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Journal articles on the topic 'Indian Independence'
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1
Rajani, Leena, and Dr Dipti H. Mehta. "Pre – Independence Indian English Poetry." Indian Journal of Applied Research 4, no. 2 (October 1, 2011): 3–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/2249555x/feb2014/80.
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Keenleyside, T. A. "Diplomatic Apprenticeship: Pre-Independence Origins of Indian Diplomacy and Its Relevance for the Post-Independence Foreign Policy." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 43, no. 2 (April 1987): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848704300202.
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Over the decades of the Indian struggle for independence from Britain Indians had an opportunity, unique in length and scope among peoples emerging from colonial rule, to engage in nascent diplomatic activity. With an organized and articulate movement for independence in place by the 1880's, a sophisticated leadership that engaged in frequent international travel, opportunities afforded to Indians for many years prior to 1947 to work in various departments of the British Indian Civil Service that touched on matters of an international character, and with Indians attending sessions of the League of Nations and Imperial (Commonwealth) Conferences, a variety of means were available to them to gain experience at the international level over an extended period prior to independence. As a result, India emerged from colonial rule with both a reservoir of diplomatic talent and an incipient orientation for its diplomacy, including a range of general foreign policy goals. It was thereby better prepared than perhaps any other country which acquired its independence after World War II to take a prominent place on the global stage quickly and forcefully, and to influence the diplomacy of other countries that were in time to constitute the Third World. It is the purpose of this study, first to set out the nature of Indian participation in both unofficial and official diplomatic activity prior to independence and, then, to examine the implications of this experience for post-independence Indian foreign policy.
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Refai, Shahid, and Omar Khalidi. "Indian Muslims Since Independence." Review of Religious Research 39, no. 3 (March 1998): 284. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3512601.
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Crowell, Lorenzo M., K. C. Praval, S. Bhaduri, and Ravi Nandra. "Indian Army After Independence." Journal of Military History 56, no. 2 (April 1992): 326. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1985828.
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Deshpande, R. S. "Indian Agriculture since Independence." Indian Economic Journal 56, no. 1 (April 2008): 138–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019466220080110.
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Nowrojee, Pheroze. "The Indian Freedom Struggle and the Kenyan Diaspora." Matatu 52, no. 1 (November 22, 2021): 101–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-05201008.
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Abstract The connections between the Indian Freedom movement and the Kenyan Indian diaspora after the First World War led to the involvement of the Indian National Congress and Gandhi in the struggle of the Kenyan Indians for equality and equal treatment with the British white settlers in Kenya. The Congress considered that the success of the equality struggle in Kenya would also lead to equal treatment of Indians in India itself. This was consistent with the prevailing political goal of the freedom movement in India in 1919, which was self-rule through Dominion Status under the British Crown. But when the struggle of the Kenya Indians failed and equality was denied to them by the famous Devonshire Declaration in 1923, there the Indian freedom movement realized that this signalled unequal status and a denial of self-rule to India itself. Historic consequences followed. This was the turning point and over the years immediately after the Kenyan decision (1923–1929), the Indian National Congress changed its political aim from Dominion Status to Full Independence as a Republic, realized over the 17 years to 1947.
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Patel, Trishula. "From the Subcontinent with Love." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 455–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9408002.
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Abstract “Africa weaves a magic spell around even a temporary visitor,” wrote the former Indian high commissioner to East and Central Africa, Apa Pant, in 1987, echoing the allure that the continent had over him and other fellow Indian diplomats. But the diplomatic roles of men like Pant and the history of Indian engagement with Rhodesia has not, until now, been explored. This article argues that the central role of India in the colonial world ensured that London reined in the white settler Rhodesian government from enacting discriminatory legislation against its minority Indian populations. After Indian independence in 1947, the postcolonial government shifted from advocating specifically for the rights of Indians overseas to ideological support for the independence of oppressed peoples across the British colonial world, a mission with which it tasked its diplomatic representatives. But after India left its post in Salisbury in 1965, Indian public rhetorical support for African nationalist movements in Rhodesia was not matched by its private support for British settlement plans that were largely opposed by the leading African political parties in the country, colored by private patronizing attitudes by India's representatives toward African nationalists and the assumption that they were not yet ready to govern themselves.
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SAETHER, STEINAR A. "Independence and the Redefinition of Indianness around Santa Marta, Colombia, 1750–1850." Journal of Latin American Studies 37, no. 1 (February 2005): 55–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x04008600.
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This article explores the changing meaning of Indianness during the long independence era. Focusing on six towns around Santa Marta, it discusses why these were considered Indian in the late colonial period, why they supported the royalist cause during the Independence struggles and how their inhabitants ceased to be identified as Indians within a few decades of republican rule. While recent subaltern studies have emphasised Indian resistance against the liberal, republican states formed in early nineteenth-century Latin America, here it is argued that some former Indian communities opted for inclusion into the republic as non-Indian citizens.
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OWEN, NICHOLAS. "THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY AND INDIAN INDEPENDENCE, 1945–1947." Historical Journal 46, no. 2 (June 2003): 403–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03002991.
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The article examines the reasons for the failure of the Conservative party to offer effective opposition to the independence of India in 1947. It is argued that until the last moment the Conservative stance on Indian independence was much more hostile than is usually recognized. That this opposition did not evolve into a full-scale revolt is explained less by the conversion of Conservatives to acceptance of the Attlee government's Indian policy than by the party leaders' beliefs that it would be hard to sustain a coherent campaign against it. The inability of unreconciled Conservatives to challenge this tactical decision as they had done in the early 1930s resulted from the erosion and disappearance of many of the organizational advantages they had then enjoyed and of the rapid pace of events in India.
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Low, D. A. "VI. Counterpart Experiences: Indian and Indonesian Nationalisms 1920s–1950s." Itinerario 10, no. 1 (March 1986): 117–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009013.
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India's national day is 26 January; Indonesia's 17 August. They point to a difference. 26 January derives from the Indian National Congress' decision at its Lahore Congress in December 1929 to launch a Civil Disobedience movement against the British Government in India. Jawaharlal Nehru as Congress' President arranged that the first step would be for thousands of Congress rank and file to join together on 26 January 1930 to take the Independence Pledge. This declared that since ‘it is the inalienable right of the Indian people […] to have freedom, […] if any government deprives a people of those rights […] the people have a […] right to […] abolish it […]. We recognise, however, that the most effective way of gaining freedom is not through violence. We will, therefore, prepare ourselves by withdrawing, so far as we can, all voluntary association from the British Government and will prepare for Civil Disobedience.’ From that moment onwards 26 January has been India's Independence Day, though when it was first held India's independence still stood 17 years away. The celebrations have thus come to link post-independent India with the feats of the Indian national movement which for so many years pursued the strategy of civil disobedience, and which, despite a series of intervening fits and starts, is seen to have been crucial to its success. For India the heroics of its freedom struggle lie, that is, in its elon-gated pre-independence past, of long years of humiliating harassment and costly commitment. They are not much associated with the final run up to independence. With the emphasis rather upon the earlier, principally Gandhian years, of protests and processions, of proscriptions and prison, the final transfer of power is not seen, moreover, as comprising a traumatic break with the past, but as the logical climax to all that had gone before. The direct continuities between the pre- and post-independence periodes in India in these respects are accepted as a central part of its national heritage.
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Sarmah, Bhupen. "India’s Northeast and the Enigma of the Nation-state." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 42, no. 3 (August 2017): 166–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0304375418761514.
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One of the major challenges before the “mainstream Indian nationalists” at the dawn of India’s independence was the political integration of the “Northeast” with India envisaged as a nation-state. Some parts of the colonial frontier, such as the Naga Hills, had already witnessed a parallel nationalist discourse with the imagination of sovereignty before India’s independence. With independence, the Indian nation-state project was made difficult by the geopolitical significance of the region, shaped by the experience of the partition, which separated India and Pakistan (East and West), creating a milieu of not-so-favorable international politics. The postcolonial history of the troubled periphery has been marked by an imposed notion of homogeneity and a binary of the nation-state (or the Indian mainstream) and the Northeast. Political theorists have long refuted the notion of national homogeneity. Nevertheless, the dichotomy between the plains and the valley constructed by the colonial logic was and is reinforced by the nation-state ideology, turning the periphery into a cauldron of conflict. This article engages critically with the history of conflict witnessed in the region since independence, against the backdrop of colonial interventions and the integrationist logic of the nation-state. This article argues that the political and developmental strategies, adopted by the Indian state to integrate the region, have led to the perpetuation of conflict in different forms.
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Nehere, Kalpana. "Patriarchal Features in Post-Independence Indian English Novels." Feminist Research 2, no. 2 (June 2, 2019): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.21523/gcj2.18020203.
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Feminist analyses of novels can give insights about women’s life in contemporary society. Fifteen Indian novels written after independence by women and men novelists have been reviewed to understand the role of patriarchy with feminist approach. These novels depict patriarchy as symbolic power, property rights, essence of father, husband and child, urge for son, women’s activities for the sake of husband, etc. Hierarchal stratified caste base Indian social structure supports patriarchy as notion. Characters, setting or situations, dialogues, point of view, etc. in these selected novels show unequal, secondary and exploited status of women in Indian society. Women blindly follow patriarchal rules and traditional structure with rituals. Therefore, justice, liberty, equality and fraternity given in Constitution of India are yet to be achieved for women. Only few characters are rebellious for their constitutional rights and came out of home at workplaces but as ‘hands of gold’. The findings and analysis of the study are useful to understand the status of women in Indian society for planning and management to achieve constitutional provisions for social welfare.
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Križan, Ľuboš, and Vladimír Baar. "The Indian Geopolitical Thought." Geografie 123, no. 4 (2018): 507–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie2018123040507.
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Since its independence in 1948, India has strived to become a major geopolitical power in South Asia, and an important player in the world. Early on, India achieved significant successes especially in the developing world. Failures caused by the lost war with China include, the rise of separatism and international isolation. After 1990, India gradually became an undisputed leader in South Asia but has since faced a number of important challenges. India is trying to consolidate its geopolitical position. The main goal of the article is to analyze Indian geopolitical thought, its sources, and relevance in Indian geopolitics.
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ABEYRATNE, Rehan. "Rethinking Judicial Independence in India and Sri Lanka." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 10, no. 1 (July 2015): 99–135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2015.6.
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AbstractThe traditional narrative of judicial independence in India and Sri Lanka goes like this. The Indian Constitution established a strong and independent judiciary, which has become one of the most powerful in the world. By contrast, judicial independence was never entrenched in Sri Lanka due to insufficient constitutional safeguards and political interference. This paper seeks to challenge this narrative. It argues that despite important structural differences, India and Sri Lanka have followed similar judicial paths since the 1970s. Both judiciaries relaxed procedural requirements to allow sweeping public interest litigation; defined secularism and regulated religious practices in line with the dominant religious tradition; and largely deferred to the executive on the scope and necessity of emergency regulations. This remarkable convergence in jurisprudence demonstrates that (1) the Sri Lankan Supreme Court is more rights-protective and (2) its Indian counterpart is less willing to assert its independence on controversial issues than traditionally understood.
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Ansari, S. M. Razaullah. "Modern Astronomy in Indo – Persian Sources." Highlights of Astronomy 11, no. 2 (1998): 730–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153929960001861x.
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The Period from 1858 to 1947 is known as the British Period of Indian History. After the fall of Mughal empire, when the first war of independence against British colonisers failed in 1857, and the East India Company’s Government was transferred to the British Crown in 1858. However only in 1910, a Department of Education was established by the (British) Govt, of India and in the following decades modern universities were established in various important Indian towns, wherein Western / European type education and training with English as medium of instruction were imparted. However more than a century before, Indian scholar’s came into contact with the scholars – administrators of East India Company, either through employment or social interaction. Thereby, Indians became acquainted with the scientific (also technological) advances in Europe. A few of them visited England and other European countries, Portugal, Prance etc. already in the last quarter of 18th century, in order to experience and to learn firsthand the European sciences.
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Haldar, Arunima, Reeta Shah, S. V. D. Nageswara Rao, Peter Stokes, Dilek Demirbas, and Ali Dardour. "Corporate performance: does board independence matter? – Indian evidence." International Journal of Organizational Analysis 26, no. 1 (March 12, 2018): 185–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijoa-12-2017-1296.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the effect of the presence of independent board directors on financial performance in India. Design/methodology/approach This study used panel regression models on large listed Indian firms to investigate the impact on financial performance owing to the presence of independent directors. Findings The findings suggest that independent board directors in Indian contexts do not significantly affect financial performance. Practical implications This study has implications for the formulation of regulation related to appointment of independent directors and the extent of their representation on the board for them to be effective. Social implications The proportion of independent directors on the board of the firm is influenced by the trade-off between the cost of having independent directors on the board versus the benefits to the firm and society. Originality/value The impact of the presence of an independent director on financial performance in highly concentrated ownership remains ambiguous.
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Pillai, Sarath. "Fragmenting the Nation: Divisible Sovereignty and Travancore's Quest for Federal Independence." Law and History Review 34, no. 3 (June 14, 2016): 743–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248016000195.
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Speaking at the Travancore legislative assembly on February 2, 1938, Sir C.P. Ramaswamy Aiyar said: “The federation contemplated in the Government of India Act (1935) was founded on the recognition of the fundamental idea that the Ruler alone represents his state and that the Ruler is the government of the state.” Travancore was one of the oldest princely states in India, which antedated the British occupation and claimed a dynastic rule uninterrupted by any foreign or domestic powers. Its history of constitutional reforms and economic advancement enabled it to occupy a pivotal position in colonial India. As the Dewan (prime minister) of Travancore, Sir C.P. played a crucial role in the constitutional debates on the political form of postcolonial India, especially federation, in the last two decades of the British Empire in India. He argued that Indian states were inherently sovereign, and that the only locus of sovereignty in the states was their rulers. In doing so, he imagined a future Indian federation predicated on the idea of divisible sovereignty, which was given constitutional effect by the Government of India (GOI) Act (1935). Sir C.P.'s expositions on the sovereignty of the states and Travancore's constitutionalism offer analytical lenses to recuperate a history of imperial constitutionalism and the grand political project it enabled: Indian federation.
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Stjernholm, Emil. "Visions of Post-independence India in Arne Sucksdorff’s Documentaries." BioScope: South Asian Screen Studies 8, no. 1 (June 2017): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974927617699648.
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This article studies two post-war documentary films set in India, Indian Village (1951) and The Wind and the River (1953), directed by the celebrated Swedish filmmaker Arne Sucksdorff. While many scholars have studied these films in relation to Sucksdorff’s biography and Swedish national cinema, less emphasis has been placed on these Indian documentaries in relation to other international documentary work that took place in India during the post-independence period. The excursion to India took place on commission from the Swedish Cooperative Union and Wholesale Society and therefore the films are studied in relation to Charles R. Acland and Haidee Wasson’s notion of “useful cinema.” In doing so, this article emphasizes the didactic ideas behind the production of sponsored film and the way in which ideas of the welfare state were projected onto post-independence India. Reading these documentaries against the grain, this article also addresses the question of how these films affected the authorial discourse surrounding Arne Sucksdorff and conversely what impact his films had among critics and filmmakers in India.
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V., Suneetha. "Recent Trends in the Attitude towards Economic Independence of Women." IRA-International Journal of Management & Social Sciences (ISSN 2455-2267) 13, no. 2 (November 24, 2018): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21013/jmss.v13.n2.p1.
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<p>To eliminate all types of discrimination against women and establish gender equality major strategies such as social empowerment, economic empowerment and gender justice were implemented. Achieving Economic Independence for<strong> </strong>women has been at the core of vision for gender equality across the globe. India is a male dominant society and traditionally jobs were meant for men. But as the international concern with gender relations in development has strengthened the affirmation that equality in the status of men and women is fundamental to every society, modern Indian Society has witnessed a gradual change in the status of women. The emergence of the new economic environment, the establishment of the new political system and the spread of modern education and ideologies among the people, found expression in the liberation of the Indian women from the traditional forms of social subordination and suppression from which they suffered for centuries. As of nowadays, no community cannot deny the role women have played in the progress of a community, changes have taken place in the attitudes of the people towards their women. Economic independence was considered as one of the powerful routes to economic empowerment and thereby to gender equality. In modern Indian society notion of women’s participation in employment for their empowerment is widely identified. In this direction this research article has tried to trace the recent trends in the attitudes of Indians towards economic independence of the women. This article tried to give answer for some questions like- whether community as a whole had favorable attitude towards economic independence of women? Is really women empowerment is possible? Is there actually people felt the necessity of it? etc.</p>
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SHARMA, SHALINI. "‘Yeh azaadi jhooti hai!’: The shaping of the opposition in the first year of the Congress raj." Modern Asian Studies 48, no. 5 (December 5, 2013): 1358–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000693.
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AbstractWithin a year of Indian independence, the Communist Party of India declared independence to be a false dawn and the whole Socialist bloc within the ruling Indian National Congress cut its ties with the national government. The speed with which the left disengaged from what had been a patriotic alliance under colonialism surprised many at the time and has perplexed historians ever since. Some have looked to the wider context of the Cold War to explain the onset of dissent within the Indian left. This paper points instead to the neglected domestic context, examining the lines of inclusion and exclusion that were drawn up in the process of the making of the new Indian constitution. Once in power, Congress leaders recalibrated their relationship with their former friends at the radical end of the political spectrum. Despite some of the well-known differences among leading Congress personalities, they spoke as one on industrial labour and the illegitimacy of strikes as a political weapon in the first year of national rule and declared advocates of class politics to be enemies of the Indian state. Congress thus attempted to sideline the Socialists and Communists and brand them as unacceptable in the new regime. This paper focuses on this first year of independence, emphasizing how rapidly the limits of Indian democracy were set in place.
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PAUL, SUBIN, and DAVID DOWLING. "Gandhi's Newspaperman: T. G. Narayanan and the quest for an independent India, 1938–46." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 2 (September 5, 2019): 471–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x18000094.
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AbstractThe expansion of the colonial public sphere in India during the 1930s and 1940s saw the nation's English-language press increasingly serve as a key site in the struggle for freedom despite British censorship. This article examines the journalistic career of T. G. Narayanan, the first Indian war correspondent and investigative reporter, to understand the role of English-language newspapers in India's quest for independence. Narayanan reported on two major events leading to independence: the Bengal famine of 1943 and the Second World War. Drawing on Michael Walzer's concept of the ‘connected critic’, this research demonstrates that Narayanan's journalism fuelled the Indian nationalist movement by manoeuvring around British censors to publicize and expand Mahatma Gandhi's criticism of British rule, especially in light of the famine and war. His one departure from the pacifist leader, however, was his support of Indian soldiers serving in the Indian National Army and British Army.
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Misra, Sumantra, Manjari Chakraborty, and N. R. Mandal. "CRITICAL REGIONALISM IN THE POST-COLONIAL ARCHITECTURE OF THE INDIAN SUBCONTINENT." JOURNAL OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBANISM 42, no. 2 (October 29, 2018): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/jau.2018.6140.
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Critical Regionalism as expounded by Kenneth Frampton has found its use in many parts of the world as a reaction to the international architecture practised in the Western world. India, which was deprived of exposure to the advanced developments in architecture in the US and Europe was at one stroke brought into world contact after gaining independence. This paper traces the exposure of the Indian architects to Western training and philosophy and how they developed their works to suit the regional context. Important aspects of the paper are mentioned below: ‒ International exposure of the Indian architects after independence. ‒ Their designs and their approaches to the creation of an Indian flavour on their return to homeland. ‒ Examined the works of a few prominent architects and inferred on their special regional contributions.
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Gupta, Sonika. "Frontiers in Flux: Indo-Tibetan Border: 1946–1948." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 77, no. 1 (February 10, 2021): 42–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420983095.
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On the eve of Indian Independence, as Britain prepared to devolve the Crown’s treaties with Tibet to the Indian government, the Tibetan government was debating its future treaty relationship with India under the 1914 Simla Convention and associated Indo-Tibetan Trade Regulations. Soon after Indian independence, Tibetan government made an expansive demand for return of Tibetan territory along the McMahon Line and beyond. This led to a long diplomatic exchange between Lhasa, New Delhi and London as India deliberated its response to the Tibetan demand. This article decodes the voluminous correspondence between February 1947 and January 1948 that flowed between the British/Indian Mission in Lhasa, the Political Officer in Sikkim, External Affairs Ministry in Delhi and the Foreign Office in London, on the Simla Convention and the ensuing Tibetan territorial demand. Housed at the National Archives in New Delhi, this declassified confidential communication provides crucial context for newly independent Indian state’s relationship with Tibet. It also reveals the intricacies of Tibetan elite politics that affected decision-making in Lhasa translating to a fragmented and often contradictory policy in forging its new relationship with India. Most importantly, this Tibetan territorial demand undermined the diplomatic efficacy of Tibet’s 1947 Trade Mission to India entangling its outcome with the resolution of this issue. This was a lost opportunity for both India and Tibet in building an agreement on the frontier which worked to their mutual disadvantage in the future.
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Arasteh, Parisa, and Hossein Pirnajmuddin. "The Mimic (Wo)man ‘Writes Back’: Anita Desai’s In Custody." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 27 (May 2014): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.27.57.
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This article aims to trace the articulation of resistance in terms of gender and the postcolonial condition in Anita Desai’s In Custody (1984). As one of the most prominent post-Independence Indian writers of her time, Anita Desai has been a strong voice in portraying the Indian domestic sphere. Accordingly, one of the main concerns of Desai’s novels has been the representation of women and their struggles against patriarchal and colonial oppression. Though promising in many aspects, the political Independence of 1947 failed to unburden women from the ideal visions of womanhood promoted both by traditional community and colonialists in India. The present study focuses on the portrayal of women and female instances of resistance and the spaces through which they manage to survive in a male-dominated Post-Independence Indian society. Since the 1980s, Homi K. Bhabha has opened up a wide variety of critical issues fundamental to the understanding of colonial and post-colonial condition. His theorization of the idea of ‘mimicry’ is used in order to explore the socio-cultural interrelations Desai’s novel seeks to reveal.
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Bharti, Manoj Kumar. "India–Ukraine: Partners in Progress." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 327–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-20.
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The interview of Manoj Kumar Bharti, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of India to Ukraine, deals with connections between Ukraine and India, formed several thousand years ago. Experts found many similarities in languages of two states as well as in traditions of house holding among the rural population of Ukraine and India. Both states have faced economic instability for centuries and were subordinated to other states, and lastly both of them gained independence. For the last 26 years, India and Ukraine have had many summits and concluded not a few memoranda of understanding and agreements covering almost all aspects of bilateral cooperation. These 26 years were a period when Indian economy revealed its potential and achieved great results in the development of the state. The increase of incomes in India allows Ukrainian goods and services to penetrate the Indian market. Meanwhile, Ukrainian people are highly interested in Indian culture, traditions, and philosophy. Every year, thousands of people come together to participate in the Yoga festivals. The Embassy of India holds a lot of event in various cities of Ukraine to make Ukrainians aware of India and expand opportunities for business cooperation. India boasts an extensive network of higher educational institutions, however, many young people choose to study abroad. Ukraine offers Indian students excellent opportunities for professional training. The Ambassador of India underlines the current level of relations between India and Ukraine and the recent trend in their development allow us to hope for fruitful further cooperation. The Embassy of India in Kyiv will further contribute to strengthening collaboration and taking efficient measures in this regard. Keywords: India, the Yoga festivals, Indian culture, independence, Ukraine, markets.
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Dayanandan, Ajit, Han Donker, John Nofsinger, and Rashmi Prasad. "Caste Primacy of Auditor Choice and Independence." International Journal of Accounting 55, no. 04 (October 30, 2020): 2050017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1094406020500171.
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We examine the caste affiliation of the auditor selected by the corporate boards of directors of Indian firms. The history of the caste system in India is one of discrimination and inequity. The constitutionally mandated quota system in the public sector has shown improvements, but has not trickled into private sector leadership. We find that nearly 96% of Indian corporate boards are dominated by a single caste. The auditing firms are also dominated by the forward castes. Lastly, we find that when boards are dominated by one caste, they select an auditing firm that is also affiliated with that same caste. We examine the board and auditor relationship because they both play an important monitoring role in corporate governance. However, auditor effectiveness can be undermined when there is a lack of independence between them and the firm. The existence of a strong shared social network like caste affiliation compromises that independence.
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Rajwar, Sushmita. "India and Mozambique: Evolving Relations." Insight on Africa 11, no. 2 (July 2019): 219–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087819851319.
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India and Mozambique both have a long history of friendly relations that have been built upon traditional linkages dating back to the pre-colonial period. There has been the exchange of Indian merchants and businessmen to Mozambique even before Vasco da Gama set sail for Africa and India. Due to the migration based on trading, the Indians have settled in Mozambique as traders. These ancient people-to-people contacts have been further built upon in modern times, to forge a strong bilateral relationship based on regular political contacts, ever-deepening economic engagement and well-integrated Indian community in Mozambique. India has a history of supporting African nations in their freedom struggle and it did support Mozambique too. In fact, India was amongst the first countries to open its embassy in Mozambique immediately after its independence. The Indian Ambassador was among those who witnessed the historic moment of the Portuguese flag coming down and new Mozambican flag going up in 1975. This article would try to trace the relationship between India and Mozambique in the past and will bring out the important areas for further co-operation between the two nations.
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Alemi, Khadija, and Seyyedeh Leila Mousavi Salem. "Tipu Sultan’s Role in Forming India’s Independence Fields." Review of European Studies 9, no. 1 (February 14, 2017): 226. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v9n1p226.
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British East India Company was a commercial company in London. Queen Elizabeth I with the aim of gaining commercial advantage in the Indian subcontinent granted a royal charter to this company. This advantage caused to Britain’s military and political presence in the subcontinent. East India Company was become to a major political-financial empire and Muslims of the Indian subcontinent, particularly in its southern regions began their campaigns against political domination of this company. Tipu Sultan chief and ruler of Mysore’s Muslim performed numerous efforts and campaigns to prevent the spread of British influence. This article tries to answer to this question that how was Tipu Sultan’s role in forming India’s independence fields? This research’s main claim is that Tipu Sultan got help from French troops against the company to reduce British influence in the subcontinent but because of sabotages of number of leaders and bitter experience that some new Muslim Hindus had from his actions he did not succeed. This research has been done in library and descriptive and analytical method.
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Ram Mohan, M. P., K. V. Gopakumar, and Tyson Smith. "Nuclear Energy Safety, Regulatory Independence, and Judicial Deference: The Case of the Atomic Energy Regulatory Board of India." Administration & Society 52, no. 7 (October 18, 2019): 1009–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399719882640.
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Research examining regulatory independence has either suggested de jure independence to be a predictor of de facto independence or suggested that the presence of de jure may not always indicate de facto independence. We study the Indian Atomic Energy Regulatory Board (AERB) to emphasize how AERB has enjoyed de facto independence, even in the absence of de jure independence. Using “judicial deference” principle, and through a mapping of substantive court cases, the article demonstrates Indian judiciary has consistently applied deference to AERB’s decision-making process, thereby showing confidence in the nuclear regulatory regime sustained as its inception.
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Zobaer, Sheikh. "Pre-partition India and the Rise of Indian Nationalism in Amitav Ghosh’s 'The Shadow Lines'." Rainbow: Journal of Literature, Linguistics and Cultural Studies 9, no. 2 (October 23, 2020): 156–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/rainbow.v9i2.40231.
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The Shadow Lines is mostly celebrated for capturing the agony and trauma of the artificial segregation that divided the Indian subcontinent in 1947. However, the novel also provides a great insight into the undivided Indian subcontinent during the British colonial period. Moreover, the novel aptly captures the rise of Indian nationalism and the struggle against the British colonial rule through the revolutionary movements. Such image of pre-partition India is extremely important because the picture of an undivided India is what we need in order to compare the scenario of pre-partition India with that of a postcolonial India divided into two countries, and later into three with the independence of Bangladesh in 1971. This paper explores how The Shadow Lines captures colonial India and the rise of Indian nationalism through the lens of postcolonialism.
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KURZON, DENNIS. "Romanisation of Bengali and Other Indian Scripts." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 20, no. 1 (November 30, 2009): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186309990319.
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AbstractThis article will discuss two attempts at the romanisation of Indian languages in the twentieth century, one in pre-independence India and the second in Pakistan before the Bangladesh war of 1971. By way of background, an overview of the status of writing in the subcontinent will be presented in the second section, followed by a discussion of various earlier attempts in India to change writing systems, relating mainly to the situation in Bengal, which has one language and one script used by two large religious groups – Muslims and Hindus (in modern-day Bangladesh and West Bengal, respectively). The fourth section will look at the language/script policy of the Indian National Congress in pre-independence days, and attempts to introduce romanisation, especially the work of the Bengali linguist S. K. Chatterji. The penultimate section deals with attempts to change the writing system in East Pakistan, i.e. East Bengal, to (a) the Perso-Arabic script, and (b) the roman script.In all cases, the attempt to romanise any of the Indian scripts failed at the national – official – level, although Indian languages do have a conventional transliteration. Reasons for the failure will be presented, in the final section, in terms of İlker Aytürk's model (see this issue), which proposes factors that may allow – or may not lead to – the implementation of romanisation.
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Shackle, C. "The Sikhs before and after Indian independence." Asian Affairs 16, no. 2 (June 1985): 183–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068378508730185.
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Akee, Randall K. Q., Katherine A. Spilde, and Jonathan B. Taylor. "The Indian Gaming Regulatory Act and Its Effects on American Indian Economic Development." Journal of Economic Perspectives 29, no. 3 (August 1, 2015): 185–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.29.3.185.
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The Indian Gaming Regulatory Act (IGRA), passed by the US Congress in 1988, was a watershed in the history of policymaking directed toward reservation-resident American Indians. IGRA set the stage for tribal government-owned gaming facilities. It also shaped how this new industry would develop and how tribal governments would invest gaming revenues. Since then, Indian gaming has approached commercial, state-licensed gaming in total revenues. Gaming operations have had a far-reaching and transformative effect on American Indian reservations and their economies. Specifically, Indian gaming has allowed marked improvements in several important dimensions of reservation life. For the first time, some tribal governments have moved to fiscal independence. Native nations have invested gaming revenues in their economies and societies, often with dramatic effect.
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Reddy, Mucheli Rishvanth. "Dominations in Indian Sociology." Asian Review of Social Sciences 9, no. 2 (November 5, 2020): 36–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.51983/arss-2020.9.2.1618.
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The growth trajectory of Indian Sociology in the past few decades is unsurpassed. From being treated as a ‘residual category’ and a subordinate disciple, it is now a well-developed and self-sustaining discipline. There are various demands placed on sociology after Independence which explicitly contributed to its development. But this development of Indian sociology is not free from certain dominations: (1) Domination of popular trends in sociology produced by western scholars, (2) Domination of certain sections in India, (3) Domination of State and Identity Politics. These domains of domination are significantly hindering the development of Indian sociology in an inclusive manner and degrading the efficacy of the knowledge produced in this field. The only way forward for Indian sociology is to develop indigenous sociological traditions, concepts, and methods to explain the social reality of India, to recognize the diverse trends of sociological knowledge being produced and promote civility, reason, and reflexivity among diverse perspectives of sociological knowledge.
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SHERMAN, TAYLOR C. "Migration, Citizenship and Belonging in Hyderabad (Deccan), 1946–1956." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 1 (December 9, 2010): 81–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x10000326.
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AbstractWhilst the history of the Indian diaspora after independence has been the subject of much scholarly attention, very little is known about non-Indian migrants in India. This paper traces the fate of Arabs, Afghans and other Muslim migrants after the forcible integration of the princely state of Hyderabad into the Indian Union in 1948. Because these non-Indian Muslims were doubly marked as outsiders by virtue of their foreign birth and their religious affiliation, the government of India wished to deport these men and their families. But the attempt to repatriate these people floundered on both political and legal shoals. In the process, many were left legally stateless. Nonetheless, migrants were able to creatively change the way they self-identified both to circumvent immigration controls and to secure greater privileges within India.
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Rahaim, Matt. "That Ban(e) of Indian Music: Hearing Politics in The Harmonium." Journal of Asian Studies 70, no. 3 (August 2011): 657–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911811000854.
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The harmonium is both widely played and widely condemned in India. During the Indian independence movement, both British and Indian scholars condemned the harmonium for embodying an unwelcome foreign musical sensibility. It was consequently banned from All-India Radio from 1940 to 1971, and still is only provisionally accepted on the national airwaves. The debate over the harmonium hinged on putative sonic differences between India and the modern West, which were posited not by performers, but by a group of scholars, composers, and administrators, both British and Indian. The attempt to banish the sound of the harmonium was part of an attempt to define a national sound for India, distinct from the West. Its continued use in education served a somewhat different national project: to standardize Indian music practice. This paper examines the intertwined aesthetic and political ideals that underlie the harmonium controversy.
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Guha, Abhijit. "Colonial, Hindu and Nationalist Anthropology in India." Sociological Bulletin 68, no. 2 (June 21, 2019): 154–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038022919848193.
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The long-standing critique of Indian Anthropology advanced by some notable anthropologists held that Indian Anthropology is the product of a colonial tradition and the anthropologists in India for various reasons followed their colonial masters in one way or the other. There also exists a view of Hindu Anthropology which holds that an Indian form of Anthropology could be found in many ancient Indian texts and scriptures before the advent of a colonial anthropology introduced by the European scholars, administrators and missionaries in the Indian subcontinent. Both the views ignored the materialistic, socially committed, secular and nationalist trends of Indian Anthropology which was growing in the hands of some remarkable anthropologists before and after the Independence of the country.
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Desai, Meghnad. "Why India Is Not Quite a Part of the Asian Miracle." Journal of Interdisciplinary Economics 32, no. 1 (January 2020): 8–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0260107920904875.
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This paper seeks to explain the low growth trajectory of India vis-a-vis East Asia in a historical and cultural perspective. It is argued that the Indian subcontinent was culturally separated from Buddhism and therefore from an egalitarian social possibility after the first millennium CE. A brief history of Indian economic development since independence is provided in light of the introductory historical account. JEL: N15, O10, O53
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Braud, Donovan S. "The Asiatic Mode of Production, Indian Land Law, and the Naxalite Movement." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 14, no. 1-2 (January 5, 2015): 71–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341333.
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Marx’s views on pre-capitalist non-western societies evolved during his intellectual development and are generally grouped under the (problematic) term “Asiatic Mode of Production.” This article examines the connections between the Asiatic Mode of Production from Marxist economics, post-independence Indian land laws, the violation of those laws after independence and in the period of liberalization, and the continuing popularity of the Naxalite/Maoist insurgency. The contemporary round of globalization seeks to finish what colonization started by forcibly removing Adavasi and Scheduled Tribes in a process similar to primitive accumulation. Understanding this dynamic explains the Naxalites’ continuing appeal in contemporary India.
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., Tamanna. "Mulk Raj Anand: A Pioneer Novelist in Indo-Anglian Literature." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 7, no. 11 (November 28, 2019): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v7i11.10102.
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India is a Hindi reign country, it is difficult for an Indian writer to struggle oversea language i.e. English in their literary cosmos. English language was considered as a burden in pre independence period which was imposed in our education system by Lord Macaulay to get advantage for British administration in India. But Indian writers took it as a challenge in valorous way and achieved their destination with more efficiency. They drafted Indian civilization and religion thoughts through their literary pieces in a decent manner. This paper points out Anand’s efforts to raise voices against hunger, industrialization, clannishness, suffering of Indian milieu of weaker section and their absorption in the hands of opportunists and powerful through his second sequel novel-‘Coolie’.
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Mews, Stuart. "Rama or ahimsa? Terror or Passive Resistance? Revolutionary Methods of Hindu Students from London University and the Christian Response, 1909–17." Studies in Church History 51 (2015): 274–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400050233.
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The assassination in London on the evening of 1 July 1909 of Sir Curzon Wyllie, aide-de-camp to the Secretary of State for India, by a twenty-six-year-old Indian student named Madar Lai Dhingra stunned the nation. The background to the shooting and its consequences shed light on the attitudes of British Christians to Indian Hindus. In turn light is shed on the response of Hindus, most crucially that of the eventual leader of the successful campaign for Indian independence, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, in the crucial decade before the First World War.
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MUKHERJEE, MANJARI. "From Classroom to Public Space: Creating a New Theatrical Public Sphere in Early Independent India." Theatre Research International 42, no. 3 (October 2017): 327–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883317000621.
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Though India declared itself a sovereign nation only in 1947, after two hundred years of British rule, its people had unleashed the processes of ‘Indianization’ well before independence. While addressing the transition from colonial subjecthood to independent citizenship is intricately linked to efforts of decolonization, the role of English-medium education in the creation of a new emergent class of independent Indian citizens often gets overlooked. This essay analyses the immediate impact of independence (1947–50), and locates the educational spaces where Indians (predominantly elite Bengalis) were struggling to unlink citizenship from nationalism and exploring inter-community relationships such as those between the Bengali elite and the micro-minority Jews, Parsis, Armenians and Anglo-Indians. I show how theatre activities by the students of St Xavier's Collegiate School and College, their new roles as potential public intellectuals and citizens of post-independent India and their theatre constituted an important intervention in the new democratic processes. I examine the duality of a Bengali elite who acquired an English-medium education and performed English-style Shakespeare while trying to construct a political dramaturgy as an ensemble or collective.
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Mendelsohn, Oliver. "The Transformation of Authority in Rural India." Modern Asian Studies 27, no. 4 (October 1993): 805–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0000130x.
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Who or what constitutes the dominant power and/or authority in village India today? This sort of question is hardly ever amenable to any generally agreed answer for any society, and the Indian case is no exception. But to say this is already to have made a comment on the main stream of post-independence scholarship on agrarian India. Very soon after independence an academic orthodoxy hardened as to the character of agrarian social structure and power. The argument of this paper is that this orthodoxy is no longer valid and that it obscures what is a profound transformation in the character of agrarian India.
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Nefedova, Darya N. "Indian Cinema: Past and Present." Journal of Flm Arts and Film Studies 8, no. 3 (September 15, 2016): 106–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/vgik83106-114.
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Indian cinema is a unique, original phenomenon of world culture with a rich history and deep roots. The dawn of the era of cinema in India is referred up to 1913, when the film 'Raja Harishchandra' by J.G. Phalke was shot. Further development of cinema going in different directions in several chronologically successive stages, and the most famous center of the film industry has gradually led Bollywood in Northern India. The early cinema works are not enough accessible to study, and the first stage is clearly traced in the span of 1940-1960s, when the plot has become the basis of the social problems of the society, directly connected with striving for independence. 1970-1980s were characterized by relative imperturbation in the country and the lives of the Indians, so the results of this time became widely known in the USSR and influenced on Russian melodrama. The first Indian TV-series wore melodramatic and mythoephic nature. In 1990s the process of globalization touched upon film industry in India. As a result the films underwent substantial Europeanization, but on the other hand appealed to domestic traditions and values, performing a kind of popularization and propaganda. There is a fully manifested characteristic of the Indian film industry mixture of genres called "masala". In 2000s the line of reasonable combination of modern trends with traditional culture and national originality of cinema went on. Currently, the Indian film industry continues to develop. Conservative technology combined with modern technical equipment are actively used in the shooting process and in the cinematic action. However despite this the cinema of India is a vivid example of conservation of the unique national art in a world cultural unification process.
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Magee, Peter. "Revisiting Indian Rouletted Ware and the impact of Indian Ocean trade in Early Historic south Asia." Antiquity 84, no. 326 (November 25, 2010): 1043–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00067065.
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Indian Rouletted Ware pottery is the iconic marker of the overseas reach of the subcontinent at the turn of the first millennium AD. In the mid twentieth century this was naturally seen as prompted by the contemporary Roman Empire, while the later post-colonial discourse has emphasised the independence and long life of Indian initiatives. In this new analysis the author demonstrates a more complex socio-economic situation. While Greyware is distributed long term over south India, Rouletted ware is made in at least two regional centres for coastal communities using a new ceramic language, one appropriate to an emerging international merchant class.
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Atwal, Jyoti. "Widowhood and Motherhood in Cinematic Imagination in the Historical Context." Past and Present: Representation, Heritage and Spirituality in Modern India 4, Special Issue (December 25, 2021): 01–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.12944/crjssh.4.special-issue.01.
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This article engages with the question of how Hindi cinema sought to synergize and imagine the nation, community and land in independent India as the embodiment of widowhood. I suggest that this process of embodiment was the culmination of a long historical-political process. The focus of this chapter is a 1957 Hindi film by Mehboob Khan named Mother India. The film stands out as a powerful emotional drama. On the one hand, this film marked continuity with the Indian literature, painting, theatre and cinema of the colonial period,1 on the other, Mother India influenced the culture of a new Indian nation after 1947. Within a decade after India attained independence from Britain, the Indian cinema became an undisputed site where the cultural engineering of a new nation could be enacted.2
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Brennan, James R. "POLITICS AND BUSINESS IN THE INDIAN NEWSPAPERS OF COLONIAL TANGANYIKA." Africa 81, no. 1 (January 24, 2011): 42–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972010000094.
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ABSTRACTThis article examines the history of two Indian newspapers, Tanganyika Opinion and Tanganyika Herald, to demonstrate how business considerations provided both the opportunity for East African Indians to make public arguments and the central limitation on the arguments that could be made. Founded on the inspiration of mass nationalist action through a territorial hartal, the Tanganyika Opinion and later the Herald blazed the trails that articulated ‘Greater India’ among the Anglo-Gujarati reading public in Tanganyika. But growing conservative sentiments within this vulnerable minority, along with rising sectarian division, reduced both the patronage and audience for a singular ‘anti-colonial’ politics by the 1930s and 1940s. Moreover, as a marginal print node along the Indian Ocean littoral, the Opinion and Herald came to rely on an opportunistic mixture of wire services and consular propaganda to keep abreast of regional and international news developments. Ultimately, the shrinking market for Anglo-Gujarati newspapers and rising opportunities in Swahili-language journals had sealed the doom of these and similar Indian newspapers by the time ‘African’ political independence arrived in the early 1960s.
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Walker, Lydia. "Jayaprakash Narayan and the politics of reconciliation for the postcolonial state and its imperial fragments." Indian Economic & Social History Review 56, no. 2 (April 2019): 147–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464619835659.
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Jayaprakash (JP) Narayan was an activist, politician and political thinker who attempted to use peace negotiations on India’s borders to renegotiate the postcolonial Indian state. This article tracks JP’s efforts to find non-national vehicles for regional nationalist demands through his positions on the contentious political questions of a Nagaland in India, and a Tibet in China. It locates JP within the Anglophone international peace movement that transitioned from support of Indian independence to a critique of the state violence of the Indian government, and traces JP’s thinking and work in support of some degree of autonomy for Tibet and Nagaland. Finally, this article connects these projects to JP’s non-statist critique of Indian state sovereignty, arguing that through a more decentralised and inclusively organised India, JP sought to re-organise what decolonisation had wrought.
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Kaviraj, Sudipta. "The General Elections in India." Government and Opposition 32, no. 1 (January 1997): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb01206.x.
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AT THE TIME OF INDEPENDENCE FIFTY YEARS AGO MAHATAMA Gandhi suggested that the Indian National Congress, which he successfully led to independence, should be disbanded. As its function was to produce a coalition which could achieve independence from British rule, its historical role was over. This was an entirely logical, yet an entirely unpractical suggestion. Politicians active inside the Congress wished, not unnaturally, to turn their sacrifices into potential investments in an independent state. Independence was accompanied by partition of the country which degenerated into riots and massacre of civilians. There was no other political organization except the Congress to establish effective government. In any case, Congress was too successful a political organization to be dissolved purely by the power of argument. The Congress, therefore, turned from an independence movement into a governing party, a difficult transformation under all circumstances, and flourished. The historical significance of the recent general elections in India, the eleventh after independence, seems to be the actual realization of Gandhi's suggestion. India must now find a political structure which can function without the overwhelming presence of the Congress, a party universally reviled but, ironically, treated as indispensable.
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Sharma, K. L. "Indian Sociology at the Threshold of the 21st Century: Some Observations." Sociological Bulletin 68, no. 1 (February 13, 2019): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038022918819320.
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Initially, Indian sociology was influenced by colonialism and indology. After Independence, Indian sociology moved towards indigenisation on the one hand and critical examination of the Western theories, concepts and methods of study on the other. Indigenisation and use of regional texts, sources and observations weakened the Western impact on Indian sociology. The idea of the founding fathers of Indian sociology provided a plural and multidimensional thrust to sociology in India. Debates on Indian sociology became intense after Louis Dumont argued for a fit between indology and the present-day Indian society (sociology). In response to Dumont’s view, Yogendra Singh provides a fivefold classification of approaches and signifies Indian sociology through a synthesis of empiricism and analytical vision. The main contributions to explain Indian sociology have been made by Ramkrishna Mukherjee and Yogendra Singh. Mukherjee talks of ‘modernisers of Indian sociology’ and Singh looks for ‘social conditioning’ of Indian sociology.