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1
Dasgupta, Arnab. "India’s Strategy in the Indian Ocean Region: A Critical Aspect of India’s Energy Security." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 22, no. 1 (March 8, 2018): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598418757817.
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The Indian Ocean region serves as one of the busiest commercial as well as primary energy supply lines in the world. However, the energy traffic in the region is vulnerable to various strategic choke points. Any disruption caused either by sudden incidents or by sustained developments, thus, might create havoc for the entire global energy security. A unique geostrategic position has accrued India certain natural strategic advantages in the Indian Ocean. On the other hand, India depends essentially on the vital maritime energy supply lines in the region. Hence, ensuring the security of the Indian Ocean Region thus becomes India’s natural prerogative. India therefore needs to strategize its national maritime interest in the Indian Ocean as an uninterrupted energy supply is essential for national economic growth. This article seeks to identify the critical aspect of the Indian Ocean maritime supplies in India’s energy security and to find out India’s strategic imperative to that effect.
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Karczewski, Maciej. "Wielka Gra” na Oceanie Indyjskim. Chiny, Indie i Stany Zjednoczone w regionalnej rywalizacji mocarstw." Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 5 (October 31, 2018): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2012.5.2.
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The Indian Ocean constitutes an area which is rich in resources and vital to shipping. In this region there are some strategic sealines that enable communication of China and India with this resourceful area. Due to the fact that the Indian Ocean region is rich in oil, China and India seek dominance in this part of the world. The article explains and describes the dynamic of greatpower rivalry in various aspects. It also analyzes the role of the Unites States as stabilizing power in the new political and economic environment in Asia.
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Imran, Sameera, Maryam Raza, and Noor Fatima. "Strategic Importance of Andaman and Nicobar Islands: Implications for Pakistan." Global Pakistan Studies Research Review I, no. I (December 30, 2018): 19–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpsrr.2018(i-i).03.
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The growing strategic importance of Andaman and Nicobar Islands is now changing the dynamics of Indian ocean and maritime politics. The sea politics is now has been more tangled than before. Viewed under the theory of offensive realism proposed by John Mearsheimer that holds the concept of power maximization of states and balancing strategies to counter their rival states as all states have some offensive capabilities and countries can never be certain about the intentions of other states. The ultimate goal is to dominate. Within that context, the study aims to examine the growing strategic importance of Andaman and Nicobar Islands and its future prospects and implications on Pakistan. This paper analyzes the main indicators that India is presently working on, to develop its Tri-service theatre. The study seeks to answer the following questions a) How Andaman and Nicobar Islands are strategically important for India? b) How will the development of the two islands will change the dynamics of maritime politics and tackle increasing Chinese presence in Indian ocean? c) What will be the future implications or Pakistan? The study argues that the ANC is the significant factor for India to aggravate its control in the Indian Ocean region as it is developing its largest military and nuclear build-up. However, it can unleash negative imprints for Pakistan in future in certain aspects.
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Ghosh, P. K. "Maritime Security Trilateralism: India, Sri Lanka and Maldives." Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 15, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.39.1.
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India perceives the entire Indian Ocean region (IOR) as its strategic backyard and regards itself as a “security provider” in the region. This view, of course, is not shared by many, mainly by the Chinese who often state “the Indian Ocean is not India’s backyard.” To reinforce its own perceptions and stem its eroding influence in the region - India has stepped up its efforts in enhancing its relations in general and on maritime security in particular with its island neighbours, an aspect that is being extended to the entire South Asian neighbourhood incrementally. The importance of the Mahanian concept of utilising Sea Power for the achievement of national objectives has led to the realisation amongst a normally ‘sea blind’ Indian bureaucracy to become more proactive. This article explores the maritime policy of India with regard to its neighbouring littoral states in the Indian Ocean.
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Kurniawan, Dwiki, and Irfa Puspitasari. "Hedging Maritim Indonesia di Tengah Persaingan Strategis India-China." Indonesian Perspective 2, no. 2 (December 10, 2017): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ip.v2i2.18481.
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This research inisiated from the ehancement of Indonesia-India’s maritime cooperation in 2015. Indonesia and India has great role in their region. Every aspect of their policy reflecting their own national interest and strategy. These enhancement become interesting because its need to explain by geopolitic and geostrategy point of view. The author try to explain the reasons of enhancement base on maritime geopolitic and geostrategy. This research believe that theory of hedging strategy and theory of maritime sea power could be the best answer to this issue. To give the reasons of enhancement, this reaserch has time range between 2001-2005. This research argues that the enhancement is caused by Indonesia’s hedging strategy in the middle of strategic rivalry between two great powers in region.By cooperation with both India and China, Indonesia use hedging strategy to face the uncertainty condition by India and China competition in Indian Ocean. Through hedging strategy, Indonesia could also implementating his ambition of sea power and maintain his chokepoint security.Keywords: Hedging, Maritim, Indonesia, India, China, Strategic Rivalry
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Johnson, Odakkal, and Priyanka Choudhury. "Maritime Theory Approach for Functional Effectiveness in the Indo-Pacific." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 76, no. 3 (August 5, 2020): 444–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420936134.
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The Indo-Pacific region is a centre of gravity for the world’s economic, political and strategic interests. It is a home of world’s most densely inhabited states, different forms of governance and includes over half of the world’s population. It is also a theatre of great power politics, competition and rivalry. Piracy in the vital choke points, dispute on the South China Sea and rising China factor in the Indian Ocean are some of the challenges faced in this region. As the maritime domain is unique, cooperation among nations is necessary to ensure peace in the region. Therefore, a maritime theory approach is needed to study good order at sea. Having laid down the emerging mandate of economic interaction across the global, regional and subregional canvas, there is a need for evolving functional mechanisms to ensure interoperability and progressing the overarching mandate. This will further ensure a cooperative solution in the maritime dimension. It also becomes a vital bridge between the apex policymaking and the basic execution of a decisive transaction. The Indo-Pacific region needs mutual cooperation for economic development and threat management. India is rightly positioned to be the facilitator through existing initiatives and harness potential opportunities. This article examines the aspect of functional mechanisms under the maritime theory approach in the Indo-Pacific. Nations can be encouraged to connect through efforts such as Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS) and Project Mausam to collaborate and bring complementarity. With the region growing significant each day, the development of mutual partnership is of utmost importance. Keeping three principles of workable options, harmonising individual strength and taking all along, the Indo-Pacific nations can build lasting peace and stability in the region.
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Kim, Ki-Su. "South Korea’s Geoeconomic Response to the United States’ Geopolitical Approach." Asian Social Science 16, no. 4 (March 31, 2020): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v16n4p25.
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The United States “Indo-Pacific strategy” itself entails geopolitics. Since 2017, the Indo-Pacific has emerged as a major strategic region for America’s diplomacy and security. Against this backdrop, the Indo-Pacific strategy extends both the “Asia Rebalancing Strategy” and the “Asia-Pacific Security Alliance” regime to the Indian Ocean, while seeking to bring emerging countries, such as China and India, into the U.S.-led international order. Major East Asian countries are actively employing economic means to advance their geopolitical goal -- reshaping the regional order in their own favor. The U.S. has shown a confrontational and exclusionary attitude toward China in terms of politics, economy and security, while the ASEAN has sought to promote inclusiveness by publicly expressing opposition to the exclusion of China. The ASEAN highlighted economic cooperation with China, while the U.S. focused on military and security aspects. The Indo-Pacific strategy will not be able to succeed without the participation of the ASEAN that serves as a crucial geopolitical link between the Indian and Pacific Oceans. Another important factor is that unlike former U.S. President Obama, who championed the Asia-Pacific rebalance, President Donald Trump does not show keen interest in the Indo-Pacific strategy. At the same time, President Moon Jae-in has been cautious about engaging in security issues that go beyond the Korean Peninsula or the Northeast Asia -- namely joining in any collective move to contain China. Currently, South Korea is grappling with the geopolitical challenges by expressing support for the ASEAN's geoeconomic approach. Instead of choosing whether to participate in the U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy, South Korea is seeking common ground between the strategy and its “New Southern Policy.” In other words, the New Southern Policy is a kind of buffer zone. South Korea is taking a geoeconomic response that focuses on developing the regional economy rather than adhering to the strategic and military role of the U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy.
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Batyuk, Vladimir. "US INDO-PACIFIC STRATEGY AND EURASIA." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 1 (2021): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.01.06.
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Despite the critical attitude of the current American President towards his predecessor, the Trump administration actually continued the course of the Obama administration to turn the Asia-Pacific region into the most important priority of American foreign policy. Moreover, the US Asia-Pacific strategy was transformed under Trump into the Indo-Pacific strategy, when the Indian Ocean was added to the Asia-Pacific region in the US strategic thinking. The US Pacific command was renamed the Indo-Pacific command (May 2018), and the US Department of defense developed the Indo-Pacific strategy (published in June 2019). The Indo-Pacific strategy is an integral part of Trump’s national security strategy, according to which China, along with Russia, was declared US adversary. The American side complained about both the economic and military-political aspects of the Chinese presence in the Indo-Pacific region. At the same time, official Washington is no longer confident that it can cope with those adversaries, China and Russia, alone. Trying to implement the main provisions of the Indo-Pacific strategy, official Washington has staked not only on building up its military power in the Indo-Pacific, but also on trying to build an anti-Chinese system of alliances in this huge region. Along with such traditional American allies in the region as Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, the Philippines and Singapore, the American side in the recent years has made active attempts to attract India, Indonesia, Malaysia and Vietnam to this system of alliances as well. These American attempts, however, can only cause serious concerns not only in Beijing, but also in Moscow, thereby contributing to the mutual rapprochement of the Russian Federation and China. Meanwhile, the Russian-Chinese tandem is able to devalue American efforts to strategically encircle China, creating a strong Eurasian rear for the Middle Kingdom.
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Tarapore, Arzan. "Conclusion: Strategic Policy in the Indian Ocean Region." Asia Policy 28, no. 3 (2021): 51–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/asp.2021.0034.
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Tarapore, Arzan. "Building Strategic Leverage in the Indian Ocean Region." Washington Quarterly 43, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 207–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0163660x.2020.1850833.
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Bhaskar, C. Uday. "China and India in the Indian Ocean Region." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 311–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600311.
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China and India have divergent political ideologies, characteristics, aspirations, anxieties, and hence their strategic perceptions and orientations differ. Their strategic interaction in southern Asia has for its backdrop the 1962 border conflict. In terms of maritime security, the Pacific–Indian Ocean continuum has become the centre of gravity post-9/11 with both China and India having long-term growth trajectories in terms of naval power, a process skewed in favour of the PLA Navy (PLAN). Cognisance of the maritime dependency index for energy and anxieties about secure sea-lines of communication (SLOC) by China and India give rise to a ‘Malacca dilemma’ and a ‘Hormuz dilemma’ respectively. The firm belief at the politico-military apex that Beijing’s future strategic profile and relevance is inexorably linked with its naval capability gives the PLAN a steadily increasing footprint in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). Active political engagements and long-term port investments in the IOR by Beijing, though presented as benign, trigger concerns in India. These equations are influenced by a three-tiered strategic subalternity in Asia between the US (and its allies), China and India. The manner in which contested territoriality between the Asian neighbours will be resolved is the key on which future outcomes depend. While this may point towards China acquiring a military edge in the IOR, for India prudence, restraint and capacity-building remain vital.
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Pandey, Hemant Kumar, and Akhilesh Dwivedi. "STRATEGIC ROLE OF INDIAN NAVY IN IOR AT PRESENT." SCHOLARLY RESEARCH JOURNAL FOR HUMANITY SCIENCE AND ENGLISH LANGUAGE 9, no. 46 (March 25, 2021): 11318–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21922/srjhsel.v9i46.1541.
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The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) turned out to be the most engaging region for global activities in recent years. The Indian Ocean consists of the most important trade routes of the world. The Indian Ocean provides a way to move through various regions of the world. World's huge economic players always keep an eye on the IOR for its strategic importance. The Indian Ocean is a gateway to the Atlantic Ocean through the Mediterranean Sea via the Red Sea and it also provides a way to the Pacific Ocean through the Strait of Malacca. It is the main shipping channel for the Pacific and Atlantic oceans. The Indian Ocean region is spread over 28 states, three continents and covers 17.5% of the global land area. The IOR is home to almost 36% of the population of the world. The region is proven to have a rich petroleum resources and other metals. Indian Ocean is also a rich source of fish and its export. Major Sea routes of the world pass through the Indian Ocean that connects the Middle East, Africa, and East Asia with Europe and the Americas. The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) has become a home for economic developments, disputes, conflicts, and competition for regional influence by regional and extra-regional powers. The Trade flow from IOR across the globe has its importance for the global economy as well as regional countries. The growing presence of regional power (China) is a major concern for India and other regional countries and that has compelled them to reshape their maritime strategies. This article aims to state the importance of IOR in Indian reference and Chinese presence in IOR and its strategies.
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Kumar, Raghvendra. "India’s Strategic Interests and Partnership with Island States of Africa in the Western Indian Ocean Region." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 7, no. 2 (August 2020): 227–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797020938996.
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The Indian Ocean has turned into the new geographical centre of power, where global power dynamics is being revealed. It has been transformed into a geostrategic heartland, forecasting new challenges and opportunities, and at the core of this is an emerging power, India, which, being located at a strategic juncture in the Indian Ocean, shapes much of this geostrategic transformation. Therefore, sustaining and improving security and continuing economic expansion, with an increased strategic presence in the region to safeguard its national, regional and global interests are some of the elements which greatly influence India’s involvement with the strategic island states of Africa in the Western Indian Ocean Region. In this backdrop, this article has tried to contextualise the ‘Western Indian Ocean Region’ and ‘situate the actors’ to explore the various contours of geostrategic engagements the region is witnessing. Further, the article examines India’s strategic interests in the Western Indian Ocean, which are critical for its global power aspirations. It discusses the linkages between India and the Western Indian Ocean island states of Africa, which would become the precursor for newer strategies and help in harnessing the potential of mutually beneficial cooperation. Lastly, the article seeks to re-engage with the island states of Africa to help forge a deeper cultural and strategic bond, which would be crucial in balancing the power equation in the region.
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Perwita, Anak Agung Banyu. "The Implementation of India’s Maritime Doctrine to Respond China Naval Presence in Indian Ocean Region." Indonesian Journal of Peace and Security Studies (IJPSS) 2, no. 1 (July 26, 2020): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.29303/ijpss.v2i1.38.
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Indian Ocean is a strategic and crucial location of the region and became the centre of global politics. Indian Ocean Region (IOR) has several important gulfs, straits, bays and seas within which most of it located in the northern part of the ocean. Major shipment routes intersect its enormous area, with crucial choke points and water courses connecting Indian Ocean to other main ocean parts on the earth. Indian Ocean region is part of China’s significant security interests, where China is currently leading to an ever advanced military existence within the area. China’s overpowering strategic focus in the Indian Ocean is the preservation of their maritime trading routes, particularly those transporting oil and gas that the Chinese economy relies upon. Indian Ocean Region is at the top of Indian policy priorities. India’s vision for Indian Ocean Region is deep-rooted in preceding cooperation in the region and to use their capabilities for the benefit of all in their common maritime home. The Indian Ocean holds particular importance for India. India is definitely trying to maintain their national security interests in Indian Ocean. In response to the condition in the Indian Ocean, India implemented its Indian Maritime Doctrine which is applied through Indian Navy as the way to respond China’s naval existence in IOR since 2008. This implementation brings the sources of its naval application as an effort to balance China’s naval presence in IOR through its doctrine. The unilateral naval effort is held to respond China in IOR. Moreover, a further effort of Indian navy is needed through bilateral cooporation that will further support its unilateral effort in balancing China’s active presence in the region.
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Karim, Asia, Saima A. Kayani, and Saiqa Bukhari. "Geopolitics Of Indian Ocean: Emerging Trends." Global Foreign Policies Review V, no. I (March 30, 2022): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(v-i).05.
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The Indian Ocean has gradually emerged as a significant region in terms of the economic and geopolitical patterns of the world powers. In the contemporary power struggles, it has become a most important contesting ground for global dominance. This research analyses the Geo strategic significance of the Indian Ocean and the interests of regional and great powers in it. The study is particularly focusing on two sub-regions of the Indian Ocean (IO) (Arabian Gulf and South Asia) and is mainly probing the strategic competition between New Delhi and Islamabad in these areas. And the structural enforcement these South Asian countries are receiving from Washington and Beijing. Active engagements of great powers in the said regions also highlight the global dynamic of strategic competition IO. The research concludes that different strategies adopted by regional and global powers to increase their sphere of influence in IOR are consequently enhancing strategic dilemma and initiating arms race between regional powers and that any mishandling can easily ends up in a war, which may not be an ordinary one because all the states focused in the current study are nuclear capable.
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Jha, Pankaj K. "India–Indonesia: Emerging Strategic Confluence in the Indian Ocean Region." Strategic Analysis 32, no. 3 (May 16, 2008): 439–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700160802063418.
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Li, Jiacheng. "Developing China’s Indian Ocean Strategy: Rationale and Prospects." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no. 04 (January 2017): 481–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500270.
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From the strategic perspective, the Indian Ocean has been increasingly important to China’s foreign trade and energy security. China has been faced with a deepening dilemma in the Malacca Strait for years, in large part due to the strategic pressure from the United States and India. Under its new initiative to construct the “21st Century Maritime Silk Road,” China needs to develop a long-term, security-oriented Indian Ocean strategy based on a comprehensive analysis of all the favorable and adverse conditions. Its strategic goals should include building an Indian Ocean fleet, expanding its base networks, and sharing power peacefully with the United States and India, so as to safeguard its legitimate rights and interests in the region.
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Balfas, Mishka Husen. "Non-Traditional Maritime Security Challenges and Regional Collaboration For Environmentally Sustainable Development In The Indian Ocean Region." Syntax Literate ; Jurnal Ilmiah Indonesia 6, no. 6 (June 20, 2021): 2896. http://dx.doi.org/10.36418/syntax-literate.v6i6.3160.
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The Indian Ocean region is currently becoming the world's attention. Although many parties see good opportunities from various aspects, this region still has its own challenges. The Indian Ocean provides a complex geopolitical framework in which foreign powers and local state interests are deeply intermingled. This paper discusses how the collaboration and synergy undertaken by countries in the Indian Ocean region face non-traditional maritime security challenges, especially those directly related to ocean health and the environment. Moving on from the three SDG points directly related to environmental issues, countries in the Indian Ocean region have shown collaboration to maintain regional stability from all aspects, especially environmentally sustainable development. Furthermore, more intensive cooperation is needed because there are more and more challenges, especially non-traditional ones.
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Qodarsasi, Umi, and Tety Rachmawati. "Upaya Cina menjadi Kekuatan Maritim dalam Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA)." Nation State Journal of International Studies 1, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 142–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.2018v1i2.132.
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After the economic reform in 1978, China experienced a rapid economic growth. The open door policy adopted on economic reforms succeeded in attracting many foreign investors in the sector of manufacture. Along with its status as a new power of the world economy, China is also ambitious to become the largest maritime power. The Indian Ocean is a strategic area to strengthen China's steps to support economic needs and become a maritime power. To achieve strategic interests in the Indian Ocean Region, China joins as an IORA partner. China’s effort to dominate at the IORA is not only to recruiting rival countries, but also to built strategic partnerships with the countries in the Indian Ocean region. Besides Pakistan and Myanmar, China has also established strategic partnerships with Iran, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. For strategic partner, China is seen as an alliance in strengthening politics in their country and is a supplier of military weapons and technology with affordable prices. This paper will explain the China's interests in the IORA and China's position compared to other IORA member, and also China's strategy. The results obtained shows that China has the potential to become a maritime power at the IORA.
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Asma Sana and Shaheen Akhtar. "India’s ‘Indo-Pacific’ Strategy: Emerging Sino-Indian Maritime Competition." Strategic Studies 40, no. 3 (October 12, 2020): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.040.03.0073.
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India is rapidly modernising its naval capabilities and expanding its maritime interests in Asia-Pacific region. The recent surge in its maritime domain is associated with two factors: Firstly, the rise of China as an ‘Asian power’ with growing influence in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR); secondly, India’s aspirations to become a leading player in the IOR while expanding its sway in the Pacific ocean. This paper argues that India’s increased regional engagements and its strategic partnership with the US will strengthen Indian footprints in the Indo-Pacific region which will increase security concerns for China. This paper explores the evolution of Indian strategic thinking over the years on ‘sea power,’ examines the emerging contours of India’s ‘Indo-Pacific’ strategy as well as fulfilling its aspirations of becoming a global power, and discusses the implications of ‘India’s Extended Neighbourhood’ policy for China’s economic and strategic interests in East Asia and the South China Sea.
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Rao, Udai. "Sub-regional Maritime Security Challenges: A Cooperative Approach." Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 15, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.39.3.
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The Indian Ocean Region has today emerged as the most important region of strategic concern. With India and China trying to establish their clout over this region and using it to propel themselves to the title of a Superpower. Indian Ocean becomes an interesting site for maritime security studies. This article attempts to trace the different areas of concern for all the stakeholders involved in the management of this sub-regional maritime security challenge. Maritime cooperation and security would ensure secure and safe seas which in turn would allow resurgence of our economies in a mutually beneficial manner. The sub-regional grouping with Maldives and Sri Lanka has to transcend beyond the South Asia sphere, encompassing Seychelles and Mauritius and would be a ‘Bottom Up Approach’ to shaping the maritime strategic environment in the Indian ocean.
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Choudhury, Avinandan, and P. Moorthy. "Strategic-Maritime Triangle in the Indian Ocean: An Emerging Indo-US Naval Entente?" India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 74, no. 3 (July 10, 2018): 305–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928418785477.
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The increasing Chinese naval presence in and around Indian ocean, coupled with the rise of the home-grown Indian Navy and the US naval dominance over the global commons, has brought about a strategic maritime triangle in the Indian Ocean. This article looks into the evolving role, capacity and objectives of the Indian, Chinese and US Navy vis-à-vis their strategic interests in the Indian Ocean region. The article argues that the ascendency of China’s naval prowess in Indian Ocean will prod India to opt for a tactical naval entente with the USA. Few impediments to the potential formation of a close-knit Indo-US partnership like India’s fear of losing strategic autonomy, its aversion in being an east Asian naval power, US–Pakistan ties and the difference in the Indian and USA’s interpretation of the concept of ‘Freedom of Navigation’ have been discussed. The article contends that an effective Indo-US naval cooperation will depend on how these impediments are taken into considerations within the make-up of their partnership.
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Mikhel, Irina. "RIVALRY AND PARTNERSHIP STRATEGIES IN THE INDIAN OCEAN REGION." Vostokovedenie i Afrikanistika, no. 2 (2021): 91–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rva/2021.02.06.
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This review analyzes recent publications by Pakistani authors on the policies of world powers in the Indian Ocean region, India-US cooperation and its implications for Pakistan, and recent Indo-Pakistan relations. The recent the U.S. containment doctrine on China has contributed to an American Pivot of Asia, an increased strategic partnership between the U.S. and India, a cooling of the U.S.-Pakistan relationship, and an increase in comprehensive cooperation between China and Pakistan. The establishment of a China-Pakistan economic corridor with access to the Indian Ocean near the Gwadar port becomes a matter of survival and a basis for future prosperity for China and Pakistan, while for the United States and its new allies it becomes a cause for serious concern and a reason for a new round of confrontation with China and Pakistan. The ongoing Indo-Pakistani rivalry is now also driven by Indian domestic politics and the role of Prime Minister Modi and his party.
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Venkatshamy, Krishnappa. "The Indian Ocean Region in India's strategic futures: looking out to 2030." Journal of the Indian Ocean Region 9, no. 1 (June 2013): 17–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19480881.2013.793911.
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Rafique, Muhammad Umair, and Sayed Amir Hussain Shah. "Environmental Degradation in Indian Ocean." Progressive Research Journal of Arts & Humanities (PRJAH) 1, no. 01 (March 3, 2021): 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.51872/prjah.vol1.iss01.12.
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Indian Ocean is the third largest ocean in the world spanning over an area of 73,556,000 Square. kilometers, that covers three continents, Africa, Asia, and Australia. Pakistan is an emerging strategic and geopolitical significant state of the South Asia; it has 1046 kilometers of coastline across the Arabian Sea, a region of Northern Indian Ocean. The country’s largest province ‘Baluchistan’ possesses 800 kilometers of coastline, whereas remaining 246 kilometers is in ‘Sindh’ province. The level of marine pollution is extremely high in Karachi, an economic hub and populous port city of the Sindh. The Karachi Port harbour area is full of toxic pollutants until they are evaporated or settle down at the bottom. The objective of this paper is to highlight the dilemma of marine pollution in Pakistan's coastline especially in the port city of Karachi. The study is aimed to provide remedial measures to preserve endanger rare marine species of Pakistan’s territorial waters. The paper will also provide an empirical and theoretical overview of coastal governance in Pakistan.
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Megal, Jahanzaib, and Muhammad Nadeem Mirza. "STRING OF PEARLS AND NECKLACE OF DIAMONDS: SINO-INDIAN GEO-STRATEGIC COMPETITION IN THE INDIAN OCEAN." Asia-Pacific - Annual Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia 40 (December 26, 2022): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol40.iss0.5862.
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The Indian Ocean holds immense vitality for its strategic trade routes and choke points. China and India are Asia’s two rising powers, who aim to dominate the Indian Ocean to satisfy their regional and global ambitions. This competitiveness for regional influence has resulted in geo-strategic competition in the Indian Ocean. China, through the strategy of ‘String of Pearls’, has increased its naval footprint by building ports in Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Myanmar. India has similarly responded with an alternative counterbalancing strategy ‘Necklace of Diamonds’ by deepening its relations and partnership with Iran, Oman, Singapore, Bangladesh, Myanmar, and other regional countries. This qualitative exploratory comparative case study finds that: China through its String of Pearls strategy intends to achieve great power status, boost its economy, and address its security concerns, especially those related with the Malacca Dilemma. India, through its Necklace of Diamonds strategy, is trying to counterbalance Chinese presence in the Indian Ocean. Moreover, India intends to enhance its political and economic clout – being the rising power of the region.
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Mehmood, Zaeem Hassan, and Ramla Khan. "Assessing Indian Ocean Economics: Perspective from Pakistan." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 10, no. 1 (June 28, 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.10.1.1-15.2021.
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The Indian Ocean offers the “global commons” the sea lanes of communication that connects the East with the West. These SLOCs nurtures the global economic world by providing for a classical instance of ‘multilateral maritime matrix,’ whereby merchant ships are manufactured in one country, maintained and owned by another, underwritten by third, registered in fourth and crewed by subjects of another. In this regard, the strategic and commercial concerns of nation-states extends from its immediate maritime borders to the protection of chokepoints where merchandise is most vulnerable to array of contemporary security threats. The third largest ocean, since the cessation of bipolar hostilities after the end of the Cold War, has been integrated to global market economics to a critical extent whereby any interruptions to the established trade networks is likely to have a ‘shockwave effect’. The Indian Ocean is presaged to continue as a ‘central shipment pathway’ for regional and inter-continental trade in wide scope of commercial commodity items. The patterns observed in the region consists of up gradation of existing port infrastructure and developing export markets and resources based on blue economy would strengthen maritime ties. These transformations have the potential to permit the Indian Ocean to be the “strategic heart of the maritime world”.
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Krishnan, Tharishini, Abu Sadat Mahmud Safeer, and Inderjit Singh. "The Growing Power Struggle in Indian Ocean Region: Security Road Map for Bangladesh." JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 14 (October 28, 2019): 3372–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v14i0.8470.
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The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) is rising significantly as the center stage for world politics in the current century. Due to the geostrategic and economic importance, the region has created conflicts in strategic interest leading to power confrontation among regional and extra-regional powers resulting in security threats for small littorals like Bangladesh. Some of the threats are influential attachments of the powerful states in foreign, trade, economy and defense sectors, poor regional security architecture and an increase of non-traditional security threats. Analyzing the issues reveals that, Bangladesh can navigate these challenges by playing strategic hedging, pursuing multilateralism, recalibrating trade and economic engagements, and comprehensive drive by government agencies to deal with non-traditional security threats.
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Hayat, Muhammad Umer, Syeda Aqsa Sajjad, and Farrukh Shahzad. "GREAT POWERPLAY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN: IMPLICATIONS FOR THE REGION." Global Political Review V, no. IV (December 30, 2020): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-iv).08.
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The Indian Ocean is important due to its strategic location, geopolitical significance and trade activities being performed through it. The United States of America is attaining energy, and other resources have a deep interest in the region. China, through its "string of pearls strategy", is encountering the American goals in the regional by the promotion of its economic activities, securing its dominance in the region, thus posing a constant challenge to the later as well as a regional power i.e. India. Contending interests of regional and international powers in the Indian Ocean Region has led to power projection, affected the security environment, fuelling the issues. The necessity to preserve the available energy resources for survival and to meet future needs is attracting great powers to the Indian Ocean Region. The close alliance between the US and India and dwindling relations between the US and Pakistan are leading towards close ties between Pakistan and China.
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M Ihsan Qadir and Saif ur Rehman. "Emerging Paradigm of the Indian Ocean: Arihant’s Prowl and its Regional Implications." Strategic Studies 37, no. 4 (April 11, 2017): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.037.04.00198.
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The Indian Ocean has traditionally been less contentious with respect to nuclear issues but recent fielding of the nuclear submarine by India has introduced a new dimension in the strategic stability of the region. Though the development of nuclear submarine is China-centric, yet, the littoral states of the Indian Ocean have started feeling perturbed. The Indian ambitious naval expansion plan, aligned with its evolving maritime strategy, has adversely affected the security dynamics of the Indian Ocean. Thus, the Indian Ocean has become an avenue of the intersecting interests of many regional (China and India) and extra-regional states. The predominant interest of extra-regional powers has been economic, embedded in the security concerns. In response to the Indian nuclear explosions in 1998, Pakistan compelled to became an overt nuclear state, yet, had no inclinations for taking nuclearisation to sea. However, the extraordinary development of induction of nuclear submarine in the Indian naval inventory has forced many regional states to premeditate their options in line with their security calculus and compulsions, which has resulted in the emergence of a new paradigm of strategic competition between India and China in the Indian Ocean.
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Huang, Mike Chia-Yu. "A New Game Started? China’s ‘Overseas Strategic Pivots’ in the Indian Ocean Region." China Report 54, no. 3 (July 2, 2018): 267–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445518779164.
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China’s port facility construction projects in the Indian Ocean (IO) region, particularly those in Gwadar and Djibouti, have led to a heated debate among strategists over whether the country has been carrying out a ‘string of pearls’ strategy, an alleged Chinese scheme to challenge America’s military predominance in South Asia. Although Beijing has denied the existence of such a strategy, it has enhanced its strategic ties with littoral countries in the IO region over the past few years. This article discusses the evolution of Beijing’s IO strategy and examines the nature of these Chinese port projects. It argues that rather than simply copying the American model of developing military bases overseas, China has been deliberating a more sophisticated plan for its physical presence there—creating a new set of ‘overseas strategic pivots’. These ‘pivots’ are designed to help Beijing sustain its anti-piracy campaign and serve as forward stations for the transportation of China’s imported energy and merchandise while, with a relatively low-key stance, reducing any unnecessary opposing actions by rival powers. In addition, their political and economic functions are to a certain extent greater than their military functions despite the fact that they appear to be military bases. More importantly, these ‘pivots’ can help China create closer partnerships with littoral governments in the IO region, which suggests that the country is trying to create a friendly international environment favouring its plan to step into the global maritime domain.
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Prakoso, Septyanto Galan, Andriyansyah Perdana Murtyantoro, and Meisya Putri Intan Cahyani. "China-Pakistan Economic Corridor: China's Strategic Ambition." JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL 18, no. 1 (November 23, 2019): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jis.18.2.2019.81-92.
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China’s Silk Road concept known as Belt and Road Initiative (B&R) by Xi Jinping aims at strengthening China’s economic power. One part of the initiative is the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Using a qualitative descriptive method, we attempt to explain how China and Pakistan integrate themselves in several aspects such as economic, military and politics. The CPEC establishment falls under the intention of both countries to gain more advantage in several aspects. The main objective of this journal is to explain non-economic and also economic interests behind China and Pakistan relations especially China’s strategic and geopolitical interests. This journal also analyzes Chinese counter-measures against Indian influence in the Indian Ocean. The conclusion of this research shows that China gain more benefits from CPEC especially after the deployment of China’s Navy into the Gwadar Sea Port.
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Qayyum, Sehrish. "Strategic Analysis of Maritime Situation in Indian Ocean- Challenges and Prospects for Pakistan." Polaris – Journal of Maritime Research 3, no. 1 (December 31, 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.53963/pjmr.2021.003.3.
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Strategic maritime environment of Indian Ocean is rigorously changing in the course of last two decades. Regional focus has sharply shifted from territorial to maritime borders, largely impacting transnational ties in wake of defense and security measures. This insight covers background of strategic maritime environment of Indian Ocean along with shifting trends after the launch of China’s “Belt Road Initiative”. This discourse also covers impact of COVID crisis on maritime environment of IO and recent tactical reorientation of global powers in the region. Furthermore, Strategic analysis of maritime power of Indian Ocean is done in calibration of the narrative. USA, China, India, Australia, and Pakistan are taken under keen sight of policy analysis. Opportunities and challenges for Pakistan in lieu of this discussion is penned down categorically. Development of Maritime Security Strategy of Pakistan (MSSP) with commensurate needs is focused as a result of the deliberate policy and maritime environment study of IOR. Cogent recommendations are offered to Pakistan Navy and Government of the State to fill the lapse on way to emerging naval power of Western Indian Ocean. It is qualitative research employing descriptive chronological discussion targeting theme in the larger perspective.
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Muhammad Abbas Hassan. "Growing China-India Competition in the Indian Ocean: Implications for Pakistan." Strategic Studies 39, no. 1 (April 24, 2019): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.039.01.00125.
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The Indian Ocean is the world’s third-largest body of water and has become an area of growing competition between China and India. As the economy, power and interests of both the countries increase, this competition endanger the stability of the region, which is significant for global maritime trade flows. This paper aims to give an overview of India’s ambitions as well as China’s growing strategic interests in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). Based on their growing interests, the study will highlight the implications of this competition for Pakistan. It will also try to present a way forward, which Pakistan must adopt to avoid its interests being compromised.
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Sari, Marina Ika, Leonard F. Hutabarat, and Amarulla Octavian. "INDONESIA - INDIA DEFENSE DIPLOMACY IN THE INDIAN OCEAN." Jurnal Pertahanan 4, no. 2 (August 31, 2018): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jp.v4i2.403.
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<p><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><em><span style="font-size: medium;">Abstract - This study focuses on defense diplomacy between Indonesia and India in the Indian Ocean. This study used defense diplomacy concept and qualitative method with Soft System Methodology (SSM) </span></em><span style="font-size: medium;">and NVivo </span><em><span style="font-size: medium;">for the analysis technique. The data was collected through interviews and literature study. The results show that Indian Ocean has become important region in the geopolitic in the 21</span><sup><span style="font-size: small;">st</span></sup><span style="font-size: medium;"> century. Indonesia and India view the Indian Ocean as their strategic environment. Diplomatic ties between Indonesia and India have built since 1951 and enhanced with Strategic Partnership open the opportunity for both countries to conduct defense diplomacy in the Indian Ocean. Forms of defense diplomacy between Indonesia and India are through Biennial Defense Minister Forum, Joint Defence Cooperation Committee (JDCC), Navy to Navy Talk, India-Indonesia Coordinated Patrol (Ind-Indo Corpat). The defense diplomacy activities aim to improve the Confidence Building Measures (CBM) and the defense capability.</span></em></span></p>
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Latif, Muhammad Ijaz, and Muhammad Tayyab Zia. "Realignment of Power Patterns in Indian Ocean: Role of Regional and Global Actors." Journal of Business and Social Review in Emerging Economies 7, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): 1029–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/jbsee.v7i4.2083.
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Purpose: Purpose of study is to analyze the impact of changing strategic patterns and priorities of various regional and international actors on the Indian Ocean Region. Geo-political contestation for hegemony among these actors i.e. US, India, Japan, Australia, China and Pakistan is examined. Measures and counter-measures taken by the said states too are evaluated.
Design/Methodology/Approach: Analytical study based on qualitative descriptive analysis is formulated in inductive way.
Findings: Indian Ocean has been evolving to be the center-stage of Global power politics. US, UK, Australia, Japan and India are pursuing the goal of containment of China. China too has initiated economic partnerships with various states of the Indian Ocean Region i.e. Pakistan, Myanmar and Sri Lanka.
Implications/Originality/Value: Keeping in view the pace at which international and other concerned actors are inclined towards alliances formulation and militarization of the Indian Ocean Region, naval arms to acquire naval second strike capability is anticipated to be initiated in the near future, Indian ambitions to achieve the naval based second strike capability can be analyzed with the same lens.
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Buraga, Manoj Babu, and Thibault Fournol. "Indo-French Cooperation and Engagement in Holistic Maritime Security: Possibilities and Implications in the Indian Ocean Region." Electronic Journal of Social and Strategic Studies 03, no. 02 (2022): 241–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47362/ejsss.2022.3209.
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The diffusion of the Indo-Pacific concept in India’s strategic vocabulary has accompanied the emergence of a broader strategic reference frame, in which the impacts of climate change on coastal areas and maritime-related environmental issues figure among the lowest common denominators of cooperation at the regional scale. In the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), unregulated fishing, natural disasters relief or marine pollution indeed became major security concerns for littoral States as well as it gave a new role for the armies in mitigating increasing environmental risks. In fact, we are seeing an expansion in India-France maritime security cooperation, with particular focus on the Indian Ocean. With its expanding economic, marine military, and strategic goals in the Indo-Pacific region, India is eager to develop connections with countries throughout the area. France is emphasising its identity as an Indo-Pacific nation and showing interest in bolstering its partnership with India. The Indian Ocean has emerged as a hot topic in recent Indo-French bilateral talks, as both nations seek to broaden their long-standing strategic partnership to the maritime domain. In February 2022, they inked a roadmap to boost their bilateral exchanges on the blue economy and forge a common vision of ocean governance on the basis of the rule of law, and cooperation on sustainable and resilient coastal and waterways infrastructure (MEA, Feb 2022).[i] In this regard, both agreed to explore the potential for collaboration in marine science research for a better understanding of the oceans, including the Indian Ocean. One such partnership is the ‘The Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative’ (IPOI), wherein France and India have taken the responsibility of being the ‘lead’ for the Marine Resources Pillar, which is one of seven identified pillars (MEA, Mar 2022).[ii] In such a context, this paper aims to explore India’s cooperation opportunities in the field of environmental security in the IOR in the context of Indo-French relations. As a preferred net security provider in the region, India has made of France one of the cornerstones of its SAGAR policy and a first-choice partner on maritime issues, as testified recently by the India-France Roadmap on Blue Economy and Ocean Governance. Based on several years of research on Indo-French relations and environmental security in the Indo-Pacific, the paper will first compare the securitization process of maritime-related environmental issues within the regional security policies of both countries and the adaptation of their navies to emerging environmental risks in the Indian Ocean. Then, it will analyse to what extent this process contributes to reshape military-to-military cooperation between the two navies/coast guard in emerging areas such as disaster relief operations, protection of maritime ecosystems or cyclone early warning. Then, it will consider the multilateral implications of this cooperation and its potential contribution to the security architecture of the Indian Ocean. [i] Ministry of External Affairs of India (February 2022). India-France Roadmap on the Blue Economy and Ocean Governance. [ii] Ministry of External Affairs of India (March 2022). Indo-French Call for an ‘Indo-Pacific Parks Partnership. Joint Declaration, Paris.
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Naomi, Sharin Shajahan, Syed Muhammad Saad Zaidi, and Dr Adam Saud. "The great polarized game in the Indian Ocean: Options for US, China and Pakistan." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 5, no. 2 (November 22, 2021): 236–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/5.2.16.
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Indian Ocean (IO) has occupied an overlapping space of political concern and maritime security due to increasing geo-strategic importance in the region. A competition has been noticed amongst key littoral states in the IO, particularly among United States, India and China. In this competing game, United States is found to be proactively supporting India to expand its influence on IO. On the other hand, China is developing trade and military relationship with other countries including Pakistan to demonstrate leverage on the IO region. This paper sheds light into this great polarized game and its implications for Pakistan. The study uses secondary data and adopts a critical approach largely based upon ‘realist’ paradigm to analyse and understand the role of the aforementioned key actors in the political developments of the region The study reveals that both India and China, are competing ferociously and forming alliances (India with USA and China with Pakistan) to establish regional hegemony. This competition, in turn, has greatly politically polarized the region and threatened peace and stability. In this context, Pakistan needs to carefully develop its strategy which will serve its aspiration to have a positive peaceful image in the global politics and serve strategic national interest.
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BANSAL, R. K., and R. K. DATTA. "Certain aspects for intensification of tropical storms over Indian Ocean area." MAUSAM 23, no. 4 (February 7, 2022): 503–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.54302/mausam.v23i4.5310.
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Palmen (1956) gave three climatological and geographical conditions as pre-requisites for the formation of tropical storms. One of these being that the region of formation of storm should be over sufficiently large sea or ocean area with temperature of the sea surface so high that airmass shifted from the lowest layers of the atmosphere and expanded adiabatically with condensation remains considerably warmer than the surrounding undisturbed atmosphere at least between 500 and 200 mb. The temperature differences for island stations of Port Blair and Minicoy and the coastal stations were studied to test the above hypothesis for Indian area. In general it is found that Palmen's hypothesis holds good over the Bay of Bengal as well as the Arabian Sea.
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Sidhu, Jatswan S., and Roy Anthony Rogers. "China’s Strategic Ambitions in the Indian Ocean Region, India’s Anxiety and the United States’ concerns." Malaysian Journal of International Relations 3, no. 1 (December 22, 2015): 75–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol3no1.4.
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Mishra, Raghavendra. "Managing Strategic Security Transactions in the Indian Ocean Region: Moving Away From Zero-Sum Lens." Maritime Affairs: Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India 10, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09733159.2014.928430.
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Boston, Thomas D. "Nea Presidential Address, 1991: Sixteenth-Century European Expansion and the Economic Decline of Africa (In Honor of Walter Rodney)." Review of Black Political Economy 20, no. 4 (June 1992): 5–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02696978.
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Prior to the sixteenth century, the Indian Ocean trading network was one of the wealthiest commercial regions in the world. It included states of East Africa, the Arabian peninsula, the Indian subcontinent, Southeast Asia, China and Japan. By circumnavigating Africa, Portugal was the first European nation to gain access to the region. Through the exercise of naval superiority, blockading of strategic shipping lanes, imposition of duties and expulsion of Swahili and Muslim merchants, Portugal exercised a mercantile monopoly which ultimately led to the region's rapid economic decline. Using rare historical documents from Portugal and Africa, this study traces the effects of Portuguese expansion on the economies of East Africa and trade in the Indian Ocean.
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Khalid Manzoor Butt and Sadaf Jan Siddiqui. "Growing Chinese Presence in the Indian Ocean: Prospects and Challenges." Strategic Studies 41, no. 2 (April 4, 2022): 64–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.041.02.0048.
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The ‘String of Pearls’ strategy attributed to China for growing its relations with the states situated around the Indian Ocean (IO) in order to neutralise Indian influence. Furthermore, protecting economic and strategic interests are also the key factors that China is maintaining its presence in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). After the completion of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), it is predicted that Gwadar Port will be the most precious pearl of the string. With the increased Chinese influence, the United States (US) will not fall behind and will have to revise strategy to maintain its supremacy in the IO and keep Chinese influence under check. However, Chinese presence will enhance economic prospects in the IO but may also pose some challenges for regional peace and security. In this paper, an analytical study would be undertaken on such questions.
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BHATTACHARYA, SUBHADEEP. "India’s evolving role as the ‘net security provider’ of the Indian Ocean region." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 2 (May 31, 2022): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17487.1.
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The unveiling of the Indo-Pacific strategy by USA has clubbed the two separate worlds-The Pacific and the Indian Ocean region- together, mingling the geopolitics of the two regions. This is done in the context of the growing maritime role of China along with her growing naval potentials. On the other hand, India, considered an important partner of the Indo-Pacific geopolitics, is lately taking extra care about her maritime interests in her immediate maritime neighbourhood, the Indian Ocean region (IOR). This activeness can be credited to the ‘Chinese intrusion’ in the Indian maritime neighbourhood. The role of India as the ‘net security provider’ of the IOR is resurfacing in the strategic corridors of New Delhi in the context of India’s unveiling of the Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR) mission and her growing active role in the bilateral as well as multilateral maritime relations. In this context it becomes imperative to analyse the character of India’s Indian Ocean policy in retrospect in order to construe India’s potentials and preferences in the current Indo-Pacific geopolitics where she is undoubtedly an important player. India has been playing the role of net security provider of the IOR for quite some time now. Initially taking a non-combative defensive approach to the issue throughout the 1960s, India gradually turned assertive in the 1980s to safeguard her interests in the maritime zone. India, who inherited the baton from the British, was in two minds over how to maintain the dominance. Shedding off defensive mood, she turned assertive later to safeguard her interest in the IOR against ‘external intrusion’. After the Cold War, India shifted to collaborative approach without compromising with her prime Indian Ocean policy motto to maintain her pre-eminence in the region.
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BHATTACHARYA, SUBHADEEP. "India’s evolving role as the ‘net security provider’ of the Indian Ocean region." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 2 (October 27, 2022): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17487.2.
Full textAbstract:
The unveiling of the Indo-Pacific strategy by USA has clubbed the two separate worlds-The Pacific and the Indian Ocean region- together, mingling the geopolitics of the two regions. This is done in the context of the growing maritime role of China along with her growing naval potentials. On the other hand, India, considered an important partner of the Indo-Pacific geopolitics, is lately taking extra care about her maritime interests in her immediate maritime neighbourhood, the Indian Ocean region (IOR). This activeness can be credited to the ‘Chinese intrusion’ in the Indian maritime neighbourhood. The role of India as the ‘net security provider’ of the IOR is resurfacing in the strategic corridors of New Delhi in the context of India’s unveiling of the Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR) mission and her growing active role in the bilateral as well as multilateral maritime relations. In this context it becomes imperative to analyse the character of India’s Indian Ocean policy in retrospect in order to construe India’s potentials and preferences in the current Indo-Pacific geopolitics where she is undoubtedly an important player. India has been playing the role of net security provider of the IOR for quite some time now. Initially taking a non-combative defensive approach to the issue throughout the 1960s, India gradually turned assertive in the 1980s to safeguard her interests in the maritime zone. India, who inherited the baton from the British, was in two minds over how to maintain the dominance. Shedding off defensive mood, she turned assertive later to safeguard her interest in the IOR against ‘external intrusion’. After the Cold War, India shifted to collaborative approach without compromising with her prime Indian Ocean policy motto to maintain her pre-eminence in the region.
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Naha, Alik. "Franco-Indian Maritime Cooperation: Implications for the Indo-Pacific." Journal of South Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (February 23, 2021): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.009.01.3597.
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With the shift of the global power center from Europe to Asia, the Indo-Pacific, regarded as the “maritime underbelly” has become the center of geo-economics and geostrategic contestation. This significance of the Indo-Pacific maritime realm has drawn the attention of several regional and extra-regional powers since the past decade. In this changing geopolitical scenario, maritime security has acquired primacy in Indian foreign policy discourse. To counter the growing Chinese presence in its strategic backyard, New Delhi is increasingly looking for partners to advance the idea of ‘Free, Open, and Inclusive Indo-Pacific’ and also to establish itself as a net security provider in the Indian Ocean Region. France is also skeptical of assertive China as a threat to its regional interests. Since 1998, France is India’s all-weather strategic partner. With their shared Indo-Pacific strategy, there is a greater opportunity for them to cooperate in the Indo-Pacific region. Coupled with this bilateral opportunity, the idea of trilateral or minilateral is also gaining ground. Whatever may be the motivation, if realized such frameworks can have far-reaching ramifications. In this context, the paper seeks to analyze the implications of the Franco-Indian relationship in the Indo-Pacific region.
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Campbell, Gwyn. "Editorial Introduction." Journal of Indian Ocean World Studies 1, no. 1 (September 29, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/jiows.v1i1.24.
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The Journal of Indian Ocean World Studies (JIOWS) is a multidisciplinary, open access journal that accepts articles on all aspects of the history and culture of the Indian Ocean World (IOW) – a macro-region that runs from Africa to the Far East, and includes the Indian Ocean, Indonesian and China seas and their continental hinterlands.This inaugural issue focuses on various instances of interaction in the IOW. From commercial exchange between otherwise opposing commercial enterprises, to personal interactions between Europeans and peoples indigenous to the IOW, to the experiences and strategies of slaves, the issue explores various instances in which categories of “foreign” and “indigenous” come into alignment or conflict in historiography, colonial narratives, or commercial enterprises.
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Junaid Ashraf. "String of Pearls and China’s Emerging Strategic Culture." Strategic Studies 37, no. 4 (April 11, 2017): 166–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.037.04.00204.
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This research paper focuses on the strategic culture of China in the 21st century and establishes a link with the Chinese 'String of Pearls' strategy. The article explores the relevant literature and develops an empirical premise that China’s contemporary strategic culture is still defensive, in line with it past practices. However, after the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), Beijing’s strategic culture is more focused on its defence preparedness as 'String of Pearls' is aimed at establishing the maritime Silk Road along the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). The paper also briefly discusses China’s importance on developing partnerships and economic relations with different regions like Asia, the Middle East, Europe and America to show its peaceful rise and defensive strategic culture.
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Muhammad Ijaz Latif and Muhammad Tayyab Zia. "Strategic Dimensions of CPEC: Role of Regional and International Powers." Journal of Business and Social Review in Emerging Economies 6, no. 4 (December 31, 2020): 1561–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/jbsee.v6i4.1507.
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Indian Ocean, along with its chokepoints and Sea Lanes of Communications, is considered to be the significant strategic maritime arena. The area has remained under the influence of the US. India, being a largest littoral state of the said ocean, has a strong say here. Sino- Pakistan strategic collaboration and convergence over the construction of Gwadar and CPEC would not only serve the commercial interests of both of the states, rather it would also strengthen their strategic and defense position in the region. On the Beijing’s part, China would, to a considerable extent, neutralize its “Malacca Dilemma”. And on Islamabad’s part, it would serve to be a deterrent to any aggressive design of her arch rival India. It is because on the one hand it would enhance the strategic depth of Pakistan, and on the other hand integrity of Pakistan would be indispensible for China. And any attempt to destabilize Pakistan could provoke China, so Pakistan’s integrity would be sine qua non for China.
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Christensen, Steen, Raquibul Amin, and Ghulam Qadir Shah. "Regional Collaboration Among Countries in the Indian Ocean for Better Coastal and Ocean Governance." Polaris – Journal of Maritime Research 1, no. 1 (December 20, 2019): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.53963/pjmr.2019.003.1.
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The Mangroves for the Future initiative (MFF) has operated since 2006 as a strategic regional and partnership-led programmeworking in response to the continued degradation of coastal ecosystems, which threatens the livelihoods and security of coastal communities and makes them more vulnerable to impacts from climate change. MFF follows the principle that healthy coastal ecosystems (principally mangroves, coral reefs and sea grass beds) can contribute significantly to human well-being and the resilience of man and nature to climate change. In its initial phase to 2010, MFF supported India, Indonesia, Maldives, Seychelles, Sri Lanka and Thailand to deliver a targeted response to the Indian Ocean tsunami in 2004. Since then, country membership has expanded to include Bangladesh, Cambodia, Myanmar, Pakistan and Viet Nam and the initiative has grown towards a wider response to the current and emerging challenges for coastal management in the Indian Ocean and South China Sea regions. MFF is also engaged with Malaysia on an outreach basis; and with the Philippines as a dialogue country. Co-chaired by International Union for Conservation of nature (IUCN) and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and with ASEAN Centre for Biodiversity (ACB), Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations (FAO), United Nations Environmental Programme (UNEP), and Wetland International (WI) as institutional partners, MFF provides a unique platform for representatives from governments, civil society and private sectors to meet, discuss and take actions together at both regional and national scales. At the regional level, MFF is governed by a Regional Steering Committee that provides strategic leadership for policy change and advocacy and also serves as a forum for country to country information exchange and discussions on emerging issues of regional importance. Within each MFF member country, a National Coordination body has oversight on the programme implementation as guided by its National Strategy and Action Plan and delivery of the small, medium and regional grant facilities1. Through its inclusive partnership approach, MFF has significantly strengthened the collaboration between the key stakeholders from governments, civil society, and private sectors addressing national and regional coastal zone management issues. In particular, the MFF initiative has supported national and local governments in developing and implementing participatory and sustainable resource management strategies, and, through awareness and capacity building activities, empowered coastal communities to participate in the decision making processes relating to the management of the natural resources on which they depend for their livelihoods. The present paper elaborates successful examples of regional collaboration initiated through MFF that have contributed to better coastal governance in India Ocean region. The examples include the transboundary cooperation between Pakistan and Iran in Gawatar Bay, between India and Sri Lanka for in the Gulf of Mannar, and between Guangxi and Quang Ninh Provinces in China and Viet Nam. The paper also highlights the importance of the Sustainable Development Goals, especially the Goal 14 and concepts like Blue Economy for sustainable ocean and coastal management in the light of the rapid development in maritime trade, race for exploration of the ocean bed for mineral resources, unsustainable exploitation of fish resources, and increasing pollution load to ocean waters from rapidly developing coastal urban growth in the Indian Ocean region.