Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Indian Political Process'

This study tested theoretical propositions concerning agenda-setting by minority political groups in the United States to see if they had the scope to be applicable to American Indian tribes or if there were alternative explanations for how this group places its agenda items on the formal agenda and resolves them. Indian tribes were chosen as the case study because they are of significantly different legal and political status than other minority groups upon which much of the previous research has been done. The study showed that many of the theoretical propositions regarding agenda-setting by minority groups were explanatory for agenda-setting by Indian tribes. The analyses seemed to demonstrate that Indian tribes use a closed policy subsystem to place tribal agenda items on the formal agenda. The analyses demonstrated that most tribal agenda items resolved by Congress involve no major policy changes but rather incremental changes in existing policies. The analyses also demonstrated that most federal court decisions involving Indian tribes have no broad impact or significance to all Indian tribes. The analyses showed that both Congress and the federal courts significantly influence the tribal agenda but the relationship between the courts and Congress in agenda-setting in this area of policy are unclear. Another finding of the study was that tribal leaders have no significant influence in setting the formal agendas of either Congress or the federal courts. However, they do have some success in the resolution of significant tribal agenda items as a result of their unique legal and political status. This study also contributed to the literature concerning agenda-setting by Indian tribes and tribal politics and study results have many practical implications for tribal leaders.

There are currently over two hundred Indian groups seeking recognition by Congress or the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA). Every month, articles appear detailing recently acknowledged tribes such as the Pequot opening high stakes gaming enterprises. This study examines several once unrecognized Indian communities and their efforts to gain federal sanction through the BIA's Branch of Acknowledgment and Research or Congress. By focusing on four Indian communities, the Pascua Yaquis, the Timbisha Shoshone, the Tiguas of Ysleta del Sur Pueblo, and the United Houma Nation, this work explores the strategies groups pursue to gain acknowledgment and the different outcomes that result. In its details, the work reveals ethnic identity in relation to the state bureaucracy while also demonstrating that groups must "play Indian" to both Indians and non-Indians to prove their racial and cultural identity. The case studies examine ethnic resurgence and cultural survival, the effects of the civil rights movement and Great Society social programs on these entities, and the historical impact of non-recognition on groups in several regions of the United States. This study also takes a broader look at federal acknowledgment policy. By analyzing the historical development of the policy and the administration of the BIA program, it ultimately concludes that the program has succeeded. While the new emphasis on recognizing tribes clearly represented a rejection of anti-tribal agendas of the past, its reliance upon written documentation and skepticism towards petitioners represents continuity in federal Indian affairs by maintaining the restrictive polices of earlier eras. Because it reflects the interest of many reservation tribes, the BIA process works as it was intended: in a slow and exacting manner, to limit the number of groups entering the federal circle. The recognition arena is thus a complicated amalgamation of modern Indian issues. Parties entering the process must maneuver complex terrain and deal with issues of scholarship and advocacy, concerns over gaming and motivations, and issues of racial and cultural authenticity. In the end, however, it is these complexities that make this study a multidimensional portrait of Indian policy, ethnic identity, and tribal politics in the post-termination era.

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T13:08:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vicente_TainaDias_M.pdf: 1332018 bytes, checksum: fa776f5addff76cca859bd3f89712053 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013<br>Resumo: Esse trabalho é resultado do estudo do processo de negociação do acordo de cooperação nuclear civil, concluído em outubro de 2008, entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia. A pergunta que surge ao deparar com este objeto é como os países concluíram um acordo tão sensível às duas partes tendo um histórico de discordâncias em relação à política nuclear? Tratando-se de um tema sensível e de caráter estratégico, como a questão nuclear, chama a atenção que esses países, distantes na política internacional, tenham se aproximado a tal ponto. O trabalho discorre, portanto, sobre o processo de construção do acordo de cooperação nuclear civil que vem inserido em um contexto de aproximação diplomática e estratégica cuja iniciativa partira dos Estados Unidos. Algumas das motivações e implicações do acordo serão abordadas ao longo do trabalho, mas o objetivo é mostrar como ocorreu o processo de aproximação institucional entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia que resultou no acordo de cooperação nuclear civil<br>Abstract: This work is a result of the study of the negotiation process of the nuclear cooperation deal concluded in October, 2005, between United States and India. The question that emerges when we face this object is how countries with such a historical disagreement about nuclear politics could find a common ground in such a sensitive matter? It calls our attention that these divergent countries in international politics could approximate in the nuclear matter being this a sensitive theme and with a strategic character. This dissertation is about the process of building civil nuclear cooperation deal inserted in the context of diplomatic approximation and strategic initiative which departed from the United States. Some of the motivations and implications of the deal are going to be addressed. However, the main objective is to show how the process of institutional approximation between United States and India that resulted in a pacific nuclear deal occurred<br>Mestrado<br>Política Externa<br>Mestre em Relações Internacionais

Made available in DSpace on 2015-10-06T13:03:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2013-08-08. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2015-10-06T13:18:09Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000786856.pdf: 1216745 bytes, checksum: b504031a4ac0dfc529dbd1e9d3a05232 (MD5)<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)<br>Esse trabalho é resultado do estudo do processo de negociação do acordo de cooperação nuclear civil, concluído em outubro de 2008, entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia. A pergunta que surge ao deparar com este objeto é como os países concluíram um acordo tão sensível às duas partes tendo um histórico de discordâncias em relação à política nuclear? Tratando-se de um tema sensível e de caráter estratégico, como a questão nuclear, chama a atenção que esses países, distantes na política internacional, tenham se aproximado a tal ponto. O trabalho discorre, portanto, sobre o processo de construção do acordo de cooperação nuclear civil que vem inserido em um contexto de aproximação diplomática e estratégica cuja iniciativa partira dos Estados Unidos. Algumas das motivações e implicações do acordo serão abordadas ao longo do trabalho, mas o objetivo é mostrar como ocorreu o processo de aproximação institucional entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia que resultou no acordo de cooperação nuclear civil<br>This work is a result of the study of the negotiation process of the nuclear cooperation deal concluded in October, 2005, between United States and India. The question that emerges when we face this object is how countries with such a historical disagreement about nuclear politics could find a common ground in such a sensitive matter? It calls our attention that these divergent countries in international politics could approximate in the nuclear matter being this a sensitive theme and with a strategic character. This dissertation is about the process of building civil nuclear cooperation deal inserted in the context of diplomatic approximation and strategic initiative which departed from the United States. Some of the motivations and implications of the deal are going to be addressed. However, the main objective is to show how the process of institutional approximation between United States and India that resulted in a pacific nuclear deal occurred

This thesis analyses the formation of Japanese foreign policy through the case study of relations with India. The study concentrates on three streams of Japanese diplomacy; namely economic relations, nuclear policy and security issues through the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism (NCR). This approach, considered the ‘third generation’ of the mainstream paradigm, utilises neo-realism’s focus on structural factors and ultimately places primacy on systemic forces. Yet NCR seeks a more nuanced appraisal of foreign policy and incorporates internal structures into analysis. The dissertation argues that structural factors including India’s economic growth, the rise of China and facilitation provided by the US, initiated interest in India and continues to shape the development of policy. ‘China-hedging’ does not provide the only rationale. Furthermore, whilst structure is vital, with differing influential weight dependent on policy, it is unable alone to explain the exact nature and timing of policy decisions. In order to achieve this, the domestic ‘black box’ needs to be explored through analysis of unit-level variables such as policymakers’ perceptions, business interests, public opinion and norms. Elites in Japan have been particularly slow to appreciate India’s strategic worth despite favourable environmental conditions. The business community is noted as an important influence but whilst public opinion plays a minimal role overall, the prevalence of norms is able to dictate how policy is framed. The scope of the research project is confined to approximately the past two decades, though attention is given to historical relations to place contemporary analysis in context. Empirical data was sourced from academic, government and media outlets in addition to extensive interview fieldwork in Tokyo, Delhi, London and Washington DC. This thesis contributes to a nascent literature on an increasingly important area of not only Japan’s diplomacy but the regional dynamics of region no scholar of international relations can ignore.

Orientador: Sebastião C. Velasco e Cruz<br>Banca: Oliver Stuenkel<br>Banca: Paulo José dos Reis Pereira<br>O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"<br>Resumo: Esse trabalho é resultado do estudo do processo de negociação do acordo de cooperação nuclear civil, concluído em outubro de 2008, entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia. A pergunta que surge ao deparar com este objeto é como os países concluíram um acordo tão sensível às duas partes tendo um histórico de discordâncias em relação à política nuclear? Tratando-se de um tema sensível e de caráter estratégico, como a questão nuclear, chama a atenção que esses países, distantes na política internacional, tenham se aproximado a tal ponto. O trabalho discorre, portanto, sobre o processo de construção do acordo de cooperação nuclear civil que vem inserido em um contexto de aproximação diplomática e estratégica cuja iniciativa partira dos Estados Unidos. Algumas das motivações e implicações do acordo serão abordadas ao longo do trabalho, mas o objetivo é mostrar como ocorreu o processo de aproximação institucional entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia que resultou no acordo de cooperação nuclear civil<br>Abstract: This work is a result of the study of the negotiation process of the nuclear cooperation deal concluded in October, 2005, between United States and India. The question that emerges when we face this object is how countries with such a historical disagreement about nuclear politics could find a common ground in such a sensitive matter? It calls our attention that these divergent countries in international politics could approximate in the nuclear matter being this a sensitive theme and with a strategic character. This dissertation is about the process of building civil nuclear cooperation deal inserted in the context of diplomatic approximation and strategic initiative which departed from the United States. Some of the motivations and implications of the deal are going to be addressed. However, the main objective is to show how the process of institutional approximation between United States and India that resulted in a pacific nuclear deal occurred<br>Mestre

La tesi affronta le problematiche di un caso aziendale quella della Sherwin Williams. Lo scopo è quello di migliorare il processo di pianificazione della produzione e la gestione dei magazzini. Verranno illustrate metodi e strategie per gestire il contesto dei warehouse. L'utilizzo di strumenti di supporto come Analisi di Pareto e Matrice Incrociata riveleranno le criticità interne all'azienda. Allo stesso tempo si cercherà di suggerire miglioramenti soprattutto per la gestione delle risorse impiegate per i magazzini. Illustrazioni di grafici e matrici saranno il punto centrale della tesi con risultati derivati da essi.

L'elaborato riguarda il progetto Rainbow implementato per l'azienda Sherwin Williams con l'obiettivo di migliorare il processo di pianificazione della produzione e delle politiche di stoccaggio. L'analisi è stata condotta sullo stabilimento pilota dell'azienda del business GI nella regione geografica EMEAI, ovvero l'impianto produttivo di Minerbio. Tramite un processo di analisi del portafoglio prodotti del sito abbiamo classificato i codici in gruppi sulla base di vendite totali e stock medio annuo. Con un'analisi di Pareto delle vendite e delle giacenze e la successiva classificazione dei prodotti in cluster abbiamo costruito la cross matrix. Tramite lo studio dell'indice di rotazione abbiamo individuato i gruppi di prodotti con il valore più basso identificando le aree su cui intervenire. In aggiunta, sono stati utilizzati KPI come l'Inventory Quality Ratio (IQR) per l'analisi delle performance del sito produttivo di Minerbio, per capire se le scorte fossero entro i limiti previsti dall'azienda. I risultati pongono l'attenzione su un livello di stock eccessivo rispetto a quanto stabilito dalle politiche aziendali, abbiamo così proposto alcune azioni di miglioramento. Il progetto riguarda anche lo studio del software di previsione della domanda, che continuerà nel proseguo del progetto.

How does the international climate policy frameworks influence the domestic institutional responses to climate mitigation in emerging economies? And how, in turn, do domestic institutions and politics in emerging economies influence the fate of international climate policy frameworks? The thesis provides answers to these questions by studying domestic engagements with Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions in three emerging economies – India, Brazil, and South Africa. The thesis specifically studies how these engagements were influenced by the domestic institutional context provided by national climate policy, norms, and institutional capacity in the three countries. Drawing upon the variations in the engagements with nationally appropriate mitigation actions, made visible by use of the policy cycle as a heuristic device, the thesis informs the implementation of another nascent, yet prevalent, international climate policy framework – Nationally Determined Contributions. The thesis identifies how engagements with nationally appropriate mitigation actions varied in India, Brazil, and South Africa in agenda-setting, policy formulation, decision-making, implementation, and evaluation. In cases where international support is considered crucial for taking mitigation actions, external factors such as lack of clarity on definitional aspects and availability of international support can hamper the prospects of such frameworks at the agenda-setting and policy formulation stages. Efforts to engage with these frameworks under this uncertainty are held back by non-decisions, overriding national climate policy, as well as by uneven inter-ministerial coordination. The thesis argues that successful implementation of upcoming Nationally Determined  Contributions will be influenced by a country’s ability to align them with its national climate policy, localization of the transnational norms, and the extent to which efforts to enhance institutional capacity for  coordinating the implementation of national climate policy are made. In sum, the effective implementation of International Climate Policy Frameworks will be dependent on the willingness of the state to  provide oversight and coordination, and clarity on the availability of international support.<br>Hur influerar ramverken för internationell klimatpolicy nationella institutionella åtgärder för att begränsa utsläpp av växthusgaser i framväxande ekonomier? Och hur påverkar, i sin tur, dessa länders nationella institutioner och politik dessa ramverk för internationell klimatpolicy? Denna avhandling studerar nationella engagemang i Nationellt lämpliga utsläppsminskande åtgärder (s.k. NAMAs) i tre framväxande ekonomier – Indien, Brasilien, och Sydafrika. Avhandlingen studerar i synnerhet hur dessa engagemang har påverkats av de tre ländernas nationella klimatpolicy, normer, och institutionella kapacitet. Genom att använda policycykeln som heuristiskt analysverktyg identifierar avhandlingen variationer i hur länderna utvecklat sitt engagemang i NAMAs. Avhandlingen visar att och hur engagemang med nationellt lämpliga utsläppsminskande åtgärder varierar mellan Indien, Brasilien, och Sydafrika vad det gäller fastställande av dagordning, policyformulering, beslutsfattande, implementering, och policyutvärdering. I de fall internationellt stöd anses vara avgörande för att vidta utsläppsminskande åtgärder kan externa faktorer såsom bristande definition av de internationella policyramverken för åtgärder samt tillgänglighet på internationellt stöd försvåra utsikterna för att internationella ramverk tas upp i de nationella dagordnings- och policyformuleringsstadierna. Arbetet med dessa ramverk försvåras även av icke-beslut och ojämn interministeriell koordinering samt om tvingande nationell klimatpolicy inte ligger i linje med de internationella besluten. Avhandlingens slutsatser har betydelse för implementeringen av ett annat framväxande ramverk för internationell klimatpolicy: Nationellt fastställda bidrag (s.k. NDC:er). En framgångsrik implementering av   NDC:er kommer att influeras av en stats förmåga att anpassa dem till nationell klimatpolicy samt transnationella normer, så att dessa överensstämmer eller jämkas med nationella normer, samt den institutionella kapaciteten för att koordinera implementering av nationell klimatpolicy. En effektiv implementering av ramverk för internationell klimatpolicy kommer, sammanfattningsvis, att vara beroende av staters villighet att tillhandahålla tillsyn och koordinering, samt tydlighet vad gäller tillgänglighet till internationellt stöd.

Orientadores: Robin Michel Wright, Osvaldo Zorzato<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-12T20:28:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Moura_NoemiadosSantosPereira_D.pdf: 33408678 bytes, checksum: f04c87cd52c7ae8627db32543977e3b8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009<br>Resumo: A pluralidade religiosa cristã entre os Terena constitui-se em um recurso de empowerment político-religioso. Os Terena que têm a necessidade de ser reconhecidos enquanto seres sociais "civilizados" e, ao mesmo tempo, como indivíduos, procuram se destacar sócio-politicamente interna e externamente às suas áreas. Para que se possa ser um líder político partidário ou político administrativo, é preciso ser escolhido pelos seus patrícios e projetar-se nos diversos cenários. Geralmente, esses indivíduos "emergentes" pertencem às famílias mais influentes - os "troncos" - e são educados desde a infância para liderar. A religião cristã proporciona um ambiente peculiar para tal empreendimento, no qual o Terena aspirante à liderança possa exercitar sua aprendizagem. Dada a organização da Missão Indígena UNIEDAS (MIU), reconhecida aqui como uma das alavancas para o poder, vários líderes se destacaram, porém os "seus espaços" não acomodaram a todas as lideranças concebidas no âmbito da Missão Indígena. Assim, novos espaços foram constituídos para acomodá-los no campo religioso sul-mato-grossense. As Igrejas pentecostais funcionaram como instrumentos apaziguadores internos dos ânimos e via de convivialidade nos espaços indígenas e não-indígenas. As novas denominações, que buscavam inserção em áreas indígenas, a conquistaram entre os Terena, uma vez que os indígenas também necessitavam do apoio daquelas. Nossa hipótese central é que essas novas denominações galvanizaram os dissidentes da UNIEDAS, ampliando os recursos de comunicação e locomoção internos e externos, agregando mais prestígio às novas lideranças, sua família e, consequentemente, para a etnia. Portanto, destacamos a religião cristã como uma via de empowerment Terena, embora consideremos que existam outras como a educação, as associações de moradores, o conselho tribal, as funções públicas de saúde e os Conselhos municipais, estaduais e federais da saúde e da educação, dentre outros.<br>Abstract: The Christian religious plurality among the Terena's is considered a source of political-religious "empowerment". The Terena's have the need to be recognized as "civilized social beings" and at the same time as individuals who wish to emerge socio-politically in and out of their boundaries. To be a political leader within a party or political administrator one must be chosen by those of their own and project oneself in different scenarios. Usually these emerging leaders belong to influent families -"the stem families" are educated since childhood to lead. The Christian religion provides a peculiar environment for such a venture, where the future Terena leader can exercise what they have learned. The UNIEDAS - Indian Mission (MIU) organization is recognized here as the springboard to power; many leaders have come into sight, but "its spaces" were not sufficient to accommodate all the leaders that were conceived in the Indian mission. So, new spaced were open in the religious field of Mato Grosso do Sul. The Pentecostal churches worked as internal peacemakers of temper and relationships in the indigenous and non-indigenous areas. The new denominations that wished to enter the Indian areas conquered these spaces because the Indians also needed their support. Our central hypothesis is that the new denominations galvanized the UNIEDAS dissidents, broadening the communication resources and internal and external locomotion giving a higher prestige to the new leaders their families and consequently their ethos. Thus we highlight the Christian religion as an empowerment avenue for the Terena'; although we also consider education, community centers, tribal council, county, State and Federal health and education councils among others as ways to reach it<br>Doutorado<br>Etnologia Indigena<br>Doutor em Ciências Sociais

Au cours des années 80, le gouvernement colombien a rendu le Predio Putumayo à ses habitants ancestraux, les Gens du Centre, donnant ainsi naissance à la réserve indienne la plus grande de la Colombie. Cet acte décisif marque la fin d‘une longue dispute entre les indiens, les entreprises extractives et les institutions de l‘Etat. Il a été alors interprété comme une véritable révolution dans les représentations traditionnelles de la citoyenneté. Toutefois, si l‘on observe avec attention ce processus de reconnaissance politique et territoriale, on s‘apercevra qu‘une autre réalité émerge simultanément: la migration d‘une centaine de femmes indiennes vers les villes du pays ; un chemin sans retour depuis leurs petites villages vers la métropole inconnue. Cette expérience pionnière constitue la base d‘un solide réseau migratoire qui s‘étend aujourd‘hui à la plus part de villes colombiennes. Pourquoi sont-elles parties de leur territoire alors qu‘elles profitaient –au moins formellement- d‘une autonomie politique et culturelle ? Leur décision migratoire a-t-elle signifié le rejet de la "différence généralisée" proclamée par le discours multiculturel ? Le projet migratoire de celles et ceux qui sont partis dans ce premier moment est-il différent de celui des hommes et des femmes qui partent aujourd‘hui ? Ce travail de recherche tente de répondre à ces questions en reconstruisant d‘abord les processus de mobilité des Gens du Centre à Leticia et Bogotá au long des 30 dernières années. Il analyse ensuite les différentes stratégies d‘insertion urbaine des migrants indiens dans le contexte du multiculturalisme comme mode de gestion privilégié entre cette population et les sociétés d‘origine et de réception<br>During the years 80, Colombian government returns the Predio Putumayo to its early inhabitants, The People of the Center, giving form to the biggest indigenous reservation of the country. This crucial act was not only the end of a long dispute between the indigenous people, the extractive enterprises and the state. It was also interpreted as a revolution in the traditional citizenship representations. However, if we look carefully to this process of territorial and politic recognition we will notice a simultaneous reality: the migration of hundreds of women to the cities of the country. This was a non-return trip from the little towns of the rain-forest‘s rivers to the unknown national cities. The experience of these pioneers‘ women built the bases of a solid migration network that today spreads out to the main cities of Colombia. Why did they leave their territory now that she counted –at least formally- with a political and cultural autonomy? Was their migratory decision a renunciation to the ―generalized difference‖ proclaimed by the multicultural discourse? The migrations project of those who left their region in that first time is it similar from the one of those who leaves today? This dissertation tries to answer to these questions through a reconstruction of the migration processes of The People of the Center to Leticia and Bogotá during the last 30 years. Then, it analyses the different strategies of migrant‘s urban insertion in the context of multiculturalism as the privileged administration mode between the indigenous people and the societies of departure and destination

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2008.<br>Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-05, Section: A, page: 1979. Adviser: Ann Reisner. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 257-279) Available on microfilm from Pro Quest Information and Learning.

Decentralization leads to functional and financial devolution of authority, induces more transparency in the system and puts emphasis on local needs. It creates platforms to voice and institutionalize the interests of various groups, and comes nearer to the public by making all tiers of government accountable directly to the people. However, several complexities govern this effort in India. First, implementation involves several official agencies, creating administrative gaps, lack of coordination and fiscal complexities. Second, Indian society is largely agrarian and rural marked by divisions of religion, caste and economic class. Third, the socially vulnerable and poor are often trapped in interlocking economic transactions with affluent landlords making it difficult for them to go for collective change. This research critically evaluates these dynamics taking the case example of the Mahatma Gandhi Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGREGS). We followed a threefold methodology in order to understand the policy dynamics, namely, stakeholders’ interviews, primary survey data analysis and secondary data analysis. Case studies were useful in understanding policy implementation dynamics through field observations. The multi-level regression results reflected co-existence of agriculture and MGREGS dynamics, with their own rules and objectives, apparently contradictory, but leading to social and economic equilibrium. Searching explanations for these contradictory results led us to two larger understandings: 1) Actors are seen to take rational decisions based on local socio-politico-economic understandings of the world. 2) These decisions are, however, at multiple levels and at multiple action spaces. Institutional rational choice perspective proposed by Ostrom (1999) corroborated these findings. Latent variable path analysis results indicated the dynamics of civil society and administrative bureaucracy as a negotiated equilibrium that has the potential to transform governance. The process of institutional evolution was through endogenous institutional change process as proposed by Grief and Laitin (2004). Furthermore, the effect of socio-structural factors on institutional structures was observed. The results indicated two major understandings: 1) the formation and effectiveness of institutional structures were dependent on social capital and in turn on social structures and networks 2) the influence of formal institutional structures on local governance and social dynamics affect the governance network formation (Hertting, 2001). Scenario-wise regression analyses results revealed that the effort to improve social capital of the groups through governance procedures need to be mediated through ‘local’ social structures. Agent based model results indicated the following: 1) regulatory dynamics need not necessarily follow the trend of socio-economic dynamics. Instead, they were in line with advocacy dynamics (Sabatier, 1988), which in turn depend on the social structures and networks. 2) regulatory strategies were endogenous institutional rational choices, given the existing socio-economic structures and networks of the society. Hence, Institutional theories were observed to be instrumental in understanding the policy implementation dynamics in democratic decentralization setup.

Decentralization leads to functional and financial devolution of authority, induces more transparency in the system and puts emphasis on local needs. It creates platforms to voice and institutionalize the interests of various groups, and comes nearer to the public by making all tiers of government accountable directly to the people. However, several complexities govern this effort in India. First, implementation involves several official agencies, creating administrative gaps, lack of coordination and fiscal complexities. Second, Indian society is largely agrarian and rural marked by divisions of religion, caste and economic class. Third, the socially vulnerable and poor are often trapped in interlocking economic transactions with affluent landlords making it difficult for them to go for collective change. This research critically evaluates these dynamics taking the case example of the Mahatma Gandhi Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGREGS). We followed a threefold methodology in order to understand the policy dynamics, namely, stakeholders’ interviews, primary survey data analysis and secondary data analysis. Case studies were useful in understanding policy implementation dynamics through field observations. The multi-level regression results reflected co-existence of agriculture and MGREGS dynamics, with their own rules and objectives, apparently contradictory, but leading to social and economic equilibrium. Searching explanations for these contradictory results led us to two larger understandings: 1) Actors are seen to take rational decisions based on local socio-politico-economic understandings of the world. 2) These decisions are, however, at multiple levels and at multiple action spaces. Institutional rational choice perspective proposed by Ostrom (1999) corroborated these findings. Latent variable path analysis results indicated the dynamics of civil society and administrative bureaucracy as a negotiated equilibrium that has the potential to transform governance. The process of institutional evolution was through endogenous institutional change process as proposed by Grief and Laitin (2004). Furthermore, the effect of socio-structural factors on institutional structures was observed. The results indicated two major understandings: 1) the formation and effectiveness of institutional structures were dependent on social capital and in turn on social structures and networks 2) the influence of formal institutional structures on local governance and social dynamics affect the governance network formation (Hertting, 2001). Scenario-wise regression analyses results revealed that the effort to improve social capital of the groups through governance procedures need to be mediated through ‘local’ social structures. Agent based model results indicated the following: 1) regulatory dynamics need not necessarily follow the trend of socio-economic dynamics. Instead, they were in line with advocacy dynamics (Sabatier, 1988), which in turn depend on the social structures and networks. 2) regulatory strategies were endogenous institutional rational choices, given the existing socio-economic structures and networks of the society. Hence, Institutional theories were observed to be instrumental in understanding the policy implementation dynamics in democratic decentralization setup.