for a single party.
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ANDERSON, EDWARD, and PATRICK CLIBBENS. "‘Smugglers of Truth’: The Indian diaspora, Hindu nationalism, and the Emergency (1975–77)." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 5 (June 4, 2018): 1729–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000750.
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AbstractDuring the Indian Emergency (1975–77) a range of opposition groups and the Indian state competed to mobilize the Indian diaspora. The Emergency therefore needs to be understood as a global event. Opposition activists travelled overseas and developed transnational networks to protest against the Emergency, by holding demonstrations in their countries of residence and smuggling pamphlets into India. They tried to influence the media and politicians outside India in an effort to pressurize Indira Gandhi into ending the Emergency. An important strand of ‘long-distance’ anti-Emergency activism involved individuals from the Hindu nationalist movement overseas, whose Indian counterparts were proscribed and imprisoned during the period. Several key Hindutva politicians in recent decades were also involved in transnational anti-Emergency activism, including Subramanian Swamy and Narendra Modi. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh's role in opposing the Emergency—particularly the way in which it enabled overseas Indians to act as ‘smugglers of truth’—remains an important legitimizing narrative for Hindu nationalists. Indira Gandhi's Congress government mounted its own pro-Emergency campaigns overseas: it attacked diasporic opposition activists and closely monitored their activities through diplomatic missions. The state's recognition of the diaspora's potential influence on Indian politics, and its attempts to counter this activism, catalysed a long-term change in its attitude towards Indians overseas. It aimed to imitate more ‘successful’ diasporas and began to regard overseas Indians as a vital political and geopolitical resource. The Emergency must be reassessed as a critical event in the creation of new forms of transnational citizenship, global networks, and long-distance nationalism.
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Maheshwari, Supriya, and Raj S. Dhankar. "Market State and Investment Strategies: Evidence from the Indian Stock Market." IIM Kozhikode Society & Management Review 7, no. 2 (July 2018): 154–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2277975218769501.
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This study contributes to the growing literature on momentum and overreaction effect by investigating the same within the framework of the Indian stock market. Based on the most adopted methodology that employs monthly data, the empirical results derived confirm the existence of momentum and long-term overreaction effect in the Indian stock market. The overall results from the study are consistent with DeBondt and Thaler (1985) and Jegadeesh and Titman (1993) findings for the US stock market. In addition, we tested the profitability of momentum and contrarian strategies under different market states. The results indicated a strong relationship between the state of the market and momentum profitability, wherein strong momentum profits were observed following an ‘up’ market. On the contrary, long-term contrarian strategies were found to be stronger following a ‘down’ market in the Indian stock market. The market-dependent asset pricing model failed to explain excess momentum profits in the Indian stock market. The evidence from the study provides partial support to various behavioural models to explain these effects in the Indian stock market. However, there exists a need to develop a single behavioural model that could explain these anomalies completely in the emerging markets like India.
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Rana, Sudhir, Partha P. Saikia, and Munim K. Barai. "Globalization and Indian Manufacturing Enterprises." FIIB Business Review 7, no. 3 (September 2018): 167–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2319714518803440.
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Indian manufacturing enterprises (IMEs) are undergoing a phase of transformation. Changing economic policies and global outlook have brought both opportunities as well as thought points before IMEs. This piece of research has brought assessment as well as discussion on present state and viewpoints on IMEs through the lenses of globalization. The discussion revealed that the Government of India needs to undertake several policy decisions to make Indian manufacturing firms more globalized. The perspective moves in a sequential manner starting from evolution to manufacturing, overview of Indian manufacturing, covers the journey of globalization facets/dimensions, undertake the state of IMEs to justify the points of authors and draw conclusions on this field.
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Ankit, Rakesh. "Junagadh, India and the Logic of Occupation and Appropriation, 1947–49." Studies in History 34, no. 2 (April 17, 2018): 109–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0257643018762940.
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This article shows the logic of occupation and appropriation that operated in the wake of the integration of the princely state of Junagadh to the dominion of India in November 1947. This re-created the ‘everyday’ state and society in Junagadh and triggered questions of loyalty of Indian Muslims and suspicions about their presence in the country. The old-new Indian state had a heavy-handed response in line with the newly majoritarian, nationalist society. Using unused archival records to furnish fresh evidence of the maltreatment of Muslims— from appropriation of their properties to questioning their citizenship by the Indian ‘official mind’, to the latter’s confiscation of Junagadh state’s assets—the article provides an account of an arduous amalgamation in the post-1947 Indian ‘state-nation’ of the Muslims of Junagadh.
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Jafarpour, Jalal. "Anthropological Perspective Study on the Muslims in Mysore City-India (Case study Shia Muslims)." Review of European Studies 8, no. 4 (November 17, 2016): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v8n4p137.
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<p>India, because of including a collection of religions and religious minorities altogether in itself, especially in this modern era, is a remarkable case of study and consideration. This study also, as an anthropological research and in order to get familiar with the religious identity of Muslims and Shias of Mysore in particular, has played its role. This project is a case study about the Shia Muslims in Mysore; it has also a historical look upon formation of cultural identity of Shias in India. During the reign of the Arab traders, they brought Islam into the South Indian state of Karnataka almost as soon as the faith was initiated in Arabia. Along with their faith, Muslims brought many products to the region. The Islamic presence and power in the state reached its greatest heights during the reigns of Hyder Ali and his son Tippu Sultan. Though killed by the British in 1799, Tippu Sultan was one of the only national leaders to defeat the British in battle and is still considered a hero for many Indians. The internal structure of Indian Muslims as a religio-ethnic group was quite complex. Shias Islam has deep-rooted influence in present and history of India from North to South with various Shia Muslim dynasties ruling Indian provinces from time to time.</p>
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Rangan, H. "Indian Environmentalism and the Question of the State: Problems and Prospects for Sustainable Development." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 29, no. 12 (December 1997): 2129–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a292129.
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The author focuses on the problems inherent in environmentalist critiques of the Indian state, and the inability of their authors to provide a useful analytical approach for reforming state institutions engaged in environmental regulation and natural-resource management. After a review of the arguments made by leading spokespersons of Indian environmentalism, the author provides an alternative framework for understanding the different forms of state intervention in natural-resource management in colonial and postcolonial India. Three factors that have shaped dominant policy phases and strategies of state institutions engaged in resource management are highlighted: major shifts in the political and economic processes that create pressures for state intervention; competing demands on state institutions that shape the ways in which intervention occurs; and conflicts, disputes, and negotiations that redefine the exercise of state control and the forms of resource management. In focusing on the interplay of these three factors, the author illustrates the continuities and major shifts in resource-management strategies adopted by state institutions in India. The inherent weaknesses (and reactionary populism) of Indian environmental debates are discussed, together with the inability of those involved to articulate strategies for moving towards sustainable urban and regional development within the recent policy phase of deregulation and market expansion in India.
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Johnson, Troy R. "The State and the American Indian: Who Gets the Indian Child?" Wicazo Sa Review 14, no. 1 (1999): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1409524.
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FENNELL, SHAILAJA. "MALTHUS, STATISTICS, AND THE STATE OF INDIAN AGRICULTURE." Historical Journal 63, no. 1 (June 24, 2019): 159–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x19000189.
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ABSTRACTReferences to Malthus are increasingly evident in narratives of agricultural trends in development discourse at the end of the twentieth century. This article addresses the long roots of Malthusian thinking in formulating public policy, that can be traced across from Malthus's own ideas and to subsequent construction of neo-Malthusianisms in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It deploys the distinction between two approaches to statistical data collection that emerge in Malthus's own time: an ‘open’ system that collects data to identify trends, and a ‘closed’ system that uses data to prove an existing model. The article uses these distinctions in order to demonstrate opposing tendencies in policy-making in both England and India, with particular reference to Indian agriculture. It shows how radical thinking about data collection as an inductive line of enquiry lost out to a deductive approach that regarded data on Indian agriculture as doomed, because of its ‘unimproved’ condition, and highlights three moments where opposing tendencies were important. The article concludes that this turn in thinking about food, land, and people continues to persist in agricultural policy-making in international development circles into the present.
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LEONARD, KAREN. "Palmer and Company: an Indian Banking Firm in Hyderabad State." Modern Asian Studies 47, no. 4 (January 16, 2013): 1157–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000236.
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AbstractAlthough the misreading of Hyderabad's early nineteenth century banking firm, Palmer and Company, as scandalous, illegal, and usurious in its business practices was contested at the time in Hyderabad, and at the highest levels of the East India Company in both Calcutta and London, such conspiracy theories have prevailed and are here challenged. The Eurasian William Palmer and his partner, the Gujarati banker, Benkati Das, are best understood as indigenous sahukars or bankers. Their firm functioned like other Indian banking firms and was in competition with them in the early nineteenth century as Hyderabad State dealt with the increasing power of the British East India Company and its man-on-the-spot, the Resident. Historians need to look beyond the English language East India Company records to contextualize this important banking firm more accurately.
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Kaviraj, Sudipta. "On the enchantment of the state: Indian thought on the role of the state in the narrative of modernity." European Journal of Sociology 46, no. 2 (August 2005): 263–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975605000093.
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One of the fundamental ideational changes brought by modernity into Indian intellectual culture was the transformation in the idea of the state. From an institution that was traditionally seen as a necessarily limited and distinctly unpleasant part of the basic furniture of any society, the idea of the state has been transformed into that of a central moral force, producing an immense enchantment in India’s intellectual life. Indeed, in the Indian context, as distinct from the European one, it has been the primary source of modernity. This paper seeks to present an absurdly short history of the curious adventures of this idea. It also seeks to explain why, despite the global dominance of ideas of liberalisation, and a reduction of the state’s interference in social and economic life, in India this enchantment is still undiminished.