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Academic literature on the topic 'Indian Ocean Region Strategic aspects'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Indian Ocean Region Strategic aspects"

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Dasgupta, Arnab. "India’s Strategy in the Indian Ocean Region: A Critical Aspect of India’s Energy Security." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 22, no. 1 (March 8, 2018): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598418757817.

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The Indian Ocean region serves as one of the busiest commercial as well as primary energy supply lines in the world. However, the energy traffic in the region is vulnerable to various strategic choke points. Any disruption caused either by sudden incidents or by sustained developments, thus, might create havoc for the entire global energy security. A unique geostrategic position has accrued India certain natural strategic advantages in the Indian Ocean. On the other hand, India depends essentially on the vital maritime energy supply lines in the region. Hence, ensuring the security of the Indian Ocean Region thus becomes India’s natural prerogative. India therefore needs to strategize its national maritime interest in the Indian Ocean as an uninterrupted energy supply is essential for national economic growth. This article seeks to identify the critical aspect of the Indian Ocean maritime supplies in India’s energy security and to find out India’s strategic imperative to that effect.
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Karczewski, Maciej. "Wielka Gra” na Oceanie Indyjskim. Chiny, Indie i Stany Zjednoczone w regionalnej rywalizacji mocarstw." Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 5 (October 31, 2018): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2012.5.2.

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The Indian Ocean constitutes an area which is rich in resources and vital to shipping. In this region there are some strategic sealines that enable communication of China and India with this resourceful area. Due to the fact that the Indian Ocean region is rich in oil, China and India seek dominance in this part of the world. The article explains and describes the dynamic of greatpower rivalry in various aspects. It also analyzes the role of the Unites States as stabilizing power in the new political and economic environment in Asia.
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Imran, Sameera, Maryam Raza, and Noor Fatima. "Strategic Importance of Andaman and Nicobar Islands: Implications for Pakistan." Global Pakistan Studies Research Review I, no. I (December 30, 2018): 19–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpsrr.2018(i-i).03.

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The growing strategic importance of Andaman and Nicobar Islands is now changing the dynamics of Indian ocean and maritime politics. The sea politics is now has been more tangled than before. Viewed under the theory of offensive realism proposed by John Mearsheimer that holds the concept of power maximization of states and balancing strategies to counter their rival states as all states have some offensive capabilities and countries can never be certain about the intentions of other states. The ultimate goal is to dominate. Within that context, the study aims to examine the growing strategic importance of Andaman and Nicobar Islands and its future prospects and implications on Pakistan. This paper analyzes the main indicators that India is presently working on, to develop its Tri-service theatre. The study seeks to answer the following questions a) How Andaman and Nicobar Islands are strategically important for India? b) How will the development of the two islands will change the dynamics of maritime politics and tackle increasing Chinese presence in Indian ocean? c) What will be the future implications or Pakistan? The study argues that the ANC is the significant factor for India to aggravate its control in the Indian Ocean region as it is developing its largest military and nuclear build-up. However, it can unleash negative imprints for Pakistan in future in certain aspects.
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Ghosh, P. K. "Maritime Security Trilateralism: India, Sri Lanka and Maldives." Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 15, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.39.1.

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India perceives the entire Indian Ocean region (IOR) as its strategic backyard and regards itself as a “security provider” in the region. This view, of course, is not shared by many, mainly by the Chinese who often state “the Indian Ocean is not India’s backyard.” To reinforce its own perceptions and stem its eroding influence in the region - India has stepped up its efforts in enhancing its relations in general and on maritime security in particular with its island neighbours, an aspect that is being extended to the entire South Asian neighbourhood incrementally. The importance of the Mahanian concept of utilising Sea Power for the achievement of national objectives has led to the realisation amongst a normally ‘sea blind’ Indian bureaucracy to become more proactive. This article explores the maritime policy of India with regard to its neighbouring littoral states in the Indian Ocean.
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Kurniawan, Dwiki, and Irfa Puspitasari. "Hedging Maritim Indonesia di Tengah Persaingan Strategis India-China." Indonesian Perspective 2, no. 2 (December 10, 2017): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ip.v2i2.18481.

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This research inisiated from the ehancement of Indonesia-India’s maritime cooperation in 2015. Indonesia and India has great role in their region. Every aspect of their policy reflecting their own national interest and strategy. These enhancement become interesting because its need to explain by geopolitic and geostrategy point of view. The author try to explain the reasons of enhancement base on maritime geopolitic and geostrategy. This research believe that theory of hedging strategy and theory of maritime sea power could be the best answer to this issue. To give the reasons of enhancement, this reaserch has time range between 2001-2005. This research argues that the enhancement is caused by Indonesia’s hedging strategy in the middle of strategic rivalry between two great powers in region.By cooperation with both India and China, Indonesia use hedging strategy to face the uncertainty condition by India and China competition in Indian Ocean. Through hedging strategy, Indonesia could also implementating his ambition of sea power and maintain his chokepoint security.Keywords: Hedging, Maritim, Indonesia, India, China, Strategic Rivalry
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Johnson, Odakkal, and Priyanka Choudhury. "Maritime Theory Approach for Functional Effectiveness in the Indo-Pacific." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 76, no. 3 (August 5, 2020): 444–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420936134.

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The Indo-Pacific region is a centre of gravity for the world’s economic, political and strategic interests. It is a home of world’s most densely inhabited states, different forms of governance and includes over half of the world’s population. It is also a theatre of great power politics, competition and rivalry. Piracy in the vital choke points, dispute on the South China Sea and rising China factor in the Indian Ocean are some of the challenges faced in this region. As the maritime domain is unique, cooperation among nations is necessary to ensure peace in the region. Therefore, a maritime theory approach is needed to study good order at sea. Having laid down the emerging mandate of economic interaction across the global, regional and subregional canvas, there is a need for evolving functional mechanisms to ensure interoperability and progressing the overarching mandate. This will further ensure a cooperative solution in the maritime dimension. It also becomes a vital bridge between the apex policymaking and the basic execution of a decisive transaction. The Indo-Pacific region needs mutual cooperation for economic development and threat management. India is rightly positioned to be the facilitator through existing initiatives and harness potential opportunities. This article examines the aspect of functional mechanisms under the maritime theory approach in the Indo-Pacific. Nations can be encouraged to connect through efforts such as Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS) and Project Mausam to collaborate and bring complementarity. With the region growing significant each day, the development of mutual partnership is of utmost importance. Keeping three principles of workable options, harmonising individual strength and taking all along, the Indo-Pacific nations can build lasting peace and stability in the region.
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Kim, Ki-Su. "South Korea’s Geoeconomic Response to the United States’ Geopolitical Approach." Asian Social Science 16, no. 4 (March 31, 2020): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v16n4p25.

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The United States “Indo-Pacific strategy” itself entails geopolitics. Since 2017, the Indo-Pacific has emerged as a major strategic region for America’s diplomacy and security. Against this backdrop, the Indo-Pacific strategy extends both the “Asia Rebalancing Strategy” and the “Asia-Pacific Security Alliance” regime to the Indian Ocean, while seeking to bring emerging countries, such as China and India, into the U.S.-led international order. Major East Asian countries are actively employing economic means to advance their geopolitical goal -- reshaping the regional order in their own favor. The U.S. has shown a confrontational and exclusionary attitude toward China in terms of politics, economy and security, while the ASEAN has sought to promote inclusiveness by publicly expressing opposition to the exclusion of China. The ASEAN highlighted economic cooperation with China, while the U.S. focused on military and security aspects. The Indo-Pacific strategy will not be able to succeed without the participation of the ASEAN that serves as a crucial geopolitical link between the Indian and Pacific Oceans. Another important factor is that unlike former U.S. President Obama, who championed the Asia-Pacific rebalance, President Donald Trump does not show keen interest in the Indo-Pacific strategy. At the same time, President Moon Jae-in has been cautious about engaging in security issues that go beyond the Korean Peninsula or the Northeast Asia -- namely joining in any collective move to contain China. Currently, South Korea is grappling with the geopolitical challenges by expressing support for the ASEAN's geoeconomic approach. Instead of choosing whether to participate in the U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy, South Korea is seeking common ground between the strategy and its “New Southern Policy.” In other words, the New Southern Policy is a kind of buffer zone. South Korea is taking a geoeconomic response that focuses on developing the regional economy rather than adhering to the strategic and military role of the U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy.
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Batyuk, Vladimir. "US INDO-PACIFIC STRATEGY AND EURASIA." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 1 (2021): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.01.06.

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Despite the critical attitude of the current American President towards his predecessor, the Trump administration actually continued the course of the Obama administration to turn the Asia-Pacific region into the most important priority of American foreign policy. Moreover, the US Asia-Pacific strategy was transformed under Trump into the Indo-Pacific strategy, when the Indian Ocean was added to the Asia-Pacific region in the US strategic thinking. The US Pacific command was renamed the Indo-Pacific command (May 2018), and the US Department of defense developed the Indo-Pacific strategy (published in June 2019). The Indo-Pacific strategy is an integral part of Trump’s national security strategy, according to which China, along with Russia, was declared US adversary. The American side complained about both the economic and military-political aspects of the Chinese presence in the Indo-Pacific region. At the same time, official Washington is no longer confident that it can cope with those adversaries, China and Russia, alone. Trying to implement the main provisions of the Indo-Pacific strategy, official Washington has staked not only on building up its military power in the Indo-Pacific, but also on trying to build an anti-Chinese system of alliances in this huge region. Along with such traditional American allies in the region as Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, the Philippines and Singapore, the American side in the recent years has made active attempts to attract India, Indonesia, Malaysia and Vietnam to this system of alliances as well. These American attempts, however, can only cause serious concerns not only in Beijing, but also in Moscow, thereby contributing to the mutual rapprochement of the Russian Federation and China. Meanwhile, the Russian-Chinese tandem is able to devalue American efforts to strategically encircle China, creating a strong Eurasian rear for the Middle Kingdom.
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Tarapore, Arzan. "Conclusion: Strategic Policy in the Indian Ocean Region." Asia Policy 28, no. 3 (2021): 51–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/asp.2021.0034.

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Tarapore, Arzan. "Building Strategic Leverage in the Indian Ocean Region." Washington Quarterly 43, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 207–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0163660x.2020.1850833.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Indian Ocean Region Strategic aspects"

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Keerawella, Gamini Bandara. "The growth of superpower naval rivalry in the Indian Ocean and Sri Lankan response." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28843.

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The Indian Ocean has experienced a process of profound change in its political and strategic map since World War II. This began with the British withdrawal from East of Suez, and was followed by the entry of the superpowers into the Indian Ocean, the growth of superpower naval rivalry, and the proliferation of security problems of the states in the region. The essence of these developments is the transformation of the Indian Ocean from the stability of one-power domination to the instability of superpower rivalry. The thesis examines the process of this transformation and the Sri Lankan response from a historical perspective. The transformation of the power structure in the Indian Ocean was essentially an outcome of the changes in power configurations in world politics. The growth of superpower rivalry in the Indian Ocean must be understood in relation to the evolution of political, economic, and strategic interests of the superpowers, advances in weapons systems and naval technology, and political developments in the region. The superpower naval rivalry has three interrelated elements, viz, naval deployments, weapons deals, and jockeying for bases/logistic support in the region. It evolves in three phases: from 1968 to the 1973 oil crisis; from the oil crisis to 1978; and since 1978. There are definite linkages between superpower naval rivalry and the conflict patterns in the region. The states in the region count on the superpowers for their security because of the inherent weaknessess of the ruling elites in the region, the limits of their security options, and economic dependence. The invariable outcome is a chain reaction resulting in military pacts, puppet governments, political supression, and proxy war, which forms the texture of the international politics of the Indian Ocean region. Sri Lankan responses to superpower naval rivalry can be explained in relation to the geo-political framework of her strategic thinking, and her internal political and economic processes. In the period 1948-56, Sri Lanka identified herself with the British defence structure in the Indian Ocean. With the changes introduced by the M.E.P. regime, non-alignment became the foreign policy approach of Sri Lanka after 1956. In accordance with the growth of superpower naval presence, Sri Lanka became more sensitive to Indian Ocean strategic issues in the 1960s. After 1970, Sri Lankan policy towards the Indian Ocean took a more coherent form and was designed to balance two considerations - first, at the sub-regional level, how to deal with India; and at the Indian Ocean level, how to check superpower naval rivalry and the increasing militarization of the Indian Ocean. This was reflected in Sri Lanka's proposal for an Indian Ocean Peace Zone (IOPZ). After 1977, under the changed internal and international situation, Sri Lanka soft-pedalled her earlier more articulated position regarding superpower naval riavlry in the Indian Ocean.
Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Ormston, Robert. "The growth of the Indian navy : what is India up to?" Thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144423.

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Books on the topic "Indian Ocean Region Strategic aspects"

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Security in the Indian Ocean Region: Role of India. New Delhi: Vij Books India, 2011.

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Kaushik, Devendra. Perspectives on security in Indian Ocean Region. New Delhi: Allied Publishers, 1987.

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Kumar, Madhurendra. Super power, India, and the Indian Ocean. Allahabad: Chugh Publications, 1995.

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Raizada, Ajit. The Indian ocean politics. Delhi: Sharada Pub. House, 1994.

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1944-, Dowdy William L., and Trood Russell B, eds. The Indian Ocean ; perspectives on a strategic arena. Durham: Duke University Press, 1985.

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Gupta, M. Indian Ocean region: Maritime regimes for regional cooperation. New York: Springer, 2010.

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Security and nationalism in the Indian Ocean: Lessons from the Latin Quarter Islands. Boulder: Westview Press, 1987.

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George, Paul. Indian naval expansion. Ottawa, Ont: Canadian Institute for International Peace and Security, 1991.

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Indian Ocean region: Maritime regimes for regional cooperation. New York: Springer, 2010.

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George, Paul. Superpower rivalry in the Indian Ocean. [Ottawa, Ont: Canadian Institute for International Peace and Security], 1989.

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Book chapters on the topic "Indian Ocean Region Strategic aspects"

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Remnek, Richard B. "The Soviet Naval Presence in the Indian Ocean and Western Security." In US Strategic Interests in the Gulf Region, 83–105. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429270031-7.

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Ye, Hailin. "The Strategic Landscape of South Asia and Indian Ocean Region." In Current Chinese Economic Report Series, 27–40. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-45940-9_2.

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Grare, Frédéric, and Jean-Loup Samaan. "The Gulf Arab Monarchies: From Gateways to Strategic Players in the Indian Ocean?" In The Indian Ocean as a New Political and Security Region, 125–50. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-91797-5_6.

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Khan, Zulfqar, and Zafar Khan. "India’s Maritime Strategic Outreach in the Indian Ocean Region: Power Projection and Escalation Dominance." In India’s Evolving Deterrent Force Posturing in South Asia, 85–136. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-6961-6_4.

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Zhu, Cuiping. "Changes of the International Environment in the Indian Ocean Region and the Strategic Choices for China." In Research Series on the Chinese Dream and China’s Development Path, 3–44. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1982-3_1.

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Chorev, Shaul. "The Suez Canal: Forthcoming Strategic and Geopolitical Challenges." In Palgrave Studies in Maritime Politics and Security, 3–26. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15670-0_1.

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AbstractThe Suez Canal is a strategic narrow route (chokepoint), and a geostrategic link between the Mediterranean and the Red Sea, en route to the Indian Ocean more broadly. The chapter examines the general strategic and geopolitical characteristics of the Suez Canal; the challenges, opportunities, and threats that Egypt, the country that owns, controls, and operates the canal, is likely to face over the coming decades; and how it might also influence the entire Eastern Mediterranean, the Red Sea, and the global supply chains. The stability of the Egyptian regime is the most important factor for any economic benefit provided by the Suez Canal, as well as for any efforts to secure it and make it more accessible to two-way traffic. Egypt’s efforts to secure shipping should not be limited to the Suez Canal alone. The Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea are afflicted with many security threats, most notably piracy, which decrease the attractiveness of shipping through the Canal. In economic terms, Egypt should continue to develop the economic zone around the Canal, by investment and creation of jobs. Given its strategic and economic importance, Egypt should strive to turn this region from a periphery to a center.
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"The IOR and the Strategic Importance of the Indian Ocean Region in the Post-Cold War Era." In The Indian Ocean Rim, 255–74. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315028439-20.

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Stubbs, Matthew, and Dale Stephens. "Opportunities for Enhancing Naval Cooperation in the Indian Ocean Region in the Presence of Strategic Competition." In Maritime Cooperation and Security in the Indo-Pacific Region, 253–75. Brill | Nijhoff, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004532847_015.

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Wynne-Jones, Stephanie. "The Indian Ocean before the Arrival of Europeans." In A Material Culture. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198759317.003.0012.

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The precolonial Swahili coast was thus a region united through particular material practices. In this volume, consumption and display have been emphasized as aspects that are very clearly evident in the archaeological record. More ephemeral practices, such as ritual, dance, or public acts of memorialization, are only now being incorporated into our understandings, bringing the picture of the precolonial coast into line with what is known of more recent periods (see Chapter 8). Yet tangible acts of display and the use of material objects in certain contexts served to delineate a particular cultural area, as well as to link them to a broader Indian Ocean sphere; the objects bound up into prominent acts were often derived from that world. As has been discussed, this served a purpose on the Swahili coast, where cosmopolitanism and the ability to claim connections with distant regions have long been important in the negotiation of identities. This might be seen as an unequal relationship: a region in which external symbols had special power, whether due to their intrinsic qualities or to the cultural hegemony of the societies from which they came (per Gosden 2004). This has often been the assumption on the eastern African coast, where commodities such as gold or ivory were traded for exotic objects such as glazed ceramics or beads. Yet this inequality is a difficult notion to test. First, as discussed in earlier chapters, the ocean was only one of the spheres of interaction in which the Swahili were active, albeit one that they chose to highlight. Second, it is probable that the imported goods we see on the coast, often in tiny quantities, were just a very small part of a much larger commodity trade. Ships would not have travelled empty to this region, and so the bulk of their cargo must have been made up of items we now do not see: cloth, foodstuffs, or raw materials long since consumed or formed into manufactured objects.
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Ahmed, S. Jobayear. "Strategic Partnership of Bangladesh With Australia to Protect From Possible Debt Trap and Diseconomies of Scale of One-Belt One-Road." In Strategic Cooperation and Partnerships Between Australia and South Asia, 166–98. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-8657-0.ch008.

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Bangladesh is a developing nation that is about to complete its Golden Jubilee partnership by 2022 with Australia, a country that has been supporting Bangladesh through aid, assistance, grant, loan, trade, scholarship, etc. Recently, the regional and global superpower China has increased its influence in the Indian Ocean region both through its military and through the OBOR or BRI where it has also shown interest to work with Bangladesh in both fronts. Bangladesh is a very small country but strategically very important, with access to the Indian Ocean. Therefore, it is important to check whether the OBOR initiatives put any negative impact on the neighboring SAARC nations and partner states. The study therefore attempted to identify the potential diseconomies of scale and the solutions Australia-Bangladesh relations might offer.
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Conference papers on the topic "Indian Ocean Region Strategic aspects"

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Mohite, S. D. D. "LNG Imports - A Strategic Choice for GCC Region." In SPE Energy Resources Conference. SPE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/spe-169980-ms.

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Abstract Although Middle East region is blessed with 43% of global proven gas reserves equivalent at 80 trillion cubic meters, of which 50 % are in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, apart from the challenge of historic under-investment, regional gas endowments have been highly uneven and unique. The region is responding to gas shortages by boosting supplies through a combination of E&P developments and imports. As per IEA, the current 240 billion cubic meters (BCM) demand is expected to rise to 300 BCM by 2020 and 600 BCM by 2030. About 90% of incremental energy demand for power generation would come from gas then. Strategic investment will have to focus on creating large volumes of storage capacity as well as peak deliverability to cope with rising imports and power demand requirements. Currently, Dubai and Kuwait import LNG through floating storage and regasification unit (FSRU) projects. At first these imports were seasonal (i.e. summer demand for electricity for air conditioning) and on a spot or short-term basis. Now, demand extends into all but the winter months and soon demand will be year round. The expansion of FSRU in Kuwait in to a permanent facility would increase capacity from 500 MMSCF/d to 3 BCF/d in two phases. This 11.0 million ton per annum (MMTPA) Kuwaiti LNG project under phase-I, is likely to replace the country's FSRU by 2020, mainly to replace the fuel oil firing in power plants. Abu Dhabi is developing a 8.7 MMTPA project in the Emirate of Fujairah on the Indian Ocean outside the Strait of Hormuz. Depending on supply-demand dynamics, Abu Dhabi may be both an importer and exporter of LNG, possibly relying on gas from the Shah and Bab fields. Bahrain has plans to develop 3.6 MMPTA shore-based import facility. Oman has combined Oman LNG and Qalhat LNG projects for integrated benefits, is developing unconventional gas reserves and would reduce gas subsidies to improve the demand equilibrium. Yemen continues to export LNG but has interruptions because of security issues. While Qatar gains geo-political benefits from its broader LNG export customers, with plans to expand its LNG capacity further, the possibility of it supplying gas to its neighbors is remote. Whereas, Saudi Arabia is better dedicated to its oil-field development, has realized benefits of developing and commercializing its gas fields, for both power and job generation. In view of the above, LNG thus remains a strategic choice for GCC countries mainly due to: Most environment-friendly and efficient option for rapidly escalating power demand at ~ 8% p.a.Techno-economics favoring fuel mix of LSFO and LNG for power and industries, instead of crude and dieselRefinery-Petrochemical integration becomes a more viable optionLimitations on geo-technical and geo-political contentious issues on developing non-associated gas fieldsChallenges on speeding up trade and strengthening exchange of power using 2009-set GCC grid, at full capacitySlow diversification into high-profile renewable power projects and its bold initiatives
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Reports on the topic "Indian Ocean Region Strategic aspects"

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Sen Gupta, A. K. Strategic Importance of Indian Ocean Region. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada192367.

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