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Journal articles on the topic 'Indian Nationalism'
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1
Das, Indian Institute of Technology, Kharagpur, India, Saswat S., Anindya Sekhar Purakayastha, Kazi Nazul University, India, and Sandeep Sarkar, Vellore Institute of Technology, India. "De-familiarising Nationalist Discourses: Performative Ironies of the Normative Indian Episteme." Asiatic: IIUM Journal of English Language and Literature 8, no. 2 (December 15, 2014): 176–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/asiatic.v8i2.496.
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The present excursus attempts a deconstructive reading of the foundational texts of normative Indian nationalism and problematises them and their epistemic plexus through the critical trajectories of Homi K. Bhabha and Partha Chatterjee. Nationalism still remains a primary signifier in academic debates and in works like The Nation and its Fragments and Nationalist Thoughts and the Colonial World, Chatterjee challenges the assumption that nationalism in Asia and Africa is a derivative version of pre-given European nationalist a prioris. For Chatterjee, Asian and African nationalism was based on difference and not on derivation and the present essay addresses this differentiality, this dynamics of performative operativity of Indian nationalism with specific references to textual episteme of foundational thinkers such as Tagore, Gandhi, Vivekananda and Jawaharlal Nehru. We interrogate the normative cognitivities of these foundational thinkers by pitting them against the radical conceptualisation of DissemiNation of Homi K. Bhabha. We argue that while the foundational texts of Indian nationalism did not imitate the epistemic structures of the West they ended up in offering only mythic abstractions and religious normativities that surely fail to betray any proud deliberative encounter with “the historic and objective realities†of India.
2
ANDERSON, EDWARD, and PATRICK CLIBBENS. "‘Smugglers of Truth’: The Indian diaspora, Hindu nationalism, and the Emergency (1975–77)." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 5 (June 4, 2018): 1729–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000750.
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AbstractDuring the Indian Emergency (1975–77) a range of opposition groups and the Indian state competed to mobilize the Indian diaspora. The Emergency therefore needs to be understood as a global event. Opposition activists travelled overseas and developed transnational networks to protest against the Emergency, by holding demonstrations in their countries of residence and smuggling pamphlets into India. They tried to influence the media and politicians outside India in an effort to pressurize Indira Gandhi into ending the Emergency. An important strand of ‘long-distance’ anti-Emergency activism involved individuals from the Hindu nationalist movement overseas, whose Indian counterparts were proscribed and imprisoned during the period. Several key Hindutva politicians in recent decades were also involved in transnational anti-Emergency activism, including Subramanian Swamy and Narendra Modi. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh's role in opposing the Emergency—particularly the way in which it enabled overseas Indians to act as ‘smugglers of truth’—remains an important legitimizing narrative for Hindu nationalists. Indira Gandhi's Congress government mounted its own pro-Emergency campaigns overseas: it attacked diasporic opposition activists and closely monitored their activities through diplomatic missions. The state's recognition of the diaspora's potential influence on Indian politics, and its attempts to counter this activism, catalysed a long-term change in its attitude towards Indians overseas. It aimed to imitate more ‘successful’ diasporas and began to regard overseas Indians as a vital political and geopolitical resource. The Emergency must be reassessed as a critical event in the creation of new forms of transnational citizenship, global networks, and long-distance nationalism.
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Shairgojri, Aadil Ahmad. "Indian Nationalism: Redefined in Today’s time." Journal of Language and Linguistics in Society, no. 23 (May 17, 2022): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jlls.23.35.39.
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The Feeling of love and pride towards the nation one is born in is purely natural. It is ingrained in almost every human throughout the world. Nationalism has many definitions. To be truly patriotic, one must feel a sense of belonging to one's own country and its people. To comprehend nationalism, one must comprehend citizenship. Nationalism is rooted in patriotism. Nationalism is based on loyalty. This way of thinking has unquestionably existed since the dawn of time. The concept unites citizens throughout the country. Patriotism also refers to allegiance to one's country. Nationalism is almost certainly the most powerful force in global politics. Numerous factors contribute to nationalism's rise. All citizens of a country share these characteristics. All of these elements are shared: language, history, culture, traditions, mentality, and territorial boundaries. As a result, a sense of community would develop among the populace. It will occur regardless of your wishes. As a result, countrymen would feel more connected and affectionate toward one another. Thus, patriotism fortifies the nation's citizens. The present aim of the study is to analyse the Indian Nationalism: Redefined in Today’s time.
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Shairgojri, Aadil Ahmad. "Indian Nationalism: Redefined in Today’s Time." Journal of Psychology and Political Science, no. 23 (May 28, 2022): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jpps.23.31.36.
Full textAbstract:
The Feeling of love and pride towards the nation one is born in is purely natural. It is ingrained in almost every human throughout the world. Nationalism has many definitions. To be truly patriotic, one must feel a sense of belonging to one's own country and its people. To comprehend nationalism, one must comprehend citizenship. Nationalism is rooted in patriotism. Nationalism is based on loyalty. This way of thinking has unquestionably existed since the dawn of time. The concept unites citizens throughout the country. Patriotism also refers to allegiance to one's country. Nationalism is almost certainly the most powerful force in global politics. Numerous factors contribute to nationalism's rise. All citizens of a country share these characteristics. All of these elements are shared: language, history, culture, traditions, mentality, and territorial boundaries. As a result, a sense of community would develop among the populace. It will occur regardless of your wishes. As a result, countrymen would feel more connected and affectionate toward one another. Thus, patriotism fortifies the nation's citizens. The present aim of the study is to analyse the Indian Nationalism: Redefined in Today’s time.
5
Gould, William. "Congress Radicals and Hindu Militancy: Sampurnanand and Purushottam Das Tandon in the Politics of the United Provinces, 1930–1947." Modern Asian Studies 36, no. 3 (July 2002): 619–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x02003049.
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A recent trend in the historiography of north India has involved analyses of ‘Hindu nationalist’ motifs and ideologies within both mainstream nationalist discourses and subaltern politics. A dense corpus of work has attempted to provide historical explanations for the rise of Hindutva in the subcontinent, and a great deal of debate has surrounded the implications of this development for the fate of secularism in India. Some of this research has examined the wider implications of Hindutva for the Indian state, democracy and civil society and in the process has highlighted, to some degree, the relationship between Hindu nationalism and ‘mainstream’ Indian nationalism. Necessarily, this has involved discussion of the ways in which the Congress, as the predominant vehicle of ‘secular nationalism’ in India, has attempted to contest or accommodate the forces of Hindu nationalist revival and Hindutva. By far the most interesting and illuminating aspect of this research has been the suggestion that Hindu nationalism, operating as an ideology, has manifested itself not only in the institutions of the right-wing Sangh Parivar but has been accommodated, often paradoxically, within political parties and civil institutions hitherto associated with the forces of secularism. An investigation of this phenomenon opens up new possibilities for research into the nature of Hindu nationalism itself, and presents new questions about the ambivalent place of religious politics in institutions such as the Indian National Congress.
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Baruah, Sanjib. "‘Ethnic’ Conflict as Stat–Society Struggle: The Poetics and Politics of Assamese Micro-Nationalism." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 3 (July 1994): 649–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00011896.
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This paper is an attempt to understand one case of ‘ethnic’ conflict in India—Assam. By looking closely at this one case I hope we will understand better the phenomenon of India's persistent dilemma of micro-nationalist politics that from time to time seems to be fundamentally at odds with India's macro-nationalist project. To be sure, despite the seriousness of some of these conflicts—say Punjab and Kashmir at present, or Assam until recently—the incidence of micro-nationalist dissent should be kept in perspective. The Indian state can claim quite a bit of success in its project of ‘nation building’-it has been able to incorporate micro-nationalist dissent of a number of peoples by using persuasive and coercive means at its disposal. Moreover, cven conflicts that appear stubborn at one time turn out to be surprisingly amenable to negotiated settlement. Irrespective of the Indian state's ability to manage micro-nationalist dissent, the assumption that nationalisms have a telos that inevitably leads to a demand for separation relies on a rather sloppy and lazy naturalist theory of the nature and origins of nations and nation states. What the Indian experience forces us to confront is the fate of nationalism and the nation state as they spread worldwide as a modal form. In the Indian subcontinent these new forms that privilege 'formal boundedness over substantive interelationships," come face to face with a civilisation that represents a particularly complex way of ordering diversity.2 In a subcontinent where the historical legacy of state formation is marked by an intermittent tension between the imperial state and regional kingdoms, nationalisms and the nation state may have proved to be rather unfortunate modern transplants.3
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Lakhera, Pankaj. "Ambedkar's Nationalism." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 7, no. 8 (August 17, 2022): 79–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2022.v07.i08.012.
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The idea of nationalism is a modern idea which has its roots in modern European Renaissance. However, in a country like India, it emerged and developed during the anti-colonial struggle which marks a new beginning of social and political awakening. Generally, we identify Indian nationalism with the ideas of great freedom fighters like Gandhi, Nehru, Subhash, Patel and lokmanya tilak. These great leaders emphasized upon a particular brand of Indian nationalism that looks at Indian civilization as the greatest Civilization on earth. It ignores the operation and suppression of Dalits and other down roden sections of Indian society which has been going on in India for centuries. The dominant Indian nationalism is the based upon the ideas of Brahmanism, manuvad and Aryan racial superiority. It bypasses the nationalist perspectives of Dravidians, communist and the subalterns. It was doctor BR Ambedkar who gave a new definition of Indian nationalism. His nationalism stands for the salvation of Dalits and backward sections of Indian society. The present paper will analyse Ambedkar’s ideas on Indian nationalism and will differentiate it from other brands of nationalism prevailing in India for the last two centuries.
Abstract in Hindi Language:
राष्ट्रवाद का विचार एक आधुनिक विचार है जिसकी जड़ें आधुनिक यूरोपीय पुनर्जागरण में हैं। हालाँकि, भारत जैसे देश में, यह उपनिवेश विरोधी संघर्ष के दौरान उभरा और विकसित हुआ जो सामाजिक और राजनीतिक जागरण की एक नई शुरुआत का प्रतीक है। आम तौर पर, हम भारतीय राष्ट्रवाद की पहचान गांधी, नेहरू, सुभाष, पटेल और लोकमान्य तिलक जैसे महान स्वतंत्रता सेनानियों के विचारों से करते हैं। इन महान नेताओं ने भारतीय राष्ट्रवाद के एक विशेष प्रकार पर जोर दिया जो भारतीय सभ्यता को पृथ्वी पर सबसे बड़ी सभ्यता के रूप में देखता है। यह दलितों और भारतीय समाज के अन्य दबे कुचले वर्गों के संचालन और दमन की उपेक्षा करता है जो सदियों से भारत में चल रहा है। प्रमुख भारतीय राष्ट्रवाद ब्राह्मणवाद, मनुवाद और आर्य नस्लीय श्रेष्ठता के विचारों पर आधारित है। यह द्रविड़ों, कम्युनिस्टों और निम्नवर्गों के राष्ट्रवादी दृष्टिकोणों को पारित करता है। डॉक्टर बीआर अंबेडकर ही थे जिन्होंने भारतीय राष्ट्रवाद की नई परिभाषा दी। उनका राष्ट्रवाद भारतीय समाज के दलितों और पिछड़े वर्गों के उद्धार के लिए खड़ा है। वर्तमान पेपर भारतीय राष्ट्रवाद पर अम्बेडकर के विचारों का विश्लेषण करेगा और इसे पिछली दो शताब्दियों से भारत में प्रचलित राष्ट्रवाद के अन्य प्रकारों से अलग करेगा।
Keywords: राष्ट्रवाद, अस्पृश्यता, जाति, दलित, ब्राह्मणवाद, मनुवाद, आर्य, द्रविड़, कम्युनिस्ट समर्थक
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MORRIS, STEPHEN D. "Reforming the Nation: Mexican Nationalism in Context." Journal of Latin American Studies 31, no. 2 (May 1999): 363–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x99005313.
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With the NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement); the EZLN (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional), and political crisis/reform all posing questions both old and new about Mexican nationalism, this article reconsiders the dimensions of the subject, the issues, and the empirical evidence. After setting out an analytical and theoretical framework for the study of nationalism, it concentrates on the many components of Mexican nationalism, the historic and on-going nationalist debates over the Indian, the American and the state, and the nature of nationalist policies over the years. It then reviews research related to such theoretical issues as the linkages between nationalist sentiments, ideas and policies, the social bases of nationalist ideas and perceptions, and the changes in nationalism. The article aims to place longstanding discussions of Mexican nationalism in a theoretical context and to derive conclusions which indicate appropriate directions for future research.
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Chiriyankandath, James. "Nationalism, religion and community: A. B. Salem, the politics of identity and the disappearance of Cochin Jewry." Journal of Global History 3, no. 1 (March 2008): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022808002428.
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AbstractThis article considers how the existence of an ancient community, the Jews of Cochin on India’s Malabar coast, was transformed by the force of two powerful twentieth-century nationalisms – Indian nationalism and Zionism. It does so through telling the story of a remarkable individual, A. B. Salem, a lawyer, politician, Jewish religious reformer, and Indian nationalist, who was instrumental in promoting the Zionist cause and facilitating the mass migration of the Cochin Jews to Israel. Salem’s story illustrates how the prioritization and translation of kinds of identity into the public sphere is fluid and contingent upon a variety of circumstances, personal as well as the outcome of changes in the wider world.
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Pham, Chi P. "The Disgust with Cà Ri (Curry): Indian Foodways, Racial Capitalism, and the Discursive Creation of Postcolonial Vietnamese Nationalism." Verge: Studies in Global Asias 9, no. 2 (September 2023): 214–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vrg.2023.a903028.
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Abstract: This essay examines Vietnamese presentations of Indian food practices and preferences in the emerging Vietnamese nation during the colonial and postcolonial period in order to better understand how Indians and their foodways were constructed within Vietnamese nationalist thought in service of a new, ideal modern Vietnamese identity. Put differently: examining the representation of Indian foodways during this period enables us to mark the operation of racial differences in the service of consolidating an image of the Vietnamese nation. Relying on prevailing Vietnamese literary and historical records about Indian food and eating styles, this paper argues that Vietnamese intellectuals – nation-makers – presented Indian food and eating practices as the embodiment of colonial capitalism, all aiming to highlight the political and class goals of Vietnamese nationalism.
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Fasseur, C., and D. H. A. Kolff. "II. Some Remarks on the Development of Colonial Bureaucracies in India and Indonesia." Itinerario 10, no. 1 (March 1986): 31–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300008974.
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A systematic comparison of the development of modern bureaucracies in India and Indonesia during the colonial era has never been made. No equivalent of the excellent work done by J.S. Furnivall on the colonial administration in Burma and Java is available. Yet, much of what he said is useful for the subject of this paper and we shall therefore lean heavily on him. It would be an overstatementto say that Indians before the Second World War felt interested in the events and developments in Indonesia. In the other direction that interest surely existed. We need only to recall the deep impact the Indian nationalist movement made upon such Indonesian nationalists as Sukarno.‘The example of Asian nationalism to which Indonesians referred most often was the Indian one.’ This applies for instance to the Congress non-cooperation campaign in the early 1920s. Indonesian nationalists could since then be classified as cooperators and non-cooperators, although for them the principal criterion was not the wish to boycott Dutch schools, goods and government officials(such a boycott actually never occurred in colonial Indonesia)but the refusal to participate in representative councils such as the Volksraad(i.e. People's Council).
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Bhagavan, Manu. "The Rebel Academy: Modernity and the Movement for a University in Princely Baroda, 1908–49." Journal of Asian Studies 61, no. 3 (August 2002): 919–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3096351.
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In recent analyses of nationalism in colonial South Asia, Partha Chatterjee and Tanika Sarkar, among others, have argued that as a result of colonial domination in the “public sphere”—the realm of the state and civil society—Indian male nationalists deployed the “private sphere”—the realm of the home—as the discursive site of anticolonial nationalist imaginaries. The internal space of the home was “the one sphere where improvement could be made through [Indian men's] own initiative, changes could be wrought, where education would bring forth concrete, manipulable, desired results” (Sarkar 1992, 224; Chatterjee 1989) and it therefore took on “compensatory significance” in the experience of modernity in India (Chakrabarty 2000, 215–18).
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Wang, Kejie. "Indian Nationalism and its China Policy." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 24 (December 31, 2023): 222–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/cn7x2t52.
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T In 1994, Dutch scholar Peter van der Veer published Religious Nationalism: Hindus and Muslims in India, which explored the role of religious nationalism in Indian politics. Before that, religious nationalism was widely seen as a secular, religion-based mobilisation of communities, rather than a trend of thought with broad political implications. India's religious nationalism is politicized, and Modi describes himself more as a religious leader than a political leader in the process of governing and propaganda. After Modi became Prime minister, Indian religious nationalism has become the main political trend in India, and this top-down approach to Indian nationalism has also influenced India's diplomatic strategy towards China. The core question discussed in this paper is whether India's diplomatic attitude towards China will lead to a deadlock in Sino-Indian relations and bring security crisis to the two countries. This article will discuss India's new challenges to peace from a number of perspectives. What are the roots of Indian nationalism, what problems does Indian nationalism bring to Sino-Indian relations, and the future of Sino-Indian relations? India's religious nationalism has a profound impact on its foreign policy. Instead of secularization, Indian nationalism largely combines theocracy with nationalism, and gives birth to Hindu nationalism centered on Hinduism. The rise of such religious nationalism and the implementation of such policies will push China-India relations to a dangerous edge.
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Herman, R. ""Something Savage and Luxuriant": American Identity and the Indian Place-Name Literature." American Indian Culture and Research Journal 39, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicr.39.1.u435154w2j7n2112.
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The treatment of American Indian place-names provides a window into the growth of American nationalism since 1776 and attitudes towards Indians by the new settler society. Originally ignored or erased by European colonists, Indian place-names became a subject of fascination and scholarship from the late-nineteenth century, at the same time that Indians themselves were marginalized to reservations. A large body of literature produced by non-Natives sometimes frames these place names as "romantic," and other times as distinctly unromantic. In the voluminous literature on this topic, the treatment of Indians and their place-names reflects diverse and shifting attitudes towards American Indians in United States culture, as elaborated by Philip Deloria and Robert Berkhofer. Drawing on approximately 120 texts on Indian place-names, this study uses the lens of romance, a polyvalent term with various implications, to examine how non-Native writings on these toponyms reveals attitudes towards Indians themselves and their place in the American nationalist imagination.
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Mitra, Arpita. "Hindu Civilization and Indian Nationalism: Conceptual Conflicts and Convergences in the Works of Romesh Chunder Dutt, c. 1870–1910." Religions 14, no. 8 (July 30, 2023): 983. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14080983.
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This paper is about a particular construction of nationalism at the hands of Romesh Chunder Dutt (1848–1909), the well-known exponent of ‘economic nationalism’, in colonial Bengal from 1870 onwards till his death in 1909. In this construction of nationalism, which today scholars would best describe as ‘cultural nationalism’, the categories ‘Hindu’ and ‘national’ converged and became conflated. Through a discussion of Dutt’s ‘literary patriotism’, the paper seeks to answer why it was so in the case of someone like R C Dutt, and what implications we can draw from this regarding our understanding of colonial Indian nationalism and its origins. With reference to Dutt, Sudhir Chandra pointed out that the neat distinction that we draw between ‘economic nationalism’ and ‘cultural nationalism’ is fallacious. The paper reiterates and reinforces this argument by showing how cultural and political nationalisms were enmeshed together in the case of R C Dutt. Furthermore, the glorious past that Dutt reconstructed through his literary patriotism could not but be a Hindu past; he was not a vilifier of Muslims, but somehow he shelved the question of the place of Muslims in his construction of Indian nationhood.
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Amin, Zukhruf. "Hindu Orthodoxy versus Indian Pluralism." Review of Human Rights 9, no. 1 (December 15, 2023): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.35994/rhr.v9i1.242.
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The rise of Hindutva or Neo-Hindu nationalism has undermined the inclusive, all embracing and coexisting nature of Indian secular democracy. The political utilization of the doctrine of Hindutva has led to multi-dimensional challenges in the Hindu majoritarian state of India. The exercise of extant communalism has driven the Indian minorities to a state of constant insecurity. It reflects religio-nationalist identity politics particularly under the Modi regime, which is posing security challenges to multiple communities in India. The divided Communalism with Hindu majoritarianism has characterized the state of India with deeply entrenched Hindu racial supremacy that has caused increasing human insecurity in India. The study analyses how the rise of Hindutva is creating problems for the Indian pluralism. The study argues that the rise of ultra-Hindu-nationalism in practice of populist identity intellectual leadership in India has threatened the human security at the domestic level.
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Subba, Tanka B. "Race, Identity and Nationality: Relocating Nepali Nationalism in India." Millennial Asia 9, no. 1 (April 2018): 6–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0976399617753750.
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This article contextualises the relationship between race, identity and nationality with the case of Nepalis in India, who are historically, racially, culturally, and linguistically heterogeneous but socially constructed as a homogenous community in India. It surmises that relocating Indian Nepalis, without a reference to the country of their origin no matter when they came from Nepal, without considering India’s bilateral relationship with Nepal, and without linking Indian Nepalis with the Madhesi or Nepal Nepalis, seems an extremely challenging, if not impossible, task.
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SINGH, JOGINDER. "Mahatma Gandhi’s Contribution To Indian Nationalism." History Research Journal 5, no. 5 (September 26, 2019): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/hrj.v5i5.7857.
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Mahatma Gandhi has given a significant contribution to grow the ‘Nationalism’ in India. In order to inculcate the spirit of ‘Nationalism’ within himself, an experience of stay in South Africa, has given rise to take initiate of the ‘Nationalism spirit.’ Subsequently, his views on politics, the truth, the ‘Satyagrah’ and secular views on religious faith have given rise to ‘cementing force’ to develop ‘Nationalism’ in India. The other views on women’s right, decentralized democracy by empowering the Gram Panchayats, the rural development and the vision on ‘Ram Rajaya’ have cumulatively, have been proved conducive to grow the ‘Nationalism’ in India. The factors like Gandian philosophy on non-cooperative movement and the mode of boycotting the British discriminative policy against Indians, an active participation of the people, different strata of society have given rise to grow ‘Nationalism’ among the people, belonged to different strata of Indian societies, pressure groups and religious leaders of India.
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Bullier, Antoine J., Richard Sisson, and Stanley Wolpert. "Congress and Indian Nationalism." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 28 (October 1990): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3769411.
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Therwath, Ingrid. "Cyber-hindutva: Hindu nationalism, the diaspora and the Web." Social Science Information 51, no. 4 (November 20, 2012): 551–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018412456782.
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Hindu nationalists defend the advent of a Hindu state in India, while projecting the universal appeal of their ideology. Their very territorialized yet universal claims have been finding particular resonance among migrant populations, particularly in North America. This study strives to go beyond content analyses that foreground voices to focus on the network structure in order to highlight the new transnational practices of nationalism. Two main points emerge from this in-depth scrutiny. On the one hand, Hindu nationalist organizations have transferred their online activities mainly to the USA, where the Indian diaspora is 3.2 million strong, and constitute therefore a prime example of long-distance transnational nationalism. On the other hand, the morphological discrepancies between the online and the offline networks point to new strategies of discretion developed to evade the gaze of authorities in countries of residence. The recourse to cartography thus becomes crucial not only in understanding what sectarian or illegal movements do and show but also what they seek to hide.
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Huju, Kira. "Saffronizing diplomacy: the Indian Foreign Service under Hindu nationalist rule." International Affairs 98, no. 2 (March 2022): 423–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab220.
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Abstract Very little is known about how Indian diplomats have made sense of the change in political power in New Delhi since 2014, when the election of Hindu nationalist Prime Minister Narendra Modi signalled a radical break from the internationalist credo of the Nehruvian Congress establishment. Attending to this gap in knowledge, this article engages with the ongoing debate about the influence of Hindu nationalism on Indian diplomacy, but departs from the conventional emphasis on foreign-policy analysis or Modi's persona. Instead, it centres on the lived experience of career diplomats in the Indian Foreign Service to whom it falls to conduct everyday diplomacy under Hindu nationalist rule. This focus invites a broader question in the global age of populism: how do contemporary diplomatic services adjust to the arrival of nationalist governments? I suggest that the delays in internalization of nationalist norms and diplomatic practices are only partly a function of ideological misalignment between an internationalist bureaucracy and a nationalist government. What matters is also the extent to which the status of the social class represented by the bureaucrats is invalidated by the government's political project. Building its arguments on the back of 85 elite interviews and archival research in India, the article considers changes to diplomatic discourse, protocol, priorities and training, and details how Indian diplomats have adjusted to and resisted Hindu nationalism. It suggests that we study nationalist critiques of ‘cosmopolitan elites’ both as an ideological denunciation of internationalist commitments and as a social rejection of the elites who hold them.
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Mohan, Braj. "Interpreting Nationalism in the Indian Context." Indialogs 10 (April 12, 2023): 125–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/indialogs.224.
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This article explores the issue of nationalism in the Indian context with a particular focus on the contemporary discourse. An effort has been made to explicate the ins and outs of the concept of nationalism and its types as identified by various scholars in the area. It is imperative to note that Indian nationalism as ingrained in the Constitution of India is essentially different from the nationalism adopted in the most monolithic countries of Europe and the Middle East. The contemporary nationalistic forces seem to invest efforts to consolidate the nationalistic identity of the country through discursive means. This article disambiguates the concept of nationalism and puts the contemporary nationalistic vision in proper perspective.
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CHACKO, PRIYA. "MarketizingHindutva: The state, society, and markets in Hindu nationalism." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 2 (October 26, 2018): 377–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000051.
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AbstractThe embrace of markets and globalization by radical political parties is often taken as reflecting and facilitating the moderation of their ideologies. This article considers the case of Hindu nationalism, orHindutva, in India. It is argued that, rather than resulting in the moderation of Hindu nationalism, mainstream economic ideas are adopted and adapted by its proponents to further theHindutvaproject. Hence, until the 1990s, the Hindu nationalist political party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), its earlier incarnation, the Jana Sangh, and the grass-roots organization, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), adopted and adapted mainstream ideas by emphasizing the state as the protector of (Hindu) society against markets and as a tool of societal transformation for its Hindu nationalist support base. Since the 1990s, Indian bureaucratic and political elites, including in the BJP, have adopted a view of the market as the main driver of societal transformations. Under the leadership of Narendra Modi, in particular, the BJP has sought to consolidate a broader support base and stimulate economic growth and job creation by bolstering the corporate sector and recreating the middle and ‘neo-middle’ classes as ‘virtuous market citizens’ who view themselves as entrepreneurs and consumers but whose behaviour is regulated by the framework of Hindu nationalism. These policies, however, remain contested within the Hindu nationalist movement and in Indian society generally. The BJP's discourse against ‘anti-nationals’ and the use of legal sanctions against dissent is an attempt to curb these challenges.
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Burgess, G. Thomas. "The Concept of Cultural Revolution, and Its Indian Ocean Travels during the Cold War." Monsoon 1, no. 2 (November 1, 2023): 92–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/2834698x-10739280.
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Abstract For most of the 1960s, Kweupe served as the official printed mouthpiece of the Zanzibari Revolution. Appearing in Swahili, the newspaper repeatedly claimed the revolution would only succeed if islanders were willing to transform their thoughts, values, and routines. Through analysis of such rhetoric, this article sheds new light upon the relationship between nationalism and socialism in the Indian Ocean during the Cold War. It argues that nationalists frequently perceived in socialism a series of anchoring principles by which to obtain meaningful as opposed to illusory sovereignty. And while socialism proposed ways to resist and reshape global structures faulted for perpetuating neocolonial domination and inequality, it also presented cultural solutions to poverty and powerlessness on the world stage. Indeed, the socialist concept of cultural revolution appealed to nationalists of the 1960s because its effectiveness appeared to be indisputable—and because the concept licensed nationalists to critically evaluate inherited cultural norms in terms of their perceived conduciveness to national progress and sovereignty. Such critique was not exceptional to nationalists of the Indian Ocean searching for means by which to complete the process of decolonization. Rather, it was inherent to nationalist thought since at least the early nineteenth century and was inspired by a series of sentiments and emotions that call for further scholarly examination.
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Hofmeyr, Isabel, Preben Kaarsholm, and Bodil Folke Frederiksen. "INTRODUCTION: PRINT CULTURES, NATIONALISMS AND PUBLICS OF THE INDIAN OCEAN." Africa 81, no. 1 (January 24, 2011): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000197201000001x.
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ABSTRACTThe emergence of the Indian Ocean region as an important geo-political arena is being studied across a range of disciplines. Yet while the Indian Ocean has figured in Swahili studies and analyses of East and Southern African diasporic communities, it has remained outside the mainstream of African Studies. This introduction provides an overview of emerging trends in the rich field of Indian Ocean studies and draws out their implications for scholars of Africa. The focus of the articles is on one strand in the study of the Indian Ocean, namely the role of print and visual culture in constituting public spheres and nationalisms in, across and between the societies around the Ocean.The themes addressed unfold between Southern and East Africa and India as well as along the African coast from KwaZulu-Natal through Zanzibar and Tanzania to the Arab world. This introduction surveys debates on print culture, newspapers and nationalism in African Studies and demonstrates how the articles in the volume support and extend these areas of study. It draws out the broader implications of these debates for the historiographies of East African studies, Southern African studies, debates on Indian nationalism and Islam.
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Mukerji, Sumit. "The Novelist and the Nationalist: Bankim Chandra in the Life of Subhas Chandra Bose." Indian Historical Review 49, no. 1_suppl (June 2022): S81—S95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03769836221105949.
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This article seeks to explore a hitherto unploughed field of research on Indian freedom movement in general and Subhas Chandra Bose in particular that is the influence of Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay, the famous novelist of Bengal in the life of Subhas Chandra Bose, the militant nationalist. While Bankim Chandra was never embroiled in politics, yet his influence on Indian nationalist movement was most profound. It was particularly discernible in the firebrand revolutionaries of Bengal whose legacy was inherited by Subhas Chandra Bose. No work on Bankim Chandra’s influence on the inception, germination, evolution, articulation maturation and expression of Bose’s concept of nationalism has been produced so far. The article tries to recapture and reassess the extent of reflection of Bankim Chandra’s outlook on British rule in India and India’s subjection to British imperialism, the contentious issue of Hindu nationalism and also related pertinent issues like communalism and secularism. It is a comparative study which intends to review these issues and questions in critical perspective. The central point is that Bankim Chandra’s influence on Bose was not transitory but everlasting and Bankim was always an abiding source of inspiration behind all his nationalist endeavour.
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Pati, Biswamoy, and Bidyut Chakrabarty. "A Study in Indian Nationalism." Social Scientist 19, no. 10/11 (October 1991): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3517806.
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Seth, Sanjay. "Naoroji: pioneer of Indian nationalism." Nineteenth-Century Contexts 43, no. 5 (October 20, 2021): 610–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08905495.2021.1999710.
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Mazumdar, Madhumita. "Naoroji: Pioneer of Indian Nationalism." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 44, no. 3 (May 4, 2021): 604–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2021.1933879.
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Mccully, Bruce T., and R. Suntharalingham. "Indian Nationalism: An Historical Analysis." American Historical Review 91, no. 1 (February 1986): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1867351.
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Sathyamurthy, T. V. "Indian Nationalism and the'National Question'." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 14, no. 2 (September 1985): 172–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03058298850140020601.
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Dharamsare, Dr Luleshwar C. "Impact of Britishs East India Company on Indian Education Policy." International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology 12, no. 3 (March 31, 2024): 2639–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2024.59437.
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Abstract: The 19th century witnessed a profound transformation in the political landscape of many regions, characterized by the rise of nationalism and the subsequent formation of nation-states. This research work delves into the historical context, key drivers, and consequences of this significant historical phenomenon. The research offers light on a crucial time in global history by investigating the causes of nationalism and its effects on the formation of nation-state.Employing a multidisciplinary approach, the research draws from historical, political, and sociocultural perspectives to analyze the rise of nationalism. It delves at how many peoples inside established empires and territories felt a feeling of commonality due to their shared cultural, linguistic, and historical identities. The work delves into the influence of Enlightenment ideas, Romanticism, and intellectual movements that fueled the concept of self-determination and the sovereignty of distinct nations. The study also scrutinizes the role of key historical events and figures that catalyzed the nationalist fervor. From the unification of Italy led by Giuseppe Garibaldi to the German unification orchestrated by Otto von Bismarck, the work examines the strategies employed to consolidate fragmented territories into cohesive nation-states. It also considers the implications of these transformations on regional stability, diplomacy, and balance of power.
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Framke, Maria. "Shopping Ideologies for Independent India? Taraknath Das’s engagement with Italian Fascism and German National Socialism." Itinerario 40, no. 1 (March 29, 2016): 55–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s016511531600005x.
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While looking at the world’s politics and ideologies for a vision of the future nation state, India’s anti-British freedom activists and intellectuals remained deeply ambivalent about drawing lessons from Europe’s experience of Fascism and National Socialism. Indian nationalists cautiously admired elements of National Socialist and Fascist ideology and expressed their distress with imperialist expansionism, racism, and anti-Semitism that accompanied the two regimes. This article draws on the exemplary “global biography” of one such Indian internationalist thinker, Taraknath Das, to investigate interwar Indian preoccupation with Fascism and National Socialism in articulating the discursive ground of Indian nationalism.
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Kim, Sophie-Jung H. "The Global Turn in Nationalism: The USA as a Battleground for Hinduism and Hindu Nationalism." Religions 14, no. 10 (October 5, 2023): 1265. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14101265.
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Hindu nationalism operates on a global scale today. Evinced by the transnational networks of the Sangh Parivar and the replication of strategies such as amending textbooks and patriotic rewriting of history, politics and discourse of Hindu nationalism are not solely contained to the territorial boundary of the nation. In this globalized battle for and against Hindu nationalism, the United States of America serves as an important site. In light of this, this article puts together existing scholarship on diasporic Hindu nationalism with late nineteenth-and early twentieth-century deterritorial history of Indian nationalism to present a broader framework for historicizing Indian activism in the US. It argues that while long-distance Hindu nationalism in the US cannot be traced before the 1970s, examining the early experiences of Indian activists in the US offers useful insights with which to evaluate the ongoing battles of Hindu nationalism in the US and opens another field of enquiry: Hindutva’s counterpublic.
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Mukharji, Projit Bihari. "The Bengali Pharaoh: Upper-Caste Aryanism, Pan-Egyptianism, and the Contested History of Biometric Nationalism in Twentieth-Century Bengal." Comparative Studies in Society and History 59, no. 2 (April 2017): 446–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041751700010x.
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AbstractExtant South Asian histories of race, and more specifically biometrics, focus almost exclusively upon the colonial era and especially the nineteenth century. Yet an increasing number of ethnographic accounts observe that Indian scientists have enthusiastically embraced the resurgent raciology engendered by genomic research into human variation. What is sorely lacking is a historical account of how raciology fared in the late colonial and early postcolonial periods, roughly the period between the decline of craniometry and the rise of genomics. It is this history that I explore in this article. I argue that anthropometry, far from being a purely colonial science, was adopted by Indian nationalists quite early on. Various distinctive shades of biometric nationalism publicly competed from the 1920s onward. To counter any sense that biometric nationalism was teleologically inevitable, I contrast it with a radical alternative called “craftology” that emerged on the margins of formal academia amongst scholars practicing what I call “vernacular anthropology.” Craftology and biometric nationalism continued to compete, contrast, and selectively entangle with each other until almost the end of the twentieth century.
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Frederiksen, Bodil Folke. "PRINT, NEWSPAPERS AND AUDIENCES IN COLONIAL KENYA: AFRICAN AND INDIAN IMPROVEMENT, PROTEST AND CONNECTIONS." Africa 81, no. 1 (January 24, 2011): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972010000082.
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ABSTRACTThe article addresses African and Indian newspaper networks in Kenya in the late 1940s in an Indian Ocean perspective. Newspapers were important parts of a printing culture that was sustained by Indian and African nationalist politics and economic enterprise. In this period new intermediary groups of African and Indian entrepreneurs, activists and publicists, collaborating around newspaper production, captured fairly large and significant non-European audiences (some papers had print runs of around ten thousand) and engaged them in new ways, incorporating their aspirations, writings and points of view in newspapers. They depended on voluntary and political associations and anti-colonial struggles in Kenya and on links to nationalists in India and the passive resistance movement in South Africa. They sidestepped the European-dominated print culture and created an anti-colonial counter-voice. Editors insisted on the right to write freely and be heard, and traditions of freedom of speech put a brake on censorship. Furthermore, the shifting networks of financial, editorial and journalistic collaboration, and the newspapers’ language choice – African vernaculars, Gujarati, Swahili and English – made intervention difficult for the authorities. With time, the politics and ideologies sustaining the newspapers pulled in different directions, with African nationalism gaining the upper hand among the forces that shaped the future independent Kenyan nation.
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Nafde, Dr Mrs Tanuja. "Nationalism and Music." International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology 9, no. VI (June 30, 2021): 4982–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2021.36040.
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It is a well-known fact, that music alone of all the arts and sciences has that dominating note of supreme mastership which compels unquestioned universal recognition. In painting, in sculpture, in architecture, in poetry, and in general literature in all its varying and varied moods and modes of expression, Indian music has won fame and occupied the highest place of appreciation in the world. It is admitted that Music is the last art to develop in any civilization, it must also be admitted that Indian civilization and culture have reached a point that would predicate a degree of development in Music, commensurate with our progress in other and kindred fields of creative activity.
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Chakravartty, Aryendra. "Understanding India: Bhadralok, Modernity and Colonial India." Indian Historical Review 45, no. 2 (December 2018): 257–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983617747999.
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This article explores the understandings of mid-nineteenth-century colonial India through the perceptions of Bholanauth Chunder, an anglicised Bengali bhadralok and his early attempt at seeing and experiencing a historical entity called India. The role played by the middle class in forging a sense of anti-colonial nationalism has received significant attention, but this focuses on late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. By focusing on the perceptions and visions of an Indian middle class during the mid-nineteenth century, I provide an early articulation of nationalism which preceded the later nationalist movement by several decades. The ambiguous nature of the colonial middle class demonstrates that although they were concerned with articulating an incipient sense of nationalism, this did not involve a complete repudiation of the British. The influence of Western education is evident in Chunder’s strong desire for progress and modernity; his appreciation and use of history as an instrument in forging a common national past, although it is largely an imagination of a ‘Hindu’ past; and his critique of religious orthodoxy, which is inimical to progress. However, Chunder’s ethnographic observations demonstrate that his perceptions of Indian society were not entirely predetermined by colonial knowledge.
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Gopikrishna, Dr P., Dr J. Anil Premraj, Dr A. Manikandan, Dr M. Vinothkumar, R. Ajayendra, Dr S. Raja, Chen Chen E. Dasigan, et al. "A Study on Techno-Nationalism, an Emerging Trend in the 21st Century India." Journal of Humanities and Education Development 6, no. 1 (2024): 30–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/jhed.6.1.5.
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Techno-nationalism is a nationalistic and ideological movement that also serves to understand the social and cultural effects of technology on the citizens of a country. Techno-nationalism is a fusion of the two words "Technology and Nationalism," in which they are politically focused together on the advancement of the country in terms of technology and its related dynamics. Initially, it was started in Europe and North America, then later in the twentieth century, various nations begin to make use of Techno-nationalism, and China has mastered this concept for their advancement. anyway, the main objective of this paper is to examine and prove the roots and growth of the Techno-nationalist movement in the world as well as in India and China's hostility to the emergence of Techno-nationalism in India and in its citizens with the support of different eminent references. In this context, a survey also conducted to prove the emergence of the Techno-nationalism in India. Respondents are common Indian people who will fall within the categories of different sectors and analyzed this data through the references of many technological, cultural, scientific, social, historical theories respectively.
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Krzysztof Iwanek. "Is BJP Conservative?" Politeja 16, no. 2(59) (December 31, 2019): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.59.04.
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This article will consider whether the Bharatiya Janata Party (the BJP), the party currently ruling India, may be considered conservative. The author will use Swapan Dasgupta’s 2015 lecture on conservatism as a starting point for further deliberations. While agreeing with some of Dasgupta’s points, the author will conclude that the defining elements of Indian conservatism which he had proposed can, at the same time, define Hindu nationalism as well. To find the difference between the two, the text will consider a few historical examples of disputes and cooperation between the parties of the Hindu Right (and between Hindu conservatives and Hindu nationalists in general) such as the issue of the civil code reform, the attitude towards Dalits (untouchables) and the question of monarchy abolition. The final conclusion of the text is that while Hindu nationalism does share certain aspects and goals with Hindu conservatism, it also differs with it on some other points, and thus the BJP is more of a nationalist than a conservative party. It was the Ramrajya Parishad, a small and now defunct party, that in the author’s view represented the strand of Hindu conservatism.
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Singha, Sushil. "Anglo-Indian Press and Indian Nationalism: A Critical Study." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 6, no. 1 (January 17, 2021): 245–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2021.v06.i01.048.
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Huang, Dekai, and Qi Chen. "The Rapid Growth of the Indian Right and Its Realistic Impact1." Asia Social Science Academy 9, no. 1 (October 31, 2022): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.51600/jass.2022.9.1.7.
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Since coming into power in 2014, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has adopted a series of policies and measures to promote Hindu nationalism as the mainstream ideology of Indian politics, and has formed a comprehensive and open cooperative relationship with Hindu right-wing organizations.On the basis of combing the development of Indian right-wing organizations and summarizing the theoretical propositions of Hindu nationalism, this paper explores the influence of Hindu nationalism on India's domestic and foreign affairs.
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Mani, Bakirathi, and Latha Varadarajan. "“The Largest Gathering of the Global Indian Family”: Neoliberalism, Nationalism, and Diaspora at Pravasi Bharatiya Divas." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 14, no. 1 (March 2005): 45–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.14.1.45.
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On 9 January 2003, more than 2,000 people from around the world arrived in New Delhi to participate in an event that was touted as the “largest gathering of the global Indian family.” Banners prominently displaying the Indian tricolor lined the roads leading to the convention site, superimposed with the slogan “Welcome Back, Welcome Home.” Surrounded by intense media attention, India’s prime minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, inaugurated Pravasi Bharatiya Divas, proclaiming that this event commemorated the “Day of Indians Abroad.” Over the next three days, in the midst of the coldest winter Delhi had experienced in years, the Indian government and the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) spent twenty-two crore rupees (US$49 million) on lectures, seminars, trade exhibition booths, lavish amounts of food and drink, and spectacular stage shows featuring Bollywood actors. Advertised widely on the Web and in the Indian news media, Pravasi Bharatiya Divas was the first government-sponsored event that brought together Indians in India with representatives of the nearly 20 million Indians who live overseas.
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Rag, Pankaj. "Indian Nationalism 1885-1905: An Overview." Social Scientist 23, no. 4/6 (April 1995): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3520216.
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Kesavan, Mukul. "A New History of Indian Nationalism." Contemporary Perspectives 1, no. 1 (June 2007): 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223080750700100108.
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Timmerman, Nicholas A. "Contested Indigenous Landscapes: Indian Mounds and the Political Creation of the Mythical “Mound Builder” Race." Ethnohistory 67, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 75–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-7888741.
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Abstract Between 1790 and 1840, a constructed belief system arose arguing that the numerous Indian mounds were constructed by a separate, more “civilized” “Mound Builder” race. The multiple Mound Builder myths corresponded with a rising nationalism and romanticism in the United States that posited an ancient connection to the Old World. These myths reflected contemporary racial perceptions of American Indians, thus denying American Indian’s ownership of the land and their rightful place in history. Furthermore, the histories of the mounds serve as a modern-day warning against nationalism and pseudo-history for political purposes.
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Batnitzky, Leora. "Between Ancestry and Belief: “Judaism” and “Hinduism” in the Nineteenth Century." Modern Judaism - A Journal of Jewish Ideas and Experience 41, no. 2 (April 5, 2021): 194–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mj/kjab001.
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Abstract This article argues that thinking about disputed conceptions of religious conversion helps us understand the emergence of both Jewish and Indian nationalism in the nineteenth century. In today’s world, Hindu nationalism and Zionism are most often understood to be in conflict with various forms of Islamism, yet the ideological formations of both developed in the context of Christian colonialism and, from the perspectives of Jewish and Indian reformers and nationalists, the remaking of Hinduism and Judaism in the image of Christianity. Even as they internalized some aspects of Protestant criticisms of “Judaism” and “Hinduism,” nineteenth century Jewish and Hindu reformers opposed definitions of “Judaism” and “Hinduism” based upon what they regarded as a one-sided emphasis on individual belief at the expense of ancestry and national identity. In making arguments about what constituted “Judaism” and “Hinduism” respectively, Jewish and Hindu reformers also rejected what they claimed was the false universalism of Christianity, as epitomized by Christian missionizing. For Jewish and Hindu reformers of the nineteenth century, “Jewish” and “Hindu” ties to ancestry marked not a parochial intolerance of others, as many Christians had long maintained, but a true universalism that, unlike Christian missionizing, allowed, promoted and embraced human difference. In these ways, contested characterizations of “Judaism” and “Hinduism” in the nineteenth century set in motion a series of arguments about conversion that became central to Jewish and Indian nationalism, some of which remain relevant for understanding conversion controversies in Israel and India today.
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Rubin, Abraham. "Zionism, Pan-Asianism, and the Postcolonial Predicament in the Interwar Writings of Eugen Hoeflich." AJS Review 45, no. 1 (April 2021): 120–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009420000446.
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In the early 1920s, the Viennese writer and journalist Eugen Hoeflich promoted a unique vision of Zionism that aligned Jewish nationalism with a set of anticolonial ideologies collectively known as Pan-Asianism. This article explores the poetic and political strategies Hoeflich employed in order to affiliate Zionism with the Pan-Asian idea in general, and the Indian anticolonial struggle in particular. I read Hoeflich's turn to Pan-Asianism as an attempt to work through a conceptual problem that theorist Partha Chatterjee calls the “postcolonial predicament.” That is, how might the Jews assert their collective identity without reproducing the Eurocentric discourses that presuppose their inferiority? Hoeflich's vision of Indian-Jewish solidarity constitutes an imaginative effort to de-Europeanize Jewish nationalism and disentangle Zionism from British imperial designs. On a broader level, this study sheds light on the transnational solidarities that informed central European Zionists in the interwar era, and points to the discursive continuities that linked Jewish nationalists in Europe to anticolonial thinkers in Asia.
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Jayshwal, Vijay Prasad, and Seema Kumari Shah. "Narratives of ‘Common Civilization’ of South Asia: Tracing the Origin of Shared Values and Culture." Dera Natung Government College Research Journal 8, no. 1 (December 26, 2023): 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.56405/dngcrj.2023.08.01.11.
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South Asia is a constructed concept. Although South Asian countries choose to function within the paradigm of independent statehood, they are undergoing overlapping developments rooted in the distant and recent colonial past. This paper reflects on the notion that South Asia has a common past. In this context, the civilizational politics of India is addressed and the discourse on civilization is unwrapped to understand its contemporary and historical perspectives. The study of South Asian history constructs that Indus valley civilization presents a common ground for cultural and civilizational associations of South Asian countries. To understand the changing form of Indian civilization over the period of time, this paper examines four variants of Indian civilization: Orientalist, Anglicist, liberal nationalist, and Hindu nationalist variants. In this discussion, the perception of Tagore and Gandhi on nationalism is considered, and discourse on civilization between Asian thinkers like Susanne Hoeber Rudolph and Western thinkers like Samuel P. Huntington are provided to understand the historical underpinning of Indian civilization.
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Gilmartin, David. "Partition, Pakistan, and South Asian History: In Search of a Narrative." Journal of Asian Studies 57, no. 4 (November 1998): 1068–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2659304.
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Few events have been more important to the history of modern South Asia than the partition of the subcontinent into India and Pakistan in 1947. The coming of partition has cast a powerful shadow on historical reconstructions of the decades before 1947, while the ramifications of partition have continued to leave their mark on subcontinental politics fifty years after the event.Yet, neither scholars of British India nor scholars of Indian nationalism have been able to find a compelling place for partition within their larger historical narratives (Pandey 1994, 204–5). For many British empire historians, partition has been treated as an illustration of the failure of the “modernizing” impact of colonial rule, an unpleasant blip on the transition from the colonial to the postcolonial worlds. For many nationalist Indian historians, it resulted from the distorting impact of colonialism itself on the transition to nationalism and modernity, “the unfortunate outcome of sectarian and separatist politics,” and “a tragic accompaniment to the exhilaration and promise of a freedom fought for with courage and valour” (Menon and Bhasin 1998, 3).