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1
Dey, Mouli. "Indian party system and party systems in the states since 1989." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2797.
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Becker, Philipp [Verfasser]. "Indian Summer - Party Affiliation in the 21st Century / Philipp Becker." Hannover : Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität Hannover, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1223090590/34.
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Owen, Nicholas. "The confusions of an imperialist inheritance : the Labour Party and the Indian problem, 1940-1947." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.284270.
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Diwakar, Rekha. "An investigation into the determinants of the size of Indian party systems." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1921/.
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Research on the Indian party system has been dominated by descriptive approaches, wherein case studies of a specific party, election or geographic region have been analysed. Cross-country studies that include the Indian data tend to focus only on the national level, paying little attention to the party systems at the sub-national level. My thesis compiles a comprehensive database covering the period 1951 to 2004, and undertakes an empirical investigation into the determinants of the size of Indian party system at the sub-national level. The main focus of my thesis is the state level, but I also undertake analysis at the district level to evaluate Duverger's Law, and the effects of District Magnitude and Electoral reservation on the size of the Indian party system. I investigate the effects of institutional, sociological and contextual variables on the size of the party systems in the Indian states. I find that Assembly Size and Effective Threshold are important institutional variables affecting the size of party system. States with larger Assembly Size tend to have higher number of parties, while higher Effective Thresholds are associated with lower number of parties. Further, higher social and religious heterogeneity increases the number of parties in the Indian states. Federal centralisation and dependence of the states' on the national government emerge as important contextual variables affecting the size of the Indian party system I find that these two factors reduce the number of parties at the state level. My unified regression analysis shows the importance of institutional, sociological and contextual factors in determining the size of the party systems in the Indian states. Finally, I discuss the implications of my findings on the electoral and political system and democracy in India, and identify some important areas of future research.
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Ansara, David. "The decline of a dominant party : the Indian National Congress, 1967-1977." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/10034.
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Includes abstract.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 104-109).
This thesis is concerned with the phenomenon of Single Party Dominance (SPD) and the implications of such a phenomenon on the party system in post-Independence India. Specifically, the work is tasked with explaining how dominance can end by providing an analytical narrative of a single case of SPD and its collapse. This will be done by examining the precipitous decline of the Indian National Congress over a ten-year period from 1967, where Congress lost its first state-level elections, to 1977, where the party was finally rejected at the national level after three decades of dominance.
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Raman, Parvathi. "'Being an Indian communist the South African way' : the influence of Indians in the South African Communist Party, 1934-1952." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2002. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29274/.
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The Indians that settled in South Africa were differentiated by class, caste, religion, language and region of origin. Whilst some Indians were imported as indentured labourers to work on the sugar plantations in Natal, others came as merchants and traders and set up businesses in South Africa. In this thesis, I consider the historical background to the construction of 'Indianness' in South Africa, where the idea of 'community', a contested and transformative concept, called upon existing cultural traditions brought from India, as well as new ways of life that developed in South Africa. Crucially, central to the construction of 'Indianness' were notions of citizenship and belonging within their new environment. I look at the ways in which sections of the Indian 'community' were radicalised through fighting for democratic rights and citizenship in South Africa, and subsequently joined the South African Communist Party. With Indian South African communists, there was, I argue, a complex articulation between the influence of Gandhi and the Indian national movement, socialism and class politics, and the circumstances of their new social and political landscape. Historically, Indians have been disproportionately represented in the South African Communist Party in relation to their numbers in wider South African society. They have played an important part in the development of political strategies within the party and, in particular, have contributed to the ongoing debate on the relationship between nationalism and socialism and the practical application of this in party work. In this thesis, I look at the role of Indians in the South African Communist Party and consider the social, cultural and political influences that they brought to the organisation. I examine how these traditions were woven into new forms of political resistance within the CP, and how these fed into the Defiance Campaign of 1952.
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Kundu, Apurba. "How will the return of the Congress Party affect Indian Foreign and Security Policy?" Thesis, EIAS Policy Brief, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2985.
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NoThe 2004 Indian general elections stunned observers when, contrary to expectations, the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA) coalition government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Prime Minister Atul Behari Vajpayee was defeated by an electoral coalition led by the Indian National Congress (INC) headed by Sonia Gandhi. A further surprise came when Gandhi declined to become India's first foreign-born prime minister, opting instead to back party stalwart Dr Manmohan Singh for this office. Dr Singh, India's first Sikh prime minister, now heads a United Progressive Alliance (UPA) coalition government headed by a cabinet containing 19 INC members and 10 members of smaller parties. Will the return to power of the INC after eight years in opposition (during three years of Left Front then five years of BJP/NDA rule) result in a shift of India's foreign and national security policies?
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Sundar, Aparna. "The state and labour : party regimes and state-labour relationships in three Indian states." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69604.
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The role of the political party in power in mediating the relationship between the state and labour was examined. The Indian states of Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal--each governed by a political party representing a different ideology and class coalition--were compared in terms of conditions for workers. Other factors likely to affect the position of workers in the state, such as its industrial profile, and the strength of its labour movement prior to the period under study, were also considered.It was found that, although the nature of the party regime did significantly influence the state-labour relationship, workers were not necessarily better off under the most sympathetic and interventionist party. The nature of industry in the state was central in determining conditions for workers. Thus, the party in power influenced conditions for workers as much through policies not aimed specifically at workers, as through intervention in industrial relations.
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Weigold, Auriol, and n/a. "The Case against India : British propaganda in the United States, 1942." University of Canberra. Communication, 1997. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20050329.125041.
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British propaganda, delivered in the United States against immediate self-government for India in 1942, was efficiently and effectively organised. British propaganda was not adventitious. It was deliberate. The chief protagonists were Churchill and Roosevelt. Churchill's success in retaining control of government in India depended on convincing the President that there was no viable alternative.
This the Prime Minister did in two ways. Firstly, his propaganda organization targetted pro-British groups in America with access to
Roosevelt. Secondly, it discredited Indian nationalist leadership.
Churchill's success also depended on Sir Stafford Cripps' loyalty to Whitehall and to the Government of India after his Mission in March 1942 failed to reach agreement with the Indian leaders. Cripps tailored his account of the breakdown of negotiations to fit the British propaganda line. Convincing American public opinion and, through it the President, that colonial government should remain in British hands, also depended on the right mix of censorship and press freedom in India.
Britain's need to mount a propaganda campaign in the United States indicated its dual agenda: its war-related determination to maintain and increase American aid, and its longer term aim to
retain control of its empire.
Despite strong American support for isolationism, given legal status in the 1930s Neutrality Acts, Roosevelt was Britain's supportive friend and its ally. Britain, nonetheless, felt sufficiently threatened by the anti-imperial thrust of the Lend Lease Act and
the Atlantic Charter, to develop propaganda to persuade the American public and its President that granting Indian selfgovernment in 1942 was inappropriate.
The case for a propaganda campaign was made stronger by Roosevelt's constant pressure on Britaln from mid-1941 to reach a political settlement with India. Pressure was also brought to bear by the Congress Party as the price for its war-related cooperation, by China, and by the Labour Party in Britain. Japan's success in
Singapore and Burma made strategists briefly assess that India might be the next target. Stable and cooperative government there was as much in America's interest as Britain's.
The idea that Roosevelt might intervene in India to secure a measure of self-government there constantly worried Churchill. In turn this motivated the Foreign Office, the Ministry of Information, the India Office, the Government of India and the British Embassy in Washington to develop propaganda based, firstly, on the official explanation for the failure of the Cripps Mission and, secondly. on the elements of the August 1942 Quit India resolution which could
be presented as damaging to allied war aims.
The perceived danger to Britain's India-related agenda, however, did not end with substantive threats. The volatility of the American press and the President's susceptibility to it in framing policy were more unpredictable. Britain met both threats by targetting friends with access to Roosevelt, sympathetic broadcasters and pro-British sections of the press. Each had
shown support for Britain during the Lend Lease debates.
Britain, however, could never assume that it had won the propaganda battle or that Roosevelt would not intervene polltically on nationalist India's behalf. Roosevelt continued during 1942
and beyond to let Indian leaders know of his interest in their struggle, and information received from his Mission in New Delhi and from unofficial informants in India gave him a view of events there which differed markedly from the British account. Just as nationalist India was unsure about America's intentions, so was
Britain.
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Feinhandler, Ian Alexander Nicholas. "Geographical contextual influences in the vote for the Bharatiya Janata Party in the 2004 Indian election." Diss., Connect to online resource, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3239465.
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Castle, E. A. "Black and native American women's activism in the Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.597362.
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The transition of activism in the late 1960s from a non-violent, citizenship-based appeal for Civil Rights to a Nationalist, potentially violent call for revolution, marked a shift to a more radical and confrontational politics of social change. Hidden in this history are the narratives of women’s participation which dramatically revise the current historical record in these ground-breaking social movements. During this period, women and men organised for social change, often around identity-based issues, and challenged the status quo. This work examines two organisations which emerged in the late sixties as vanguards of an era defined by the self-determined chants of ‘black and red power’, a time of social and political rebellion against the leaders of the waning Civil Rights movement and an increasingly repressive government. This thesis seeks to foreground the hitherto unknown involvement of women in male-identified organisations such as the Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement. It will highlight previously untold stories of key women activists in these two organisations. Not only will it demonstrate that women comprised a majority of the participants, but also that they performed all manner of functions ranging from high-level negotiations to meal preparation. Contemporary coverage of both organisations in the media obscured such involvement. The majority of the groups that defined themselves as revolutionary or radical were unable to deal with issues of gender inequality within their ranks. Many of these groups espoused a rhetorical philosophy of equality yet they were frequently unable to match such ideals in practice. This was certainly the case for the BPP and AIM. By equating liberation with manhood, women in these groups found themselves not only struggling for the cause but also competing with oppressive notions of masculinity. Women’s liberationists failed to offer any common cause, focusing on race-specific issues and advocating the separation of sexes which alienated women of color.
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Spiess, Clemens. "One-party-dominance in changing societies the African National Congress and Indian National Congress in comparative perspective ; a study in party systems and agency in post-colonial India and post-apartheid South Africa /." [S.l. : s.n.], 2004. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=97250981X.
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Middleton, Catherine M. "Opposition to Indian removal and the emergence of the Second Party System in the United States, 1828-1834." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365476.
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Busch, Carsten. "The policy of the Bharatiya Janata Party, 1980 and 2008 possible influence of Hindu nationalism on Indian politics." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Jun/09Jun%5FBusch.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Far East, Southeast Asia and The Pacific))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Chatterjee, Anshu ; Kapur, Samir. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 10, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: Bharatiya Janata Party, BJP, Party politics, National identity, Hindu Nationalism, Hinduism, Hindutva, Sangh Parivar, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, RSS, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, VHP, Bharatiya Jana Sangh, BJS, Ayodhya campaign, Kashmir case.. Includes bibliographical references (p. 123-134). Also available in print.
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Spieß, Clemens [Verfasser], and Subrata K. [Akademischer Betreuer] Mitra. "One-Party-Dominance in Changing Societies: The African National Congress and Indian National Congress in Comparative Perspective: A Study in Party Systems and Agency in Post-Colonial India and Post-Apartheid South Africa / Clemens Spieß ; Betreuer: Subrata K. Mitra." Heidelberg : CrossAsia E-Publishing, 2006. http://d-nb.info/1218726458/34.
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Erramilli, Bala Prasad. "Disaster Management in India: Analysis of Factors Impacting Capacity Building." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2008. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_diss/15.
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Governments are responsible for administrative arrangements dealing with disasters. Effective policies play a vital role in mitigating the impact of disasters and reducing likely losses of life and property. Yet, it had been noted that such losses were increasing, raising questions about efficacy of government policies and the factors that made them effective. This study adopted a comparative method, responding to a long-standing demand of disaster research, for examining the record in India. There were noticeable differences among its states, with some having undertaken comprehensive reform in an all-hazards approach, while others continued with old policies. This research studied four states with the objective of identifying variables that were critical in undertaking policy reform for building capacities. The roles of economic resources, democratically decentralized institutions, political party systems and focusing events were examined. Findings revealed that these factors had varying impact on state capabilities. Economic resources were an inevitable part of disaster management, but did not necessarily translate into policy reform. Panchayati Raj Institutions, which were democratically decentralized bodies, displayed tremendous potential. However, their role was limited mostly to the response phase, with states severely circumscribing their involvement. The nature of political party systems was able to explain policy reform to an extent. Cohesive systems in Gujarat, Tamil Nadu and Orissa correlated with administrative capacities, unlike in fragmented Bihar. However, anti-incumbency sentiments and strong community mobilization impacted contestation more than electoral salience of public goods. The most nuanced and significant explanation was provided by experience of focusing events. States that suffered major disasters revealed unmistakable evidence of double-loop learning, leading to comprehensive policy reform and capacity building. This research provides empirical support to theory about the role of focusing events and organizational learning in policy reform. Methodologically, it underscores the importance of the comparative approach, and its successful application in a federal framework. The significance of this research is most for policy makers and practitioners, as it serves to alert them on the need for reform without waiting for the next big disaster to catch them unprepared.
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Bala, Babulal. "Congress in the politics of West Bengal : from dominance to marginality (1947-1977)." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2017. http://ir.nbu.ac.in/handle/123456789/2809.
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Spieß, Clemens. "Democracy and party systems in developing countries : a comparative study of India and South Africa /." New York [u.a.] : Routledge, 2009. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=016775394&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Nikolenyi, Csaba. "Party politics in a non-western democracy : a test of competing theories of party system change, government formation and government stability in India." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ48684.pdf.
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McMillan, Alistair. "Scheduled castes, scheduled tribes, and party competition in India." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270445.
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Hasselbrinck, William R. "The Whigs of Indiana, 1834-1843." Virtual Press, 1985. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/434087.
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The purpose of this study was to determine, record, and interpret the history of the Whig political party in Indiana from 1834 through 1843. Emphasis was placed on the history of the administrations of Whig governors Noah Noble, David Wallace, and Samuel Bigger and the Nineteenth through the Twenty-seventh General Assemblies. Those Whigs who were the elected members of the executive and legislative branches of Indiana government were the principals of the study.These subject Whigs were analyzed and characterized in terms of (1) geographic origin, (2) age, (3) ancestry, (4) formal education, (5) religious preference, (6) military service, and (7) occupation. The philosophical basis for Whiggery in Indiana was considered an important element in the study.Findings1. These Whigs were a comparatively youthful and nomadic group coming from allareas of what was then the United States but principally from Kentucky, Pennsylvania, the Carolinas, and Virginia.2. Virtually all were native to the United States with an ancestry traceable to northern and western Europe.3. Little formal education was found beyond the common school except among those who were professionals.4. Whigs dominated the executive and legislative branches during the period studied and were frequently elected officers in the Indiana Militia.5. Much diversification existed in Whig vocation, occupation, and profession. Whigs universally had undertaken numerous economic pursuits.6. Nearly all were Protestant; however, only a minority were associated with institutionalized religious groups. Religious persuasion was little related to Whig political success.7. Philosophically Whigs stood with national doctrine but, within Indiana, only local and state matters were of concern to them.Conclusions1. The Indiana Whigs differed little from Democrat or other political or economic groups within the state. They were not solely Federalist or neo-Federalist or Jeffersonian in practice.2. They were strivers who were bourgeois in their attitudes, but who gave no indication of having achieved economic or social success before coming to Indiana. They represented no organized social or economic group and were not members of an aristocracy.3. The Whigs were popular individuals who were deemed capable of best implementing an internal improvements program within the state. The Whig party rose and declined on that issue.
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Banerjee, Hasi. "Political activity of the Liberal Party in India, 1919-1937 /." Calcutta ; New Delhi : K P Bagchi, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40163228j.
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Teater, Kristina M. "Anti-System Parties:Policy Choices for Democracies A Study of India's Bharatiya Janata Party and Austria's Freedom Party." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1166388438.
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Fourman, Jeffrey F. "When Insurgents Go Terrorist: The Role of Foreign Support in the Adoption of Terrorism." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1399546682.
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Dasgupta, Aditya. "The Puzzle of Democratic Monopolies: Single Party Dominance and Decline in India." Thesis, Harvard University, 2016. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493515.
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How to explain political monopolies in democratic institutional settings? Dominant parties in countries with robust formal democratic institutions are surprisingly frequent, yet poorly understood. Existing theories explain away the puzzle by characterizing dominant parties as `catch-all' parties that survive on the basis of historically imbued mass voter legitimacy. This dissertation develops a theory of how dominant parties in fact routinely win free and fair elections despite counter-majoritarian policy biases and why they decline, utilizing the uneven decline of single-party dominance across regions and localities of India as a historical natural experiment.
The puzzle in the Indian case is that the Congress party was able to monopolize power in a poor and rural society for over four decades after independence despite a counter-majoritarian urban bias and free and fair elections. The dissertation develops a political economy model that rationalizes this --- showing how extensive but implicit ties of patronage enable dominant parties to maintain power and counter-majoritarian policies in conditions of formal democratic institutions. The theory generates two new empirical implications about why dominant parties decline and how this reshapes distributive politics --- which are tested through sub-national comparative historical analysis, quantitative analysis of historical data, and in-depth fieldwork.
First, the theory suggests that dominant parties do not simply fade away with the passage of time or societal modernization, but decline as a result of protracted distributive conflict with rising but politically excluded economic interests. In the Indian context, I provide evidence that this took the form of political mobilization by agricultural producers in the aftermath of the green revolution. Exploiting exogenous variation in the diffusion of high-yielding variety crops, the first empirical chapter provides evidence that economic growth in the politically excluded agricultural sector intensified rural-urban distributive conflict, accounting for the rise of agrarian opposition parties and half of the Congress party's long-run decline.
Second, the theory suggests that the decline of single-party dominance democratizes distributive politics, in two ways. One is that policies shift in favor of the rising but previously politically excluded economic interests. Another more complex channel is that in an effort to regain lost political ground, dominant parties strategically reinvent themselves as pro-poor parties, initiating a process of competitive credit claiming for social policy. The second empirical chapter applies a structural break methodology to estimate the timing of dominant party decline across Indian states, and utilizes this variation to show that the decline of single-party dominance led to the rise of agriculture-favoring policies and social spending. Through fieldwork in two states as well as analysis of the electoral effects of India's largest contemporary social program, the third empirical chapter provides micro-level evidence that the emergence of a nascent welfare state is driven by a logic of competitive credit-claiming.
In contrast to existing theories, the case of India suggests that dominant party decline in democratic settings bears a resemblance to the decline of political monopolies generally, representing a process of de facto democratization in de jure democratic institutional settings. I show that the argument can help to explain trajectories of dominant party decline and distributive politics in a number of other cases, including Japan, Italy, Mexico and the American South.Government
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El, Alami Nathalène. "La stratégie politique du parti communiste indien, 1936-1964 : l'impact des influences étrangères." Paris 1, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA010527.
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Cette thèse traite de la stratégie du parti communiste d'Inde (communist party of India, cpi) de 1936 à 1964, stratégie qui visait à la fois à répondre aux exigences de la situation nationale et aux directives du mouvement communiste international présidé par le parti communiste d'Union Soviétique (pcus). L'insertion du CPI sur la scène politique indienne fut donc malaisée ; de même son unité n'était-elle qu'artificielle ; c'est ainsi que les conflits sino-indien et sino-soviétique aggravèrent les antagonismes au sein du parti indien et le conduisirent a la scission (le 4 avril 1964).
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Ziegfeld, Adam W. (Adam Weston). "Rule of law and party systems : a study of regional political parties in India." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/54606.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2009.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 198-208).
Where do party systems come from? The first part of this dissertation argues that party system formation depends on the rule of law, which is defined as the extent to which the state uniformly implements and enforces its laws and policies. When the rule of law is weak, voters form attachments primarily over politicians, and voters cast their ballots for whichever party their preferred politician chooses to establish or join. Consequently, politicians ultimately shape party system formation, since their decisions about party affiliation determine whether a political party succeeds or fails. By contrast, when the rule of law is strong, voters form attachments directly over political parties; voters therefore determine which parties constitute the party system. The second part of the dissertation applies the argument about party system formation under weak rule of law to the case of regional political parties in India. This project explains the success of regional parties in a weak rule of law democracy such as India by focusing on why so many politicians choose to establish and join regional parties. The two factors that explain the extraordinary success of Indian regional parties are 1) the geographic concentration of caste groups (and to a lesser extent, other types of politically salient groups) and 2) frequent coalition government at the national level. The geographic concentration of caste groups raises the costs associated with establishing a national party by forcing politicians from various caste groups to coordinate with one another. Meanwhile, frequent coalition government increases the benefits associated with membership in a regional party by allowing regional parties to participate in national-level government. Empirically, this dissertation is based on 17 months of field research and over 550 interviews with state- and local-level politicians across three Indian states: Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, and West Bengal.
by Adam W. Ziegfeld.
Ph.D.
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Alinder, Helena, and Josefin Nilsson. "An Evaluation of the Indian Buffet Process as Part of a Recommendation System." Thesis, KTH, Skolan för elektroteknik och datavetenskap (EECS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-229424.
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This report investigates if it is possible to use the Indian Buffet Process (IBP), a stochastic process that defines a probability distribution, as part of a recommendation system. The report focuses on recommendation systems where one type of object, for instance movies, is recommended to another type of object, for instance users. A concept of performing link prediction with IBP is presented, along with a method for performing inference. Three papers that are related to the subject are presented and their results are analyzed together with additional experiments on an implementation of the IBP. The report arrives at the conclusion that it is possible to use IBP in a recommendation system when recommending one object to another. In order to use IBP priors in a recommendation system which include real-life datasets, the paper suggests the use of a coupled version of the IBP model and if possible perform inference with a parallel Gibbs sampling.Denna rapport undersöker om det är möjligt att använda Indian Buffet Process (IBP), en stokatisk process som definierar en sannolikhetsfördelning, som en del av ett rekommendationssystem. Rapporten fokuserar på rekommendationssystem där en sorts objekt, exempelvis filmer, rekommenderas till en annan sorts objekt, exempelvis användare. Ett sätt att förutse länkar, link prediction, mellan olika objekt med hjälp av IBP presenteras tillsammans med en metod för att dra statistiska slutsatser, inference. Tre rapporter som är relaterade till ämnet presenteras och deras resultat analyseras tillsammans med ytterligare experiment på en implementation av IBP. Rapporten drar slutsatsen att det är möjligt att använda IBP i ett rekommendationssystem då systemet rekommenderar ett objekt till ett annat objekt. Rapporten föreslår en kopplad version av IBP för att kunna använda IBP i ett rekommendationssystem som arbetar på riktigt data samt att inference ska utföras med en parallell Gibbs sampling.
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Hesse, Patrick. ""To the Masses." Communism and Religion in North India, 1920-47." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/19307.
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Als eine der ersten ihrer Art außerhalb Europas war die Kommunistische Partei Indiens (CPI) bei der Ausbreitung des Marxismus jenseits des europäischen Rahmens vorne mit dabei. Zu ihren prägenden Einflüssen zählten die sowjetische Praxis der Revolutionsjahre und zeitgenössische radikale Spielarten des Nationalismus in Britisch-Indien. Von Beginn an musste sie sich unter Bedingungen behaupten, denen in der Theorie wenig Beachtung zugekommen war – zuvorderst der ungebrochenen Bedeutung von Religion und Gemeinschaft für das politische und soziale Leben des Subkontinents. Die Arbeit untersucht zunächst anhand der Werke von Marx, Engels und Lenin sowie der Komintern den theoretischen und organisatorischen ‚Überbau‘ der CPI auf den Stellenwert von Religion in einem parteikommunistischen Emanzipationsgefüge. In der Folge widmet sie sich den oft biografisch eingefärbten Ansätzen und Strategien der Partei und ihrer Mitglieder, unter dem Primat der ‚Politik für die Masse‘ mit den Verhältnissen auf dem Subkontinent umzugehen. Sie beleuchtet kommunistische Perspektiven auf Revolution anhand konkreter Fälle wie dem passiven Widerstand Gandhis, dem Moplah-Aufstand, der Arbeiterschaft, religiösem Kommunalismus und dem erstarkenden Gemeinschaftsgefühl religiöser Gruppen. Es zeigt sich, dass die Partei beständig zwischen qualifizierter Ablehnung und bedingter Unterstützung religiöser Kultur schwankte, die schematisch zwei divergierende und seit der russischen Revolution erkennbare revolutionäre Paradigmen bilden: ein westliches und ein östliches. Der in Letzterem kondensierte Strang politischer Tradition ermöglichte es schließlich, dass der Partei die Unterstützung für die Pakistanforderung der Muslim League in den 1940er Jahren plausibel erschien.Among the eldest of its kind in Asia, the Communist Party of India (CPI) pioneered the spread of Marxist politics beyond the European arena. Influenced by both Soviet revolutionary practice and radical nationalism in British India, it operated under conditions not provided for in Marxist theory—foremost the prominence of religion and community in social and political life. The thesis analyzes, first, the theoretical and organizational ‘overhead’ of the CPI in terms of the position of religion in a party communist hierarchy of emancipation. It will therefore question the works of Marx, Engels, and Lenin on the one hand, and Comintern doctrines on the other. Secondly, it scrutinizes the approaches and strategies of the CPI and individual members, often biographically biased, to come to grips with the subcontinental environment under the primacy of mass politics. Thirdly, I discuss communist vistas on revolution on concrete instances including (but not limited to) the Gandhian non-cooperation movement, the Moplah rebellion, the subcontinental proletariat, the problem of communalism, and assertion of minority identities. I argue that the CPI established a pattern of vacillation between qualified rejection and conditional appropriation of religion that loosely constituted two diverging revolutionary paradigms characterizing communist practice from the Soviet outset: Western and Eastern. The specific tradition condensed in the latter eventually would render it plausible to the party to support the Muslim League’s Pakistan demand in the 1940s.
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Myreng, Marianne. "Hindutva, hindunasjonalisme og Bharatiya Janata Party : en tekstanalyse av bjp.org /." Tromsø : Det samfunnsvitenskapelige fakultet, Universitetet i Tromsø, 2007. http://www.ub.uit.no/munin/bitstream/10037/1292/1/thesis.pdf.pdf.
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Brady, Kathryn Marie. "Organ Transplantation: The Ethos of Human Body Parts." Thesis, Boston College, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/513.
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Thesis advisor: Eric StraussA bioethics thesis focusing on the issues of organ transplantation and the organ trade in the nations of China and India. It explains how the organ transplantation procedure is done, the laws pertaining to organ transplantation, the ethics of organ transplantation, the organ trade in its various aspects in the nations of China and India, and finally shares the story of a living organ donor in the United States. It addresses questions such as: How do we classify brain death? Who should be allowed to donate their organs? Should organs be available for sale and purchase? Is the organ trade a violation human rights? It concludes with the author's opinions on the subject, which are decidedly against the organ trade
Thesis (BS) — Boston College, 2007
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Biology
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Chakraborty, Pradipta. "The educational development and marxian philosophy: policy perspectives and strategies of the communist party of India (Marxist)." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1553.
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Nandrajog, Elaisha. "Hindutva and Anti-Muslim Communal Violence in India Under the Bharatiya Janata Party (1990-2010)." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/219.
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On May 16, 1998, under the directives of the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led coalition, the Indian government detonated three nuclear bombs in the Rajasthan desert, near a site called Pokhran.1 If the name of India’s inter-ballistic missile, Agni, the god of fire in the Vedic tradition, is inscribed in antiquity, its symbolism in 1998 was entirely new, reflecting the rise of a political party that emblematizes a chauvinistic, majoritarian stance.2 To celebrate India’s accomplishment, the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), a sister organization of the BJP, ordered the construction of a temple dedicated to Shakti, the goddess of strength, some fifty kilometers away from the testing site.3 The decision is an apt example of Hindutva ideologues’ use of the feminine metaphor of “innate strength” to legitimize aggression against external forces. Shortly after the nuclear tests, Bal Thackerey, the chairman of the Shiv Sena, a Mumbai-based Hindu nationalist ally of the BJP, declared that Hindus were no longer eunuchs—a notion that traces its roots back to the Mughal period which spanned three centuries.4 Thackerey’s statement ironically subverted the idea of female power and reiterated the masculinist theme that has animated Hindu nationalism since its inception in the 1920s. Hindutva’s sacralization of aggression had an anticipated consequence: Pakistan retaliated by exploding five nuclear bombs on May 28, 1998.5
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Guha, Sohini. "Ethnic parties, material politics and the ethnic poor : the Bahujan Samaj Party in North India." Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=111337.
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Note:Many studies explore the determinants of support for ethnic parties, and the consequences of such parties for democracy. This dissertation addresses these questions through a study of the Bahujan Samaj Party (B.S.P.) in India's largest state, Uttar Pradesh (U.P.). The BSP is India's only successful lower caste party, and gained greatest support over the last two decades in U.P., which it now rules. The dissertation argues that material benefits, delivered on a programmatic basis, account for the success of the B.S.P., and perhaps other ethnic parties too, among poorer groups.[...]
De nombreuses etudes se penchent sur les facteurs expliquant l’appui citoyen aux parris ethniques ainsi que les consequences d’un tel appui en ce qui a trait a la democratie. Cette these aborde ces questions a u·avers une etude du Parti Bahujan Samaj (PBS) dans le plus grand Etat indien, !’Uttar Pradesh (UP). Le PBS est le seul parti de basses castes ayant connu un succes electoral en Inde, et dirige maintenant l’UP, resultat d’une popularite croissante au cours des deux dernieres decennies. Cette these argumente que les avantages materiels, distribues de facon programmatique, expliquent le succes du PBS, et sans doute celui d’autres parris ethniques representant les couches les plus pauvres de la societe.[...]
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Stewart, Peter. "Ideas against imperialism, Gandhi, the Communist party of India and some ideas related to social change /." Title page and abstract only, 1990. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ars851.pdf.
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Håkansson, Lovisa. "Gendered commodification of human body parts : A study of the trade with hair from Indian women." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412550.
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The aim of this thesis is to illustrate how the phenomenon of trade with hair from Indian women, can be regarded as a case of gendered commodification of human body parts. It is illustrated with the assistance of postcolonial scholar Appadurai (1986), Scheper-Hughes (2001) and Sharp (2000) theories on commodification. Also, feminist perspectives by Mohanty (1997) and Sharp (2000), as well as theories on hair’s cultural and religious meanings in India developed by Olivielle (1998) and Miller (1998), are moreover applied to show of how the trade can be seen as gendered. By using the method of qualitative text analysis, an extensive bank of material on the topic has been investigated and later analysed. The first main conclusion is that women’s hair can be seen as being commodified given that it has achieved an economic value, has been objectified (become a product) and reduced into different parts when it is shaved off in temples and later made into wigs and hair-extensions. The second main conclusion is that the trade is gendered because women perform underpaid work in the processing of hair. Accordingly, Indian women’s hair has specific properties and is therefore more attractive to the market and gendered cultural and religious notions tied to women’s hair can possibly be important for the existence of the market with Indian women’s hair.
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Cohen, Tobi Helene. "An experimental petrologic and geochemical study of Deccan trap basalts : part I, Deccan traps from Tamia, central India ; part II, crystallization relationships of Deccan basalts at 6.35 kbars." FIU Digital Commons, 1989. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2396.
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New major, minor, and trace element data for the Chakhla- Delakari sill and three nearby lava flows in the proximal area of Tamia are presented. Based on abundances of trace elements, it is inferred that the sill was the feeder of the two uppermost lava flows which tapped magmas from a LREE-, Rb-enriched source. The oldest (lowermost) flow shows greater affinity with the western Deccan lavas. The association of the feeder sill with a large network of parallel trending sills and dikes, and the elongate Satpura Dome, is taken to infer that a major locus of eruption of the Deccan Trap lavas existed in the eastern part of the province. A model is presented for the evolution of the magma source of the sill and the two uppermost flows in a chamber beneath the Satpura Dome in the easternmost Deccan Traps.
Results of equilibrium crystallization experiments at 6.35 kbars conducted on two compositions which represent probable near primary liquids are presented. One of these starting compositions has 9.5% MgO and the other 13% MgO. The sequence of crystallization in both starting liquids at 6.35 kbars is as follows: olivine; olivine + Ca- clinopyroxene; ol + Ca-clinopyroxene + Ca-poor clinopyroxene; olivine + Ca-clinopyroxene + Ca-poor clinopyroxene + plagioclase. Based on the present experimental data, it is inferred that typical Deccan magmas (MgO 5-9%) are produced by early fractionation of olivine, pyroxene (Ca-augite and pigeonite), and late fractionation of plagioclase. Deccan basalts with MgO 9-10% appear to have crystallized from melts lower in Ti02 than the starting materials of this study which fractionated olivine and plagioclase. Basalts with MgO2source which has fractionated olivine and plagioclase will produce of the bulk of Deccan basalts.
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Moles, Vickie A. "A stone conservation inventory for the "old part" of Beech Grove Cemetery, Muncie, Indiana." Virtual Press, 1998. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1101589.
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The purposes of this creative project were (1) to develop a stone conservation plan for some of the markers in the "Old Part" of Beech Grove Cemetery, (2) to bring attention to the plight of a sampling of the cemetery stone markers in the "Old Part," and (3) to provide a written and photographic database for those individuals who are concerned with the preservation/conservation of Beech Grove Cemetery, in the hopes that a conservation plan can be implemented throughout the cemetery.Results revealed that a vast majority of Beech Grove's markers are deteriorating due to several natural factors such as weathering and erosion, as well as to neglect and vandalism. I have included, in this project, 195 stone inventory forms with a correlating map and photograph of those stones surveyed. The results also confirmed my theory that little conservation has taken place in the cemetery. Some conservation efforts that have been applied to the stone markers have further damaged them due to inappropriate methods.Department of Architecture
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Barma, Shyam Charan. "Exchange Rate and Purchasing Power Parity : with special reference to India & Nepal." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1263.
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Sugden, Tim J. "Evolution of the southern part of the Aravalli-Delhi orogen, western India." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/34964.
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This thesis is concerned with the structural evolution of the early-mid Proterozoic Aravalli-Delhi orogenic belt. Emphasis is placed on elucidation of movement directions as deduced from strain and kinematic data, which are ultimately incorporated into a plate tectonic model involving oblique convergence of a continental margin and island arc. The orogen is separated into a series of predominantly NNE-trending terranes by a number of fundamental lineaments; the Great Boundary Fault, the Rakhabdev-Kashangar lineament, and the newly recognised Kumbhalgarh Steep Zone and Ranakpur Shear Zone. The stratigraphy, mineralisation and structure of the intervening belts; Aravalli, Jharol and Delhi are considered in detail. The Aravalli Belt is interpreted as a passive continental margin; volcanics and clastics associated with rifting of the Archaean Bundhelkhand-BGC continent at ca 2.2 Ga, are unconformably covered by carbonates. The deep-water sediments of the Jharol Belt are interpreted as distal-fan deposits of the Aravalli shelf-rise. The Delhi belt is as an (1.7-1.5 Ga) island arc complex; passive sedimentation on the Aravalli margin was terminated by arc accretion ca 1.5 Ga ago. Thick sequences of continent-derived clastics (the Debari Formation) lying unconformably on carbonates of the Aravalli System may be related to down-warping of the margin during early arc-continent convergence. East-west trending stretching directions and reclined folds in the Aravalli Belt are a product of restacking attenuated crust of the passive margin. Strain data from conglomerates at the base of the thrust stack indicate a predominantly constrictional strain field. L and LS fabrics, shear criteria, ramp structures and the general increase in strain toward the base of the system indicate that wrench and thrust strains were dominant components during eastward translation. A (gravity induced.) stretch in the direction of flow was an additional strain component. Thrusting of the Aravalli margin was contemporaneous with recumbent folding of back or fore-arc sediments of the Delhi arc complex. With continued convergence, early recumbent folds and thrusts in all three belts were progressively buckled and rotated to a sub-vertical attitude. Ultimately, the entire collision evolved into a zone of dextral transpression and successive generations of folds in the Delhi 'flower-structure' were transected. Complex non-coaxial strain patterns and shear criteria in the Ranakpur Shear Zone are interpreted as a product of strain incompatibility on the edge of the flower structure. Slip-line theory is advocated to explain the complete transposition of the Aravalli and Jharol belts in the narrow 'neck' of the orogen. It is concluded that the bulk deformation history; early thrusting, later flattening and ultimate wrenching parallel to the orogen, is compatible with models of plate collision in the Phanerozoic.
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Briggs, Dorothy Ann Fischer 1958. "The practice of the Kinaalda' on the north/central part of the Navajo reservation." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/276588.
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A descriptive study concerning the Navajo Puberty Ceremony for girls, the Kinaalda', examined the extent of the practice of the ceremony, and the frequency in which the girls who have had the ceremony and the girls who have not had the ceremony differ in traditional characteristics. Fifty-four percent of the girls questioned have had the Kinaalda'. Significant differences between the girls who had the ceremony and those who had not had the ceremony were found, using a chi square test of significance at an alpha level of .05, in the frequency of a set of traditional characteristics. The Kinaalda' girl possessed the set of traditional qualities more frequently than the non-Kinaalda' girl.
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Dasgupta, Anshuman. "Project Borderland : a multi-sited curatorial and anthropological probing in selected parts of India." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2017. http://research.gold.ac.uk/22343/.
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This theory-practice PhD project combines multi-sited curatorial and anthropological research in selected north-eastern and eastern borderland sites of India. The borderland is a choice for this research due to its manifoldness. Borders, though manmade and historical, often produce ambiguous lines of divide that are amenable to myths and memories, and related animosities and allegiances in a variety of configurations. The abstract borderland is potentially capable of creating different subject positions like citizens, denizens and non-citizens. This is the project of a curator-participant who works in alternating nuanced roles as participant observer, complicit observer, ethnographer and the critical entity to tease out the different aspects of the borderland from complex anthropological interactions. The research process involves three phases in each site. The first two are the study of the territorial issues via theoretical grounding and fieldwork. These lead to the curatorial intervention in the form of workshops that emerge as knowledge producing situations. The idea is to work with a curatorial strategy that emphasises the processual and is interactive and collaborative, with a view to exploring the shared body of knowledge generated at the workshop mise-en-scènes. Hence, the workshops are conceived as interactive and participatory, involving theatre and cartographic activities among others. Also, the ideas, images and concepts culled from hybrid sources during all the phases of research are juxtaposed here to create fields of multiple inflections, bringing different spaces and times together without merging under a singular discipline. The workshops are, thus, events poised at multi-disciplinary crossroads, where the knowledge of the border experiences maximum density. The project is aimed at studying the relational features of the selected sites; examining the emergence and nature of communities, the role of outsidedness in the implicated cultures and the different temporal registers encountered in the anthropological probing into the physical and metaphorical borderland(s) in their micro-social aspects.
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Srivastava, Sanjeev Kumar. "MHC class II antigen variation study in selected populations of Northern parts of India." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1011.
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DEEG, Max. "ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUDDHIST PAÑCAVĀRṢIKA : PART I: INDIA AND CENTRAL ASIA." 名古屋大学印度哲学研究室 (Department of Indian Philosophy, University of Nagoya), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2237/19189.
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Aupiais, Dominique. "La part celtique dans l'héritage culturel et politique des comptoirs français de l'océan Indien." Thesis, La Réunion, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LARE0001/document.
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De la création de la compagnie d'Orient en 1642 à la fin du privilège de la compagnie française des Indes en 1767, s'étend la période des comptoirs français de l'océan Indien. Pendant plus d'un siècle, on assiste à l'installation dans chacun d'eux de quelques centaines de colons, venus en majorité des côtes bretonnes, normandes et poitevines. Où se fixent-ils durablement ? D'abord au Fort Dauphin, puis à l'île Bourbon, à Pondichéry, Mahé, Chandernagor, Karikal, Yanaon, à l'île de France, à Rodrigues et enfin aux Seychelles. Ces colons ont la mentalité de leurs compatriotes de l'ouest de la France, marquée par un profond ancrage des caractères celtiques. Pourquoi l'Ouest possède-t-il ce particularisme ? Parce qu'il a été relativement épargné par les invasions venues du sud et de l'Est de l'Europe (romanisation, germanisation). Cette thèse définit le celtisme qui s'y est maintenu et ce qu'il a pu apporter à l'interculturalité indocéaniqueFrom the inception of French Orient Company in 1642 to the end of the royal privilege bequeathed to the French East Indian Company in 1767, stretches the French trading post colonial period in the Indian Ocean. During more than one century, hundreds of colonists coming from littoral Brittany, Normans or Poitiers will settle in these outlandish outposts: In Fort Dauphin (Madagascar), in Bourbon Island, in Mahé (India), Chandernagor, Karikal, Yanaon, Isle de France, Rodrigues and the Seychelles. The settlers possess the cultural psyche of their compatriot of western France characterised by a deep celting rooting. Why does the western France possess such a specific feature? Because this part of France has been relatively spared by the many invasions coming from the South and the East of Europe: romanization and germanization. This thesis describes celtism witch was displayed in those regions and it has enriched “indoceanic interculturality”
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Deb, Bikash Ranjan. "From national revolutionism to marxism: study of ideological origins of the revolutionary socialist party (RSP) and the socialist unity centre of India (SUCI)." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2018. http://ir.nbu.ac.in/handle/123456789/3636.
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NOGUEIRA, JOSE FRANCISCO SARMENTO. "ETHNIC DESIGN: A STUDY OF GRAPHISM IN BASKETS BY M`BYÁ GUARANI INDIANS OF PARATY MIRIM (RJ)." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2005. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=7049@1.
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UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DOM BOSCODurante muito tempo, a maioria das pesquisas feitas na área de design, ficaram restritas aos estudos das circunstâncias que tinham o design industrial como tema principal. Desta forma, o design limitou-se a ser entendido como algo relacionado a produtos produzidos em grande escala e com características que estivessem relacionadas com o contexto contemporâneo do capitalismo. Nesse sentido, entendeu-se que design era só aquilo que estava inserido no meio de produção de nossa sociedade. Ficou então a cargo da antropologia estética ou simbólica, a função de investigar os significados dos desenhos inseridos no corpo dos artefatos produzidos pelos povos indígenas e de outras etnias, ou seja, do universo simbólico dos povos que nos antecederam no processo de produção de artefatos. Tais povos desenvolveram recursos tecnológicos criativos e originais, entretanto os designers de um modo geral sempre desprezaram os produtos resultantes desse trabalho como um produto de design. Neste trabalho a compreensão do que é um produto de design vai além da definição comumente disseminada do que seja um produto de design. O etnodesign surge com uma forma de resgatar os processos, a tecnologia e o entendimento daquilo que é produzido por etnias que contribuíram através de seu meio de produção para a formação do universo simbólico dos materiais e produtos que fazem parte do cotidiano da população brasileira. Com o objetivo de romper as fronteiras étnicas, que o design ao longo do tempo deixou alongar, surge o etnodesign. Entender este universo, interpretar essas construções simbólicas é também interesse de pesquisa dentro do etnodesign. Os objetos produzidos por diversas etnias que compõem o Brasil são normalmente observados apenas como um elemento exótico que utilizamos como um adorno ou como objeto decorativo em nossas casas. Desta maneira, desprezamos sua riqueza simbólica e tecnológica, seu entendimento com o místico e com a história de seus antepassados. No texto que segue são destacadas através de citações, referências bibliográficas e depoimentos que permitiram através do olhar do designer analisar (em um breve estudo de caso) os desenhos (grafismos) inseridos nas cestarias dos índios M`byá Guarani residentes no sul do estado do Rio de Janeiro, mais especificamente nos arredores da cidade de Paraty, em um local conhecido como Paraty-Mirim.
For a long time, the majority of researches in design area were restricted to studies of circumstances that had the industrial design as main subject. This way, the design was limited to be understood like products made in a great scale with characteristics related with the contemporary context of capitalism. In this idea, the design was only what was inside of the production of our society. The aesthetic or symbolic anthropology received the mission of investigating the meanings of the drawings in devices made by indians and another`s ethnic groups, it means, to study the symbolic universe of the people that had preceded us in the process of devices production. This people developed technological resources creative and original, however the designers (in a general way), had always ignored the products of this work as a product of design. In this work the understanding about a design product goes beyond the definition commonly disseminated about what the design product may be. The ethnic design appears like a form to rescue the processes, the technology and the understanding of what is produced by ethnic groups that had contributed through this means of production for the formation of the symbolic universe of the materials and products that are part of the daily of the Brazilian population. To understand this universe, to interpret these symbolic constructions is also an important interest of research inside of ethnic design. The objects produced for diverse ethnic groups that compose Brazil are normally observed only as an exotic element that we use as an adornment or as decorative object in our homes. In this way, we ignore its symbolic and technological interest, its understanding with the mystic and of its ancestor`s history. In the text that follows are detached through citations, bibliographical references and interviews that have allowed through the look of a designer to analyze (in a briefing case study) the drawings inserted in the baskets of the indians M`byá Guarani.
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Daily, Lisa A. "Constructing a New Nationalism from Below: The Dalit Movement, Politics and Transnational Networking." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0003035.
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Baraldini, Federico. "Analisi di indici ergonomici applicati all'assemblaggio Industriale - Parte 1." Master's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2017.
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Approfondimento e sviluppo del tema "ergonomia" applicato all'assemblaggio industriale. Sviluppo di un nuovo indice ergonomico per la rilevazione e valutazione ergonomica. Sviluppo di codici di calcolo (in Matlab) per l'analisi ergonomica quasi in real time, successiva a rilevazioni "motion capture" direttamente dell'operatore mentre svolge le operazioni di assemblaggio.
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Menon, Sanskriti. "How can an Independent Third-Party Support High-Quality Deliberation to Bridge the Gap between Organic and Induced Participation in Pune, India?" Thesis, Curtin University, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/86296.
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This mixed-methods action research in Pune India aimed to understand public perceptions about governance and participation, applying a public survey, and implementing high-quality deliberation processes. Using an independent third party, the western model of mini publics was adapted for implementation in India. It was found that deliberative democracy can provide a satisfactory space for participation, learning, and developing balanced outcomes. With insufficient government support of deliberative initiatives, the role of the third party becomes essential.