Relevant bibliographies by topics / Indian Nationalism

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Academic literature on the topic 'Indian Nationalism'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 18 May 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Indian Nationalism"

1

Das, Indian Institute of Technology, Kharagpur, India, Saswat S., Anindya Sekhar Purakayastha, Kazi Nazul University, India, and Sandeep Sarkar, Vellore Institute of Technology, India. "De-familiarising Nationalist Discourses: Performative Ironies of the Normative Indian Episteme." Asiatic: IIUM Journal of English Language and Literature 8, no. 2 (December 15, 2014): 176–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/asiatic.v8i2.496.

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The present excursus attempts a deconstructive reading of the foundational texts of normative Indian nationalism and problematises them and their epistemic plexus through the critical trajectories of Homi K. Bhabha and Partha Chatterjee. Nationalism still remains a primary signifier in academic debates and in works like The Nation and its Fragments and Nationalist Thoughts and the Colonial World, Chatterjee challenges the assumption that nationalism in Asia and Africa is a derivative version of pre-given European nationalist a prioris. For Chatterjee, Asian and African nationalism was based on difference and not on derivation and the present essay addresses this differentiality, this dynamics of performative operativity of Indian nationalism with specific references to textual episteme of foundational thinkers such as Tagore, Gandhi, Vivekananda and Jawaharlal Nehru. We interrogate the normative cognitivities of these foundational thinkers by pitting them against the radical conceptualisation of DissemiNation of Homi K. Bhabha. We argue that while the foundational texts of Indian nationalism did not imitate the epistemic structures of the West they ended up in offering only mythic abstractions and religious normativities that surely fail to betray any proud deliberative encounter with “the historic and objective realities” of India.
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ANDERSON, EDWARD, and PATRICK CLIBBENS. "‘Smugglers of Truth’: The Indian diaspora, Hindu nationalism, and the Emergency (1975–77)." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 5 (June 4, 2018): 1729–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000750.

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AbstractDuring the Indian Emergency (1975–77) a range of opposition groups and the Indian state competed to mobilize the Indian diaspora. The Emergency therefore needs to be understood as a global event. Opposition activists travelled overseas and developed transnational networks to protest against the Emergency, by holding demonstrations in their countries of residence and smuggling pamphlets into India. They tried to influence the media and politicians outside India in an effort to pressurize Indira Gandhi into ending the Emergency. An important strand of ‘long-distance’ anti-Emergency activism involved individuals from the Hindu nationalist movement overseas, whose Indian counterparts were proscribed and imprisoned during the period. Several key Hindutva politicians in recent decades were also involved in transnational anti-Emergency activism, including Subramanian Swamy and Narendra Modi. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh's role in opposing the Emergency—particularly the way in which it enabled overseas Indians to act as ‘smugglers of truth’—remains an important legitimizing narrative for Hindu nationalists. Indira Gandhi's Congress government mounted its own pro-Emergency campaigns overseas: it attacked diasporic opposition activists and closely monitored their activities through diplomatic missions. The state's recognition of the diaspora's potential influence on Indian politics, and its attempts to counter this activism, catalysed a long-term change in its attitude towards Indians overseas. It aimed to imitate more ‘successful’ diasporas and began to regard overseas Indians as a vital political and geopolitical resource. The Emergency must be reassessed as a critical event in the creation of new forms of transnational citizenship, global networks, and long-distance nationalism.
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Shairgojri, Aadil Ahmad. "Indian Nationalism: Redefined in Today’s time." Journal of Language and Linguistics in Society, no. 23 (May 17, 2022): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jlls.23.35.39.

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The Feeling of love and pride towards the nation one is born in is purely natural. It is ingrained in almost every human throughout the world. Nationalism has many definitions. To be truly patriotic, one must feel a sense of belonging to one's own country and its people. To comprehend nationalism, one must comprehend citizenship. Nationalism is rooted in patriotism. Nationalism is based on loyalty. This way of thinking has unquestionably existed since the dawn of time. The concept unites citizens throughout the country. Patriotism also refers to allegiance to one's country. Nationalism is almost certainly the most powerful force in global politics. Numerous factors contribute to nationalism's rise. All citizens of a country share these characteristics. All of these elements are shared: language, history, culture, traditions, mentality, and territorial boundaries. As a result, a sense of community would develop among the populace. It will occur regardless of your wishes. As a result, countrymen would feel more connected and affectionate toward one another. Thus, patriotism fortifies the nation's citizens. The present aim of the study is to analyse the Indian Nationalism: Redefined in Today’s time.
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Shairgojri, Aadil Ahmad. "Indian Nationalism: Redefined in Today’s Time." Journal of Psychology and Political Science, no. 23 (May 28, 2022): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jpps.23.31.36.

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The Feeling of love and pride towards the nation one is born in is purely natural. It is ingrained in almost every human throughout the world. Nationalism has many definitions. To be truly patriotic, one must feel a sense of belonging to one's own country and its people. To comprehend nationalism, one must comprehend citizenship. Nationalism is rooted in patriotism. Nationalism is based on loyalty. This way of thinking has unquestionably existed since the dawn of time. The concept unites citizens throughout the country. Patriotism also refers to allegiance to one's country. Nationalism is almost certainly the most powerful force in global politics. Numerous factors contribute to nationalism's rise. All citizens of a country share these characteristics. All of these elements are shared: language, history, culture, traditions, mentality, and territorial boundaries. As a result, a sense of community would develop among the populace. It will occur regardless of your wishes. As a result, countrymen would feel more connected and affectionate toward one another. Thus, patriotism fortifies the nation's citizens. The present aim of the study is to analyse the Indian Nationalism: Redefined in Today’s time.
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Gould, William. "Congress Radicals and Hindu Militancy: Sampurnanand and Purushottam Das Tandon in the Politics of the United Provinces, 1930–1947." Modern Asian Studies 36, no. 3 (July 2002): 619–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x02003049.

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A recent trend in the historiography of north India has involved analyses of ‘Hindu nationalist’ motifs and ideologies within both mainstream nationalist discourses and subaltern politics. A dense corpus of work has attempted to provide historical explanations for the rise of Hindutva in the subcontinent, and a great deal of debate has surrounded the implications of this development for the fate of secularism in India. Some of this research has examined the wider implications of Hindutva for the Indian state, democracy and civil society and in the process has highlighted, to some degree, the relationship between Hindu nationalism and ‘mainstream’ Indian nationalism. Necessarily, this has involved discussion of the ways in which the Congress, as the predominant vehicle of ‘secular nationalism’ in India, has attempted to contest or accommodate the forces of Hindu nationalist revival and Hindutva. By far the most interesting and illuminating aspect of this research has been the suggestion that Hindu nationalism, operating as an ideology, has manifested itself not only in the institutions of the right-wing Sangh Parivar but has been accommodated, often paradoxically, within political parties and civil institutions hitherto associated with the forces of secularism. An investigation of this phenomenon opens up new possibilities for research into the nature of Hindu nationalism itself, and presents new questions about the ambivalent place of religious politics in institutions such as the Indian National Congress.
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Baruah, Sanjib. "‘Ethnic’ Conflict as Stat–Society Struggle: The Poetics and Politics of Assamese Micro-Nationalism." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 3 (July 1994): 649–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00011896.

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This paper is an attempt to understand one case of ‘ethnic’ conflict in India—Assam. By looking closely at this one case I hope we will understand better the phenomenon of India's persistent dilemma of micro-nationalist politics that from time to time seems to be fundamentally at odds with India's macro-nationalist project. To be sure, despite the seriousness of some of these conflicts—say Punjab and Kashmir at present, or Assam until recently—the incidence of micro-nationalist dissent should be kept in perspective. The Indian state can claim quite a bit of success in its project of ‘nation building’-it has been able to incorporate micro-nationalist dissent of a number of peoples by using persuasive and coercive means at its disposal. Moreover, cven conflicts that appear stubborn at one time turn out to be surprisingly amenable to negotiated settlement. Irrespective of the Indian state's ability to manage micro-nationalist dissent, the assumption that nationalisms have a telos that inevitably leads to a demand for separation relies on a rather sloppy and lazy naturalist theory of the nature and origins of nations and nation states. What the Indian experience forces us to confront is the fate of nationalism and the nation state as they spread worldwide as a modal form. In the Indian subcontinent these new forms that privilege 'formal boundedness over substantive interelationships," come face to face with a civilisation that represents a particularly complex way of ordering diversity.2 In a subcontinent where the historical legacy of state formation is marked by an intermittent tension between the imperial state and regional kingdoms, nationalisms and the nation state may have proved to be rather unfortunate modern transplants.3
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Lakhera, Pankaj. "Ambedkar's Nationalism." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 7, no. 8 (August 17, 2022): 79–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2022.v07.i08.012.

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The idea of nationalism is a modern idea which has its roots in modern European Renaissance. However, in a country like India, it emerged and developed during the anti-colonial struggle which marks a new beginning of social and political awakening. Generally, we identify Indian nationalism with the ideas of great freedom fighters like Gandhi, Nehru, Subhash, Patel and lokmanya tilak. These great leaders emphasized upon a particular brand of Indian nationalism that looks at Indian civilization as the greatest Civilization on earth. It ignores the operation and suppression of Dalits and other down roden sections of Indian society which has been going on in India for centuries. The dominant Indian nationalism is the based upon the ideas of Brahmanism, manuvad and Aryan racial superiority. It bypasses the nationalist perspectives of Dravidians, communist and the subalterns. It was doctor BR Ambedkar who gave a new definition of Indian nationalism. His nationalism stands for the salvation of Dalits and backward sections of Indian society. The present paper will analyse Ambedkar’s ideas on Indian nationalism and will differentiate it from other brands of nationalism prevailing in India for the last two centuries. Abstract in Hindi Language: राष्ट्रवाद का विचार एक आधुनिक विचार है जिसकी जड़ें आधुनिक यूरोपीय पुनर्जागरण में हैं। हालाँकि, भारत जैसे देश में, यह उपनिवेश विरोधी संघर्ष के दौरान उभरा और विकसित हुआ जो सामाजिक और राजनीतिक जागरण की एक नई शुरुआत का प्रतीक है। आम तौर पर, हम भारतीय राष्ट्रवाद की पहचान गांधी, नेहरू, सुभाष, पटेल और लोकमान्य तिलक जैसे महान स्वतंत्रता सेनानियों के विचारों से करते हैं। इन महान नेताओं ने भारतीय राष्ट्रवाद के एक विशेष प्रकार पर जोर दिया जो भारतीय सभ्यता को पृथ्वी पर सबसे बड़ी सभ्यता के रूप में देखता है। यह दलितों और भारतीय समाज के अन्य दबे कुचले वर्गों के संचालन और दमन की उपेक्षा करता है जो सदियों से भारत में चल रहा है। प्रमुख भारतीय राष्ट्रवाद ब्राह्मणवाद, मनुवाद और आर्य नस्लीय श्रेष्ठता के विचारों पर आधारित है। यह द्रविड़ों, कम्युनिस्टों और निम्नवर्गों के राष्ट्रवादी दृष्टिकोणों को पारित करता है। डॉक्टर बीआर अंबेडकर ही थे जिन्होंने भारतीय राष्ट्रवाद की नई परिभाषा दी। उनका राष्ट्रवाद भारतीय समाज के दलितों और पिछड़े वर्गों के उद्धार के लिए खड़ा है। वर्तमान पेपर भारतीय राष्ट्रवाद पर अम्बेडकर के विचारों का विश्लेषण करेगा और इसे पिछली दो शताब्दियों से भारत में प्रचलित राष्ट्रवाद के अन्य प्रकारों से अलग करेगा। Keywords: राष्ट्रवाद, अस्पृश्यता, जाति, दलित, ब्राह्मणवाद, मनुवाद, आर्य, द्रविड़, कम्युनिस्ट समर्थक
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MORRIS, STEPHEN D. "Reforming the Nation: Mexican Nationalism in Context." Journal of Latin American Studies 31, no. 2 (May 1999): 363–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x99005313.

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With the NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement); the EZLN (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional), and political crisis/reform all posing questions both old and new about Mexican nationalism, this article reconsiders the dimensions of the subject, the issues, and the empirical evidence. After setting out an analytical and theoretical framework for the study of nationalism, it concentrates on the many components of Mexican nationalism, the historic and on-going nationalist debates over the Indian, the American and the state, and the nature of nationalist policies over the years. It then reviews research related to such theoretical issues as the linkages between nationalist sentiments, ideas and policies, the social bases of nationalist ideas and perceptions, and the changes in nationalism. The article aims to place longstanding discussions of Mexican nationalism in a theoretical context and to derive conclusions which indicate appropriate directions for future research.
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Chiriyankandath, James. "Nationalism, religion and community: A. B. Salem, the politics of identity and the disappearance of Cochin Jewry." Journal of Global History 3, no. 1 (March 2008): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022808002428.

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AbstractThis article considers how the existence of an ancient community, the Jews of Cochin on India’s Malabar coast, was transformed by the force of two powerful twentieth-century nationalisms – Indian nationalism and Zionism. It does so through telling the story of a remarkable individual, A. B. Salem, a lawyer, politician, Jewish religious reformer, and Indian nationalist, who was instrumental in promoting the Zionist cause and facilitating the mass migration of the Cochin Jews to Israel. Salem’s story illustrates how the prioritization and translation of kinds of identity into the public sphere is fluid and contingent upon a variety of circumstances, personal as well as the outcome of changes in the wider world.
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Pham, Chi P. "The Disgust with Cà Ri (Curry): Indian Foodways, Racial Capitalism, and the Discursive Creation of Postcolonial Vietnamese Nationalism." Verge: Studies in Global Asias 9, no. 2 (September 2023): 214–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vrg.2023.a903028.

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Abstract: This essay examines Vietnamese presentations of Indian food practices and preferences in the emerging Vietnamese nation during the colonial and postcolonial period in order to better understand how Indians and their foodways were constructed within Vietnamese nationalist thought in service of a new, ideal modern Vietnamese identity. Put differently: examining the representation of Indian foodways during this period enables us to mark the operation of racial differences in the service of consolidating an image of the Vietnamese nation. Relying on prevailing Vietnamese literary and historical records about Indian food and eating styles, this paper argues that Vietnamese intellectuals – nation-makers – presented Indian food and eating practices as the embodiment of colonial capitalism, all aiming to highlight the political and class goals of Vietnamese nationalism.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Indian Nationalism"

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Anikhindi, Vijaya Vasudev. "The revival of nationalism : an Indian critique." Thesis, University of Hull, 2005. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:5613.

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Ghosh, Sanjukta T. "Celluloid nationalism : cultural politics in popular Indian cinema /." The Ohio State University, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487759914758891.

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Guenot, Emmanuelle C. "Borders, Nationalism, and Representations: Imagined French India in the Era of Decolonisation, 1947–1962." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/13639.

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French India consisted of five small, non-contiguous, defenceless, and economically insignificant territories, remnants of old trading posts scattered along the Indian coastline. The territories nevertheless had distinct cultural, historical, social, and linguistic characteristics. The independence of India in August 1947 brought into sharp focus the presence of France on the subcontinent and her territorial sovereignty over the French Indian territories. The issue was exacerbated by the new French constitution that made French India, like other French overseas territories, an indivisible part of the Fourth Republic (1946-1958) that could only secede through a referendum. This thesis suggests that France’s status as a subaltern coloniser, which had been defined by the historical dimensions of Franco-British relations in India, resulted in France’s creation of a myth of French India. This myth was part of the formation of a French national identity, and consequently French India was imagined to be greater than it really was. These considerations prevented France’s swift withdrawal from the subcontinent after India’s independence. In addition, a post-war colonial policy based on national grandeur, historical continuity, and a belief in the strategic value of French India in relation to the rest of the empire, in particular Indochina, led to France’s determination to remain in India - where it had a presence since 1663 - despite India’s territorial claims over European territories on the subcontinent and rising anti-colonial criticism. India’s own construct of French India as part of the Indian homeland drove both France and India to use French India as a political showcase for their own nationalist agendas. Diplomatic negotiations to decide the future of the French Indian territories dragged on for seven years; at the local level, pro-merger, anti-merger, and separatist factions, all of whom had been influenced by political, social, and historical factors, undermined both the arguments that French India should merge with India, and the arguments that she should remain within the French colonial framework. The factions, it will be argued, challenged both India’s nation-building process and France’s last attempt at regaining past colonial grandeur.
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Kuracina, William F. "Toward a Congress Raj : Indian nationalism and the pursuit of a potential nation-state." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available, full text:, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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Gonsalves, Tahira. "Gandhi, nationalism and the subaltern, an examination of Indian historiography." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ52905.pdf.

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Ogden, Chris. "Gear shift : Hindu nationalism and the evolution of Indian security." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/14201.

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While many scholars have analysed the impact of culture, beliefs and norms on foreign policy, few have connected domestic political identities to international politics. This thesis makes this agenda explicit by showing how domestic policy sources directly impact upon a state’s external security policies. Rather than focusing on material factors (such as military expenditure or economic growth), I instead combine work concerned with constructed identities in international relations with accounts from social psychology of how identities develop and evolve over time. Relying upon empirical evidence from party documents and extensive interviews with over 60 members of India’s security community, this PhD thesis investigates how the identities, norms and ideologies of different political parties have influenced India’s foreign policy behaviour. Employing an analytical framework consisting of multiple composite norms, I find that; 1) there has been a consistent approach to how Indian foreign policy has developed since 1947; 2) the 1998 to 2004 Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance inculcated several substantive changes to India’s security policy, especially relating to nuclear transparency, a tilt towards the US, greater regional pragmatism and the use of realpolitik; 3) these normative changes continued into the post-NDA period, and produced an irrevocable gear shift in India’s accepted and evolving security practice. By confirming and explaining the impact of domestic political identities on India’s foreign policy behaviour, this research makes a significant original contribution to the study of Indian security.
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Banerjee, Tanmayee. "Nationalism and internationalism in selected Indian English novels, 1909-1930." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2014. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/8y9y5/nationalism-and-internationalism-in-selected-indian-english-novels-1909-1930.

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The thesis aims at analyzing the ideas of Indian nationalism and Indian identity as constructed and disseminated through four Indian English novels published between 1909 and 1930. The novels to be dealt with in this thesis were authored and published during two of the very important phases in the history of Indian nationalist movement – the Swadeshi Movement (1903-1908) and the Non Co-operation Movement of the 1920s. Thus, this thesis will prove how Indian English novels published before 1930, the majority of which have not been studied with proper attention, bear prominent impressions of the idea of Indian nationalism which was developing coterminously with the publication of these novels. It will show how the novels published in two different phases of the Indian nationalist movement bear similar and dissimilar impressions of the developing imagination of India as a nation. Secondly, this thesis aims at establishing the unique aspect of Indian nationalism that the authors emphasize through their narratives, that is, the idea of internationalist nationalism. The authors believed in an idea of nationalism in which loyalty to one’s own nation does not entail the disavowal or denigration of the interests of other nations. Thus their idea of nationalism, as professed through their works, contained the implication of a humanistic internationalism. Though some of these novels have been mentioned in previous researches, detailed analytical study of the works from the perspective of nationalism and internationalism has not been attempted till date. Whatever might be the reasons behind their slipping into oblivion, there would remain an immense void if this phase of evolution in Indian English literature is neglected.
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VALDAMERI, ELENA. "FOUNDATION OF GOKHALE'S NATIONALISM: BETWEEN NATION AND EMPIRE." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/284862.

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My research wants to be a contribution to the intellectual history of colonial India for the period between 1870s and 1915. Special reference is made to the idea of the nation conceptualised by Gopal Krishna Gokhale (1866-1915), important leader of the Indian National Congress. Gokhale is a pivotal figure in the political history of India, because he was one of the first intellectuals and politicians to frame a modern and secular concept of the nation and to use the platform of the Congress to familiarise Indians with that same concept. This work is an attempt to reconstruct Gokhale's liberal and political nationalist ideology and insert it within the debate that animated Indian colonial society. It will be shown that the anti-colonial movement was a multifarious phenomenon and that those political discourses that opposed more vigorously the British rulers did not necessarily advocate inclusion and freedom for the Indian nation.
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Gondhalekar, Nandini. "Indian nationalism and 'Hindu' politics : Maharashtra and the Hindu Mahasabha, 1920-1948." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1999. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/273421.

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Murray, Catherine Marie. "CAPTIVATING A NATION: WOMEN'S INDIAN CAPTIVITY AND AMERICAN NATIONAL IDENTITY, 1787-1830." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2019. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/594007.

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History
Ph.D.
Stories of Indian captivity had long interested Anglo-American readers. Throughout the early republic, the genre of women's Indian captivity narratives took on another significance. "Captivating a Nation" places the scholarship of Indian captivity in conversation with American nationalism and reveals the ways in which Indian captivity narratives became the surface upon which American imagined their nation. "Captivating a Nation" is an examination of women's Indian captivity narratives published between 1787 and 1830. These narratives provided more than a continuous repository of settlers as victims in an untamed wilderness. They were narratives of nationhood in complex and contradictory ways. Indian captivity narratives were a popular genre among readers of the early American republic. Yet, less than half of those concerning male captives were published in multiple editions, while every narrative concerning a female captive was republished. Unlike the captivity narratives of men, those concerning women were re-published and re-consumed because settler women taken captive to Americans of the early republic symbolized the tenuousness and vulnerability of the young nation. That is, they simultaneously gave voice to fears related to national stability as well as contained those fears with the redemption of the woman and her return to white society.
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Books on the topic "Indian Nationalism"

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Indian cultural nationalism. New Delhi: India First Foundation, 2004.

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Indian nationalism: An history. 3rd ed. New Delhi: Sterling Publishers Private Ltd., 1993.

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Jim, Masselos, ed. Indian nationalism: An history. New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1985.

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Masselos, Jim. Indian nationalism: A history. 5th ed. New Delhi: New Dawn Press, 2005.

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Masselos, Jim. Indian nationalism: An history. 2nd ed. New Delhi: Sterling, 1991.

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Masselos, Jim. Indian nationalism: An history. London: Oriental University Press, 1986.

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Bipan, Chandra. Essays on Indian nationalism. New Delhi: Har-Anand Publications, 1993.

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American Indian literary nationalism. Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press, 2005.

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Leela, Kasturi, Mazumdar Vina 1927-, and Indian Association for Women's Studies., eds. Women and Indian nationalism. New Delhi: Vikas Pub. House, 1994.

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Premchand and Indian nationalism. Ambala Cantt: IBA Publications, 2001.

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Book chapters on the topic "Indian Nationalism"

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Kohn, Hans. "Indian Nationalism." In A History of Nationalism in the East, 391–429. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003344773-12.

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Biswas, Debajyoti. "Reconfiguring Indian nationalism." In Nationalism in India, 208–40. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003181408-14.

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Valdameri, Elena. "Nationalism." In Indian Liberalism between Nation and Empire, 76–127. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003037422-3.

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Chakrabarty, Bidyut, and Bhuwan Kumar Jha. "Conceptualizing Indian nationalism 1." In Hindu Nationalism in India, 15–50. 1. | New York : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge studies in South Asian politics: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429287220-3.

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Singh, Karan. "Dynamics of Indian Nationalism." In Syncretic Shrines and Pilgrimages, 43–75. London: Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003392361-2.

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Biswas, Debajyoti. "Deconstructing Assamese Nationalism Vis-à-vis Indian Nationalism." In Global Perspectives on Nationalism, 133–52. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003250425-12.

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Mandal, Manojit. "Introduction." In Shakespeare and Indian Nationalism, 1–42. New York: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003342595-1.

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Mandal, Manojit. "Raging the Storm." In Shakespeare and Indian Nationalism, 99–134. New York: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003342595-3.

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Mandal, Manojit. "Imperfect Interfaces." In Shakespeare and Indian Nationalism, 43–98. New York: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003342595-2.

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Mandal, Manojit. "And the Bard Raj Continues …" In Shakespeare and Indian Nationalism, 183–217. New York: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003342595-6.

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Conference papers on the topic "Indian Nationalism"

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Frederic, Stephen. "BABUR’S TIMURID SULTANATE." In The Impact of Zahir Ad-Din Muhammad Bobur’s Literary Legacy on the Advancement of Eastern Statehood and Culture. Alisher Navoi' Tashkent state university of Uzbek language and literature, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.52773/bobur.conf.2023.25.09/htom1784.

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This article discusses the historical neglect of Babur, the founder of the Babur Empire in South Asia, and the recent resurgence of interest in his role due to political and religious controversies. Historically, scholars have focused on his son Akbar as the empire's founder, largely ignoring Babur's heritage and his reign's early years. However, in 1992, the destruction of the Babri Masjid mosque in Ayodhya by Hindu revivalists sparked renewed interest in Babur's Indian conquest. These individuals claimed that Babur intentionally built the mosque on the site of a Hindu temple to assert his militant religious intent in Islamizing Hindustan. This article argues that Babur's invasion of North India was not driven by religious crusade but by a desire to establish a Timurid empire in the prosperous North Indian region. Despite evidence to the contrary, Hindu nationalist rhetoric continues to promote the idea of Babur's evangelical mission, making scholarly analysis of this issue crucial in twenty-first century India. Fortunately, Babur's autobiography provides valuable insights into his motives, policies, and actions, offering a unique perspective on his Turco-Mongol society, Persianized culture, and Timurid political career.
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Gupta, Susmita Sen, and Zhoto Tunyi. "NATIONALITY QUESTION VS. NATIONAL INTEGRATION: INDIAN STATE IN A DILEMMA." In 3rd Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations (PSSIR 2013). Global Science and Technology Forum Pte Ltd, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir13.66.

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Kunhipurayil, Hasna, Muna Ahmed, and Gheyath Nasrallah. "West Nile Virus Seroprevalence among Qatari and Immigrant Populations within Qatar." In Qatar University Annual Research Forum & Exhibition. Qatar University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29117/quarfe.2020.0197.

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Background: West Nile virus (WNV) is one of the most widely spread arboviruses worldwide and a highly significant pathogen in humans and animals. Despite frequent outbreaks and endemic transmission being reported in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), seroprevalence studies of WNV in Qatar are highly lacking. Aim: This study aims to investigate the actual prevalence of WNV among local and expatriate communities in the Qatar using a large sample size of seemingly healthy donors. Method: A total of 1992 serum samples were collected from donors of age 18 or older and were tested for the presence of WNV antibodies. Serion enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (ELISA) commercial microplate kits were used to detect the presence of the WNV IgM and IgG. The seropositivity was statistically analyzed using SPSS software with a confidence interval of 95%. Results: The seroprevalence of anti-WNV IgG and IgM in Qatar was 10.3% and 3.4%, respectively. The country-specific seroprevalence according to nationality for WNV IgG and IgM, respectively, were Sudan (37.0%, 10.0%), Egypt (31.6%, 4.4%), India (13.4%, 3.2%), Yemen(10.2%, 7.0%), Pakistan (8.6%, 2.7%), Iran (10.6%, 0.0%), Philippines (5.4%, 0.0%), Jordan(6.8%, 1.1%), Syria (2.6%, 9.6%), Palestine (2.6%, 0.6%), Qatar (1.6%, 1.7%), and Lebanon (0.9%, 0.0%). The prevalence of both IgM and IgG was significantly correlated with the nationality (p≤0.001). Conclusion: Among these tested nationalities, Qatar national has a relatively low burden of WNV disease. The highest prevalence of WNV was found in the Sub Saharan African nationalities like Sudan and Egypt. The seroprevalence of WNV is different from the previously reported arboviruses such as CHIKV and DENV, which was highest among Asian countries (India and Philippines). Further confirmatory tests such as viral neutralization assays are needed to confirm the IgM seropositivity in these samples since these samples could be a source of viral transmission through blood donation.
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WICKEL, Julien, Mathieu PINAULT, Michael GRONIER, and Etienne CLAMAGIRAND. "Analyse des modules tests pour les piles du viaduc de la nouvelle route du littoral (Océan Indien, île de La Réunion)." In Journées Nationales Génie Côtier - Génie Civil. Editions Paralia, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5150/jngcgc.2018.058.

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CASTELLE, Bruno, Guillaume DODET, Gerd MASSELINK, and Tim SCOTT. "Un indice climatique contrôlant les conditions de vagues en hiver le long de la côte atlantique européenne : WEPA (West Europe Pressure Anomaly)." In Journées Nationales Génie Côtier - Génie Civil. Editions Paralia, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5150/jngcgc.2018.086.

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Svētiņa, Karīna. "The English Language as a Factor Influencing Foreign Students’ Learning Outcomes in Higher Education." In ATEE 2022 Annual Conference. University of Latvia Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/atee.2022.27.

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English language skills are an important factor that should be assessed in the context of foreign students studying for a degree in higher education in another country. Previous research has mainly been conducted in Australia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom, as these are global study destinations. The aim is to investigate whether English language skills affect foreign students’ learning outcomes in Latvia. The research question intends to find out what the English proficiency is in class, determine the English test at the time of admission, and whether the previous learning of English at the general level of education affects the learning outcomes in higher education. The research sample involves South Asian and Central Asian students. In the first stage of the study, the focus group method was used with the academic staff to find out English proficiency in class. In the second stage, interviews were conducted with representatives of higher education institutions to determine the English test at the time of admission. In the third stage, interviews were conducted with nationals of India, Sri Lanka and Uzbekistan to find out the English language training of their countries of origin in general education. As a result, it can be concluded – foreign students’ use of English differs according to the school (public or private) where they have studied general education before. Lecturers and representatives of higher education institutions indicate that English is not the determining factor, but rather knowledge and understanding of the topic and content regarding learning outcomes, while nationals agree that English is the determining factor affecting learning outcomes.
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Svetina, Karina. "The importance of previous education for foreign students entering studies in the western higher education system." In 16th International Scientific Conference "Rural Environment. Education. Personality. (REEP)". Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies. Faculty of Engineering. Institute of Education and Home Economics, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/reep.2023.16.014.

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The aim of the research is to find out the significance of foreign students' previous general education experience when beginning their studies in the 1st academic year of higher education abroad according to the Western education philosophy. The research question envisages finding out what academic difficulties foreign students face when starting their studies abroad in the 1st academic year and how to provide support in the academic study process. The research is based on the exploration of the reasons behind academic failures, and on ways how to improve academic performance. The research sample involves South Asian and Central Asian 1st academic year students studying in Latvia for bachelor degree (the European Qualifications Framework (level=6)). The study was conducted in 4 phases in the period from 2019 to 2022: 1) a survey of foreign students (n=89) was conducted in order to find out the self-assessment about the teaching and learning methods practised in previous education; 2) an observation method of foreign students (n=89) was conducted during classes with the aim to analyse with which academic methods the students performed better and which they performed worse during the 1st academic year; 3) interviews were conducted with nationals of India, Sri Lanka and Uzbekistan (n=3) to learn about the teaching and learning methods in general education in particular countries; 4) interviews were conducted with representatives of Latvian higher education institutions (n=8), in order to find out whether previous educational experience causes difficulties for students and whether it affects the learning outcomes. The results of the research indicate that previous education: lack of diversity of methods, proportion of large classes, teacher-centred lessons, has a negative impact on learning outcomes.
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Reports on the topic "Indian Nationalism"

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Wihardja, Maria Monica. Indian and Indonesian G20 presidencies juggle nationalism and global cooperation. East Asia Forum, November 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.59425/eabc.1699351256.

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Busch, Carsten. The Policy of the Bharatiya Janata Party, 1980 and 2008: Possible Influence of Hindu Nationalism on Indian Politics. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, June 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada501143.

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Yadav, Rishabh. Hyper-nationalism hurting India–Maldives relations. East Asia Forum, March 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.59425/eabc.1711015200.

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Saleem, Raja M. Ali, Ihsan Yilmaz, and Priya Chacko. Civilizationist Populism in South Asia: Turning India Saffron. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0009.

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The 21st century has witnessed a significant shift in how the concept of nationalism is understood. A political marriage between identity politics and populism has resulted in “civilizationism,” a new form of nationalism that entails an emotionally charged division of society into “the people” versus “the Other.” All too often, the divisive discourses and policies associated with civilizationalist populism produce intercommunal conflict and violence. This paper draws on a salient case study, India’s Hindutva movement, to analyze how mainstream populist political parties and grassroots organizations can leverage civilizationist populism in campaigns to mobilize political constituencies. In surveying the various groups within the Hindutva movement and conducting a discourse analysis of their leaders’ statements, the paper shows the central role of sacralized nostalgia, history, and culture in Hindutva populist civilizationism. By analyzing the contours and socio-political implications of civilizationist populism through this case study, the paper contributes to the theoretical understanding of the concept more generally.
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Ihsan, Yilmaz, and Raja Ali M. Saleem. The nexus of religious populism and digital authoritarianism in Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0016.

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Pakistan has a turbulent political history. In the seven decades since its creation, the country has faced four military-led dictatorships and another two decades under indirect military rule. Given this political trend, authoritarianism is not a novel phenomenon in the country. Digital authoritarianism, however, is a relatively new domain of oppression. This paper looks at how a political party in power and the “establishment” (military elite and its civilian collaborators) have been increasing the control of digital mediums as well as weaponizing space. This dual control and usage allow for growing digital authoritarianism. Using the case study of Imran Khan’s government (2018-2022) and its collaboration with the military establishment in enforcing digital authoritarianism, this article uses four levels of an assessment of internet governance in Pakistan (whole network level, sub-network level, proxy level, and user level). In addition, the role of Khan’s political party’s Islamist populist outlook in contributing to authoritarianism is also discussed. A lot of censorship happens around ideas of protecting Islam and Pakistan’s Muslim identity. The review also finds that the establishment uses not only religion but also ultra-nationalism and fears of foreign attacks, primarily by “Hindu” India, as means to closely surveil and curb the rights of citizens which it deems not worthy of trust. Our results find that Pakistan’s digital space is highly oppressive where ideas of religion, ontological insecurity, and nationalism are weaponized to legitimize the state’s growing authoritarianism.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Monthly Infographics Report: March 2024. Microgovernance Research Initiative (MGR), April 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.57189/mgrinfmar24.

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MGR recorded 1503 violent incidents during March 2024, mostly triggered by politics, access to resources, and other socio-economic factors. More than 242 deaths and 2698 injuries have been recorded from these incidents. The highest number of violent incidents have been recorded in the form of clashes and attacks (426). Some 153 incidents are directly political violence, protests and arrests which resulted in 16 deaths. Geographically, Chittagong (351) scores the highest number of violence followed by Dhaka (306), Rajshahi (244) and Barishal (213). There were 86 protests and demonstrations and only 16 of protests were triggered by politics. While some 36.81% of political violence contributed by Bangladesh Awami League & affiliates, Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) scored only 2.08% of political violence in the month of March. Law and security forces conducted 6.94% of political violence. Intra-party violence within the Awami League showed a small count of 16. Whereas 52% political incidents were rural, 38% of political violence incidents took place in urban areas. After the election, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) experienced a noticeable decrease in its active involvement, mainly due to the government's strengthened control over state mechanisms. Nevertheless, they are attempting to mobilize their supporters by spearheading a movement advocating the boycott of Indian products. Furthermore, unrest is going on among general students at Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET) in opposition to the Bangladesh Chattro League's endeavors to reintroduce politics into the BUET campus.
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