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1
Sengupta, Arghya. "Independence and accountability of the Indian higher judiciary." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d16c344d-ba44-454f-9606-456b8524071e.
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There is currently no satisfactory account of how judges of the Supreme Court of India and High Courts in the states are appointed, transferred, impeached or employed postretirement. For a higher judiciary commanding immense public attention, enjoying wide constitutional powers of judicial review, this is a conspicuous gulf in academic literature. This thesis intends to bridge this gulf by providing such an account. Part I extracts the Constituent Assembly Debates pertaining to these four facets of judicial functioning, describes key developments over time and analyses the extant processes in operation today. On this basis it makes three arguments: first, appointments to the higher judiciary and transfer of judges between High Courts follow processes that are indefensible as a matter of constitutional law; second, impeachment operates in an excessively slow and inefficacious manner; third, the pervasiveness of post-retirement employment of judges in government-appointed positions demonstrates inadequate attention to institutional design. Most crucially, each of these four aspects gives rise to significant concerns pertaining to judicial independence, accountability or both. This is not a peculiarly Indian problem— in several countries, the values of judicial independence and accountability have been deemed to be in tension, often irreconcilably. Part II tackles this widely articulated tension by providing a conceptual framework to understand these concepts. Its main argument is that both judicial independence and accountability are necessary for 'an effective judiciary'. Whether indeed the processes governing the four selected facets of judicial functioning in India lead to an effective judiciary is assessed in Part III. Where they are found lacking, appropriate reform is suggested. Such reform is intended to ensure that the selected processes operate in a manner that is justifiable in terms of judicial independence and accountability in principle and is efficacious in practice.
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Owen, Nicholas. "The confusions of an imperialist inheritance : the Labour Party and the Indian problem, 1940-1947." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.284270.
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Ozden, Tugba. "The Dalit Movement Within The Context Of The Indian Independence Movement." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606575/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyses the Dalit Movement with regards to the twentieth century Indian nationalism and independence movement. Within this epoch, India was dealing with both internal and external problems, and this thesis confronts with the process of double freedom movement rolled into one, in India. On one side Indian nation was fighting against the British Imperialism and on the other hand the least level of the ancient Hindu social order varna, the Untouchables, were fighting against the higher castes for eradication of their historical backwardness. This solution of both problems pointed out changes in social and political terms.
The mentioned movement under the leadership of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, who is recognized as the architect of the Indian constitution, aimed to obtain both political and social rights and freedom for the Untouchables. By this movement, Dalits initially managed to attain political rights and to outlaw discrimination among people. And then, in order to facilitate the integration of Dalits within the social sphere, they decided to convert from Brā
hmanism to Buddhism in year 1956 and ten thousands of Dalits converted following Dr. Ambedkar. In the present day, the ex-Untouchables are living under the umbrellas of Buddhism, Islam or Christianity in various parts of India. Even though the mentioned ex-Untouchables survive normally and non-problematically in urban, those of them living in the rural front against the violence of radical rightist, nationalist Hindus.
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Harder, Anton. "Defining independence in Cold War Asia : Sino-Indian relations, 1949-1962." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3414/.
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In the early hours of 20 October 1962, the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) launched a series of devastating assaults on Indian posts stretched along thousands of miles of mountainous border. The attack drew a line under several years of acrimony over the border and an even longer period of uncertainty and ambiguity regarding each sides’ respective claims. However, the SinoIndian War was far more than just a territorial scrap, bloody as it was. It was widely perceived as a Chinese attack on Nehruvian non-alignment, a peculiar foreign policy posture that he had developed to counter the Cold War. By rejecting Nehru so firmly, Beijing was demonstrating a clear turn from the moderation it had pursued in tandem with the Soviets to engage non-socialist Asia through the mid-1950s. Mao’s attack on India was then a firm rejection of both Delhi’s moderation and Soviet partnership and a major turning point in the history of the Cold War and Asia. This thesis adds to the existing histories of the war by exploring Sino-Indian relations from 1949 when the two Asian giants cautiously swapped ambassadors. The ambiguous relationship between Beijing and Delhi is examined from the perspective of Nehru’s ambitious overall foreign policy agenda, rather than just a narrow focus on the border and Tibet. The deterioration of ties between Delhi and Beijing is often characterised as the result of conflicting territorial and indeed imperial ambitions. But it is also true to say that from early in the 1950s there was a remarkable effort at collaboration and accommodation of their respective ambitions. Simultaneously, collaboration was always underpinned by an acute sense of competition for influence in Asia, in particular over the appropriate model of development for the region. In particular, this thesis gives far greater emphasis on Beijing’s function within the dynamics of Sino-Indian relations, and shows how vital were the ideological shifts within the Chinese leadership. The ideologically framed judgements about Indian economic development policies had a major impact on how Beijing assessed the ongoing feasibility of its entire experiment with a moderate foreign policy in general and cooperation with Delhi specifically. By illustrating how these understandings of India also affected Chinese views of the Soviet leadership’s competence, this thesis also makes an important contribution to the historiography of the Sino-Soviet split. Ultimately, relations collapsed with Delhi not just because of hard territorial interests, but because Mao came to believe that the continued deferral of revolutionary goals was leaving the field clear for reactionary elements in China, India and beyond.
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Jackson, Bianca Lee. "Beyond Borders: the Representation of the Queer Subject in Post-Independence Indian Anglophone Literature." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.486997.
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Weigold, Auriol, and n/a. "The Case against India : British propaganda in the United States, 1942." University of Canberra. Communication, 1997. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20050329.125041.
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British propaganda, delivered in the United States against immediate self-government for India in 1942, was efficiently and effectively organised. British propaganda was not adventitious. It was deliberate. The chief protagonists were Churchill and Roosevelt. Churchill's success in retaining control of government in India depended on convincing the President that there was no viable alternative.
This the Prime Minister did in two ways. Firstly, his propaganda organization targetted pro-British groups in America with access to
Roosevelt. Secondly, it discredited Indian nationalist leadership.
Churchill's success also depended on Sir Stafford Cripps' loyalty to Whitehall and to the Government of India after his Mission in March 1942 failed to reach agreement with the Indian leaders. Cripps tailored his account of the breakdown of negotiations to fit the British propaganda line. Convincing American public opinion and, through it the President, that colonial government should remain in British hands, also depended on the right mix of censorship and press freedom in India.
Britain's need to mount a propaganda campaign in the United States indicated its dual agenda: its war-related determination to maintain and increase American aid, and its longer term aim to
retain control of its empire.
Despite strong American support for isolationism, given legal status in the 1930s Neutrality Acts, Roosevelt was Britain's supportive friend and its ally. Britain, nonetheless, felt sufficiently threatened by the anti-imperial thrust of the Lend Lease Act and
the Atlantic Charter, to develop propaganda to persuade the American public and its President that granting Indian selfgovernment in 1942 was inappropriate.
The case for a propaganda campaign was made stronger by Roosevelt's constant pressure on Britaln from mid-1941 to reach a political settlement with India. Pressure was also brought to bear by the Congress Party as the price for its war-related cooperation, by China, and by the Labour Party in Britain. Japan's success in
Singapore and Burma made strategists briefly assess that India might be the next target. Stable and cooperative government there was as much in America's interest as Britain's.
The idea that Roosevelt might intervene in India to secure a measure of self-government there constantly worried Churchill. In turn this motivated the Foreign Office, the Ministry of Information, the India Office, the Government of India and the British Embassy in Washington to develop propaganda based, firstly, on the official explanation for the failure of the Cripps Mission and, secondly. on the elements of the August 1942 Quit India resolution which could
be presented as damaging to allied war aims.
The perceived danger to Britain's India-related agenda, however, did not end with substantive threats. The volatility of the American press and the President's susceptibility to it in framing policy were more unpredictable. Britain met both threats by targetting friends with access to Roosevelt, sympathetic broadcasters and pro-British sections of the press. Each had
shown support for Britain during the Lend Lease debates.
Britain, however, could never assume that it had won the propaganda battle or that Roosevelt would not intervene polltically on nationalist India's behalf. Roosevelt continued during 1942
and beyond to let Indian leaders know of his interest in their struggle, and information received from his Mission in New Delhi and from unofficial informants in India gave him a view of events there which differed markedly from the British account. Just as nationalist India was unsure about America's intentions, so was
Britain.
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Chanda, Geetanjali. "Indian women in the house of fiction : place, gender, and identity in post-independence Indo-English novels by women /." Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1998. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B19736617.
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Sengupta, Aparajita. "NATION, FANTASY, AND MIMICRY: ELEMENTS OF POLITICAL RESISTANCE IN POSTCOLONIAL INDIAN CINEMA." UKnowledge, 2011. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/gradschool_diss/129.
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In spite of the substantial amount of critical work that has been produced on Indian cinema in the last decade, misconceptions about Indian cinema still abound. Indian cinema is a subject about which conceptions are still muddy, even within prominent academic circles. The majority of the recent critical work on the subject endeavors to correct misconceptions, analyze cinematic norms and lay down the theoretical foundations for Indian cinema. This dissertation conducts a study of the cinema from India with a view to examine the extent to which such cinema represents an anti-colonial vision. The political resistance of Indian films to colonial and neo-colonial norms, and their capacity to formulate a national identity is the primary focus of the current study.
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Lundin, Victoria. "Daughter of Kashi - Queen of Jhansi : The Use of History of an Indian queen - the Rani Lakshmi Bai of Jhansi from the time of Independence until today." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-35398.
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The purpose of this master thesis in history was to examine the use of history of an Indian queen, the Rani Lakshmi Bai of Jhansi. The Rani Lakshmi Bai was born in Banaras and married a king – the Raja of Jhansi. The Rani Lakshmi Bai fought against the British during the first war of independence year 1857-58. Recently, a memorial has been built at her supposed birthplace in Banaras, more than 150 years after her death. This development has raised several questions about the use of history of the Rani Lakshmi Bai. How has the use of history of Rani Lakshmi Bai changed? Why has it become relevant to build a statue of the Rani now and not before? The purpose of this study has been answered with the help of oral history and text analysis. Firstly, this has been done, by examining the knowledge of people from Banaras and Jhansi as well as through their perceived image of the Rani Lakshmi Bai. Twenty people from Banaras and four people from Jhansi have been interviewed. Secondly, the institutional level information has been examined which is presented in educational textbooks and newspapers like the local newspaper Aaj and the national newspapers The Hindu as well as The Times of India. The results show that the level of historical knowledge about the Rani is low, though the love and affection for her are great. The use of history of the Rani Lakshmi Bai has been as a freedom fighter, a role model in different contexts and a symbol, as well as an inspirational source of women empowerment. There is also a political use of the Rani. All these uses of history in combination with the increased economic interest in the neighbourhood of Assi in the city of Banaras made it relevant and possible to build a monument of the Rani Lakshmi Bai in present time.
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Kulkarni, Anagha. "Frames in Harmony - A Critical Analysis of Song Sequences in the Films of Guru Dutt." Scholarly Repository, 2010. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_theses/27.
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Guru Dutt was one of the most important filmmakers in India, who worked for a little over a decade starting in 1951. He died prematurely in 1964. In those few years, he made some of Indian cinema?s most memorable films. Song and dance sequences are an integral part of the narrative structure of popular Indian cinema. Guru Dutt, working within that paradigm, devised innovative methods of using song sequences. In his films, the song sequences were not a distraction, but they served the purpose of carrying the narrative forward, expressing the inexpressible, and replacing scenes. He achieved this by his creative use of locations, lyrics, music, camera angles, and placement of the song within the narrative. This study critically analyzes song sequences from five of his films ? Aar Paar (Through and Through, 1954), Mr. and Mrs. 55 (1955), Pyaasa (The Thirsty One, 1957), Kaagaz ke Phool (Paper Flowers, 1959) and Saahib Biwi aur Ghulam (Master Mistress and Slave, 1962). Guru Dutt?s style of song direction focused on realistic depiction and the quality of storytelling. He used each feature of the song to his advantage never losing control of the larger narrative. This study also brings to the fore Guru Dutt?s conflicted views as an artist on the issues of tradition and modernity, and the position of women in the emerging nation.
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Murphy, Stephen. "The relevance of Gandhism in independent India /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arm9785.pdf.
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Siegel, Benjamin Robert. "Independent India of Plenty: Food, Hunger, and Nation-Building in Modern India." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11598.
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This dissertation situates debates over food procurement, provision, and hunger as the key economic and social contestations structuring the late colonial and postcolonial Indian state. It juxtaposes the visions of national statesmen against those advanced by party organizers, scientists, housewives, journalists, and international development workers and diplomats. Examining their promises and plans - and the global contexts in which they were made - this project demonstrates how India's "food question" mediated fundamental arguments over citizenship, governance, and the proper relationship between individuals, groups, and the state.History
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Gopal, Priyamvada. "Literary radicalism in India : gender, nation and the transition to independence /." New York ; London : Routledge, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39928268p.
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Mandhwani, Aakriti. "Everyday reading : commercial magazines and book publishing in post-independence India." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2018. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/30282/.
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Brewer, Ferhiz. "Case study examinations of independent piano instruction in India /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1999.
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Plank, Frank B. "Motivating a small independent church to more active involvement in missions." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1990. http://www.tren.com.
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Rodríguez, Alvaro Joseph. "Political bargaining and the Punjab crisis : the Punjab Accord of 1985." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28273.
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Since the early 1980's, the Punjab state of India has been in turmoil as a result of a separatist movement that developed among elements of the Sikh community. Political tensions not only characterized the relationship between the Punjab and New Delhi/ but also between Sikhs and Hindus and among different segments within the Sikh community itself. The most important attempt to end the conflict in the state has been the Rajiv Gandhi-Sant Longowal Accord signed on July 24, 1985. However, the Accord failed and by mid-1987 the Punjab was once again racked by political violence. This thesis focuses on the events that led to the signing of the Accord and the forces that caused its demise. Bargaining theory provides the general theoretical framework against which the data are analyzed.
This thesis highlights the fact that political bargains in Third World weakly-institutionalized states are often the result of particular configurations of political power which are short lived.
The corollary of this is that once the configuration of political forces changes, the chances of success for the previously reached political bargain are weakened. In the particular case of the Punjab Accord, there was a change, beginning in late 1985, in the relative political power of the participants in the bargain. Also, the terms of the bargained Accord unleashed forces on both sides which undermined its implementation. Third World leaders should draw two major lessons from this. First, they should be careful not to have exaggerated perceptions of their power since this may be counterproductive in the future if they cannot deliver what they have promised. Second, these leaders should attempt to consult all interests with a stake in the bargained settlement as a way to prevent opposition to it.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Avis, William Robert. "Fractured identities : constructions of Assamese identity in post-independent India." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.548649.
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Das, Gupta Chirashree. "State and capital in independent India : from dirigisme to neoliberalism." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2008. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29360/.
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This thesis examines the relationship between state and capital in post-independence India. There was a dramatic shift from the strategy of state-led capital accumulation. After the 1950s, this strategy became increasingly dirigiste. From the 1980s, economic policy in India shifted towards neoliberalism. The conventional wisdom is that this transition to neoliberalism was driven by poor economic performance in India during the period of state-led growth. The economy was characterised by inefficiencies because of government-created distortions that stifled entrepreneurship and needed to be corrected by neo-liberal 'reforms'. However, capitalists in India were beneficiaries of dirigiste policies, and did not adopt neoliberalism as their collective agenda even when their disenchantment with the state peaked in 1965-66. It was only from around 1980 that a section of capitalists in India began to support a neoliberal turn. What explains this paradigmatic shift? This is the central question of the thesis. This research examines the role of the state in the capital accumulation process in India with a focus on the period from 1965 to 1980 to shed light on how and why the change in state-capital relations occurred. Throughout the 1970s, the expansion and diversification of the capitalist class with the rise of 'new' family-controlled business houses played a critical role in shaping the changes towards neoliberalism. This thesis examines the social origins, institutional access, privileges and restrictions, forms of political organisation and modes of expansion of capital. Both 'zones of intervention' and 'zones of non-intervention' by the state facilitated the various dimensions of this expansion. These developments forged new political alignments of capitalist interests and led to significant stratification within the class. These changes had critical impacts on the access of the capitalist class to technology and finance, defined the attitude of Indian capitalists towards 'globalisation' and accelerated the informalisation of labour force.
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Dudley, Graham David. "Political aspects of geographical information technologies with examples from imperial and post-independence India." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape17/PQDD_0004/NQ30602.pdf.
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Liagre, Sebastien. "John Neal, une écriture-frontière." Thesis, Lille 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LIL30029.
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Cette thèse se propose d’étudier comment, à travers sa singulière écriture, John Neal, prenant son contemporain James Fenimore Cooper pour anti-modèle, ambitionne de réformer la littérature américaine, afin de satisfaire au besoin naissant d’indépendance et de renouveau national. Dans une certaine tradition américaine, la frontière est moins une limite territoriale qu’un seuil dynamique, un locus americanus, lieu de tous les possibles. Et c’est bien en ce sens que le romancier du Maine, homme des transgressions, homme de l’entre-deux, écrit «à la frontière» : entre littérature et engagement, entre la scène et la chaire, le masculin et le féminin, l’Indien et le Blanc, sa prose hésite, souvent. Il conviendra en somme d’analyser au plus près cette fabrique alternative de littérarité qu’est l’écriture nealienne, dans l’incertitude des commencements, lorsque l’expression du «génie national» prétend s’instaurer en critère de jugement et faire table rase des modèles d’importationThis thesis explores how, through his singular writing style, John Neal, using fellow-writer James Fenimore Cooper as an anti-model, sets out to pioneer a thorough reformation of the so-called American literature, in an attempt to satisfy the ever-increasing need for independence and national renewal. In a certain American tradition, the frontier is less a territorial boundary than a « dynamic threshold », a locus americanus where wishful thinking comes true. Thus it is that this transgressive Maine author, a man of the neutral ground, or, rather, of the middle ground, writes «at the frontier»: between literature and committed literature, between the stage and the pulpit, the masculine and the feminine, or the Indian and the white man, his prose often wavers. Hence, our focus will be on the alternative literary vision for « the great Republic of Letters », encapsulated within Neal’s own writing, shaped as it was by the uncertainties of a nation in the making. Those were the days when «national genius» had an edge on European models. Those were John Neal’s days
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Soni, Sonal H. "Negotiating the self an exploratory study on the gender identity formation of second-generation Asian Indian American women : a project based upon an independent investigation /." Click here for text online. Smith College School for Social Work website, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10090/1015.
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Thesis (M.S.W.)--Smith College School for Social Work, Northampton, Mass., 2007Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment for the degree of Master of Social Work. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 77-80).
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Thaikoodan, Joseph. "Education and rural development in India since Independence in 1947 : with special reference to Kerala." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1985. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10019576/.
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In 1947, when India became independent, she had a new Constitution which embodied hopes for a better future for all Indian citizens and a range of institutions which represented the historical heritage of India. These institutions included the ancient Hindu caste system, and village government, and a great number of administrative systems established by the British. The school system was an integral part of the British system of administration. Chapters Two and Three of this thesis explore the problem which was brought about by the change in normative aims introduced by tne Constitution and the lack of change in the institutions. They also look at the different ways in which the new norms were interpretea, particulary the different views of modernisation taken by Nehru and Gandhi. Chapters Four and Five deal with the First and Second Five Year Plans respectively. The Five Year Plans are treated as tentative solutions to the problem set out in the early chapters. Although the first plan incorporated some of the rhetoric of Gandhi, the main tnrust of both plans was in line with Nehru's vision of the development of India. The chapters not only look at the general plan frames and the provisions made in the plans, but also look at the beneficiaries of the plans. For the most part the plans benefitted tne better off, and failed to provide for the basic needs, for food, housing, health, clothing and employment of the poorest sections of society, especially the rural poor. Education, and the close coordination between the education system and government and business administration, helped to ensure that those who had access to the traditional educational system had preference in the competition for housing, health and work. Chapter Six deals with education in detail. Kerala offers a unique opportunity to stuay the relationship between education and development. Education has played an important part in the development of Kerala, which on many indeces has a very highly educated population; literacy rates are high, and the state of Kerala has a very high number of newspapers. But while the high level of education is reflected in some otner indicators, it has not produced economic growth, and Kerala has one of the lowest per capita incomes among the States of India. Chapter Seven examines the relationship of education and development in Kerala. The concluding chapter of this thesis draws together the criticisms of the current system of education of India, and proposes a system of education based on problem-solving, to help supply the basic needs of all India's population.
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Melel, George. "A new perspective on marriage enrichment in independent Baptist churches in India /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1989. http://www.tren.com.
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Kumar, Megha. "Communal riots, sexual violence and Hindu nationalism in post-independence Gujarat (1969-2002)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2b06b4e0-afac-4571-ab46-44968d36b17c.
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In much existing literature the incidence of sexual violence during Hindu-Muslim conflict has been attributed to the militant ideology of Hindu nationalism. This thesis interrogates this view. It first examines the ideological framework laid down by the founding ideologues of the Hindu nationalist movement with respect to sexual violence. I argue that a justification of sexual violence against Muslim women is at the core of their ideology. In order to examine how this ideology has contributed to the actual incidents, this thesis studies the episodes of Hindu-Muslim violence that occurred in 1969, 1985, 1992 and 2002 in the western Indian city of Ahmedabad, Gujarat. An examination of these episodes shows that sexual violence against Muslim women, in both extreme and less extreme forms, were significantly motivated by Hindu nationalist ideology. However, in addition to this ideology, patriarchal ideas that serve to normalize sexual violence as ‘sex’ and sanction its infliction to maintain gendered hierarchies also motivated such crimes. Moreover, this thesis argues that the manifestation of Hindu nationalist and patriarchal motivations in acts of sexual violence was enabled by the breakdown of neighbourhood ties between Hindus and Muslims in 1969 and 2002. By contrast, during the 1985 and 1992 riots Hindus and Muslims strengthened neighbourhood ties despite extensive communal mobilization, which seems to have prevented the perpetration of extreme sexual violence against Muslim women. Thus, by providing a comprehensive analysis of the contribution of Hindu nationalist ideology, and arguing for the significance of the patriarchal ideas and neighbourhood ties in the infliction of sexual violence during conflict, this study contributes to and departs from the existing literature.
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Adekoye, Raquel Abimbola. "Indo-Pakistani conflict and development of South Asia: is an independent Kashmir State a possible consideration?" Thesis, University of Zululand, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/1694.
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A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor Of Philosophy (Development Studies) in the Department of Anthropology and Development Studies at the University of Zululand, 2018The thesis explores the conflict between India and Pakistan over Kashmir as a dispute symbol. It highlights the socio-economic implications of the conflict on the conflicting states of India and Pakistan. The conflicting symbol, Kashmir, as well as the entire South Asia that house all of them, with a view to suggest a lasting solution which it gives as, the creation of an independent Kashmir State. It is argued here that domestic politics in both India and Pakistan complicates the Kashmiri issue. In Pakistan, it has enabled the military to assume a dominant and pre-eminent position in politics. In India, a penchant for coalition government creates an immobility that is felt on the Kashmir crisis. In general, there is an on-going, serious and intense arms race between India and Pakistan that has increasingly led to a diversion of resources to investment in nuclear technology by both countries. Holding on to Kashmir has made India vulnerable to terrorist attacks, with the consequences of not only diverting developmental resources to enhancing security, but also exacerbating conflict with Pakistan. Economic relations between the main antagonists have remained marginal since the partition. Initiatives such as cooperation in water resource management between the two countries, and proposed joint development of oil and gas pipelines have failed to materialize. This led to the conclusion that both countries have allowed their economic relations with potential for huge benefits to be held hostage to the Kashmir crisis. In terms of the level of economic development, India holds big advantage. This advantage is harnessed into a superior conventional military capability which has also enabled India to rule out first strike as its nuclear doctrine. However, the disadvantageous position of Pakistan makes it view nuclear weapons as the equalizer, and the possibility of a first use is not ruled out. As a possible negotiated solution to the Kashmir conflict, it is argued here that as long as both India and Pakistan cling to their historically-entrenched positions, there is hardly any chance for permanent peace in Kashmir, thereby complicating their strategic stance in the region. It also argues that the Independence of Kashmir is the only guarantee of a lasting solution to the Kashmir conflict and South East Asia development crisis. The theories of Neo-Realism and Neo-Liberalism are central in this thesis to explain outcomes towards peace initiatives between India and Pakistan, and the implications for South Asia. Three specific concepts advanced by neo-realists and neo-liberal theorists are chosen to explore and explain the three principles of this study: The Balance of Power, Security and Economic Co-operation. Kashmir’s embroidery of encounters from forces of brutality, state repression particularly on the Indian occupied territories, massive militarization, stunted infrastructural and socio-economic development, insecurity to gross human rights violations leaves impacts so grave for social structures needed for modernity and sense of decent livelihood. Methodologically, the thesis provides a conceptual definition of the right to self-determination particularly from the United Nations perspective. It then applies the United Nations declared right of self-determination to Kashmir. This is achieved by outlining United Nations action on Kashmiri self-determination and then by applying the components of the right to Kashmir. The thesis concludes with some observations regarding resolving the Kashmir crisis. The central of this is the inevitable position that the realization of the right to self-determination will bring to fore in realizing peace and development for the region as a whole and to the parties involved in the crisis.
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Gandee, Sarah Eleanor. "The "criminal tribe" and independence : partition, decolonisation, and the state in India's Punjab, 1910s-1980s." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/22408/.
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On 14-15 August 1947, India obtained freedom from British colonial rule. For the so-called 'criminal tribes', however, freedom did not come at the midnight hour but five years later, on 31 August 1952, when the Government of India repealed the Criminal Tribes Act. Enacted by the colonial government in 1871, this draconian legislation sought to control a disparate set of supposedly criminal communities (and later gangs and individuals) through a raft of punitive and surveillance measures. This study examines the postcolonial afterlives of the 'criminal tribe' in the region of Punjab. Specifically, it traces the ways in which the postcolonial state re-embedded this ostensibly colonial category of identification in its legislative, discursive and material practices, at the same time as it dismantled the Act itself. The study is primarily situated in the 1940s and 1950s, as Partition and decolonisation wrought enormous changes upon the subcontinent. It argues that state actors, whether politicians, bureaucrats or local officers, infused the 'criminal tribe' with heightened salience in the years after 1947 in response to the exigencies of independence and nation-building. Its findings reveal that the 'criminal tribe' remained a tangible and intelligible category for the postcolonial state long after its legal abolition, whether in the refugee regime, legal structures and penal practices, or welfare policies for disadvantaged citizens. This sheds light on a hitherto overlooked period of the Criminal Tribes Act, namely the early post-independence years. It examines the continued relevance of the 'criminal tribe' within postcolonial statecraft not as an inevitable colonial hangover but the product of more contested lineages and developments rooted both pre- and post-1947. This also offers new insights onto the state at this critical juncture. In contrast to the existing scholarship on the Act, which emphasises its unwavering dominance, this study illustrates the uncertainties, contingencies, and tensions of the late colonial and decolonising state.
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Kundu, Apurba. "Civil-military relations in British and independent India, 1918-1962, and coup prediction theory." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1411/.
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This thesis explains why India did not experience a military coup d'etat from 1918 to 1962.This involves a detailed consideration of the competing, though often complementary, theories which attempt to analyse the specific conditions and motives that cause officers to intervene against their government. As no one "coup theory" is found definitive, each is deployed when relevant to crucial episodes in British and independent India's civil-military relations from 1918 to 1962, including the history and development of a professional officer corps, Indian nationalism, the Indian National Armies of World War II, the Transfer of Power, Ayub Khan's "Revolution", the rise of the Menon-Kaul nexus, and the 1962 Sino-Indian War. Throughout, the emphasis is on the views and actions of senior retired Indian military officers. The opinions of almost 20 such officers are taken from their respective published (auto-)biographies. The views of another 108 officers (as well as a number of Indian civilians with experience in, or expertise at the highest level of civil-military relations) come from one of two versions of a detailed questionnaire and/or comprehensive personal interviews. This thesis reveals that there was never any serious threat of a military coup in India. Some factors contributing to this phenomenon are inherent: the country is large, diverse, predominantly Hindu, and enjoyed a continuity of political leadership. Other factors are the result of deliberate choices by the civil-military leadership and include the country's stability, quality and tradition of democracy, relative administrative efficiency, institutionalization of diverse centres of power and, most importantly, the professionalism of the officer corps. While this examination suggests measures available to other countries seeking to ensure civil supremacy-of-rule, the particular mix of factors which contributed to India never having experienced military coup is unique.
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Bedi, Tarini. "Ethnonationalism and the politics of identity : the cases of Punjab and Assam." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28244.
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This analysis addresses the relationship between pre-political cultural identity and political outcomes. It posits that the political mobilization of sub-national groups cannot be understood without an examination of the cultural processes of identity formation. The analysis engages cultural discourse and its organization as an explanatory factor in the examination of the variation in ethnic political outcomes. Hence, important questions about ethnonational conflict can be answered by engaging the levels at which identity is constructed and reshaped through cultural discourse. It shifts the arena of analysis from the state to the ethnic groups themselves. The two empirical cases analyzed are that of Sikh nationalism in Punjab and 'ethnic' Assamese nationalism in Assam.
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Shodhan, Shivani. "Knowledge of HIV/AIDS & women's status in decision-making in India for women ages 15-49 /." VCU Scholars Compass, 2007. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd_retro/135.
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Objective: Global HIV/AIDS pandemic continues to affect people worldwide. India has approximately 2 million women living with HIV/AIDS. Women in India maintain a low status in society, with minimal autonomy. This study investigated the relationship between women's autonomy in decision-making and their AIDS knowledge (designated ever heard of AIDS').Methods: This study used the 1998-2000 Demographic Health Survey with India's National Family Health Survey (NFHS-2). Data were collected on 90,300 ever-married women ages 15-49. Statistical analyses were conducted in SAS 9.1, including descriptive analysis, univariate analysis, and multiple logistic regression.Results: In the sample, 40,777 (45.2%) of the 90,300 women had ever heard of AIDS. Younger women (15-24 years) had the lowest prevalence of AIDS knowledge (40.9%). The highest geographic prevalence of knowledge was in South India (= 70.4%) compared to the lowest in Central India (=21.6%). Socio-economically, women in lowest level for standard of living had the lowest prevalence of AIDS knowledge (20.6%). Half of women with primary educations and 42.9% of Hindu women reported knowledge. Women were 1.71 (95% CI, 1.66-1.77) times more likely to have AIDS knowledge in the role of primary decision-makers. Even after adjusting, women in primary decision-making roles for their health care remained 16% (95% CI, 11-22) more likely to have AIDS knowledge compared to women whose husbands were primary decision-makers.Conclusion: The study allows for better understanding of the role that decision-making autonomy plays in HIV/AIDS knowledge among women in India. Intervention and education programs can integrate the findings to strengthen their effectiveness.
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Devasundaram, Ashvin Immanuel. "Creating a new space : India's new wave of urban independent cinema since 2010." Thesis, Heriot-Watt University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10399/3237.
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Newton, Jacob Alexander. "The politicization of difference, nationalism and national unity in pre-independent India, Ghana, Nigeria, and Kenya." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ61152.pdf.
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Coombs, Catherine Eleanor Brown. "State change in the Punjab : professional and personal experiences of British civil servants over India's independence and beyond." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2011. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/2089/.
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âThe Government of one country by another inevitably leaves its mark on both ruler and ruled.1 The 1947 partition which accompanied the independence of India and Pakistan was a colonial tragedy which as yet has not been fully explored. The extent of the violence which accompanied the division of Bengal and Punjab has invited recourse to explanations which emphasise its exceptionalism. This thesis uses a case study of British Indian Civil Service (I.C.S.) officers in 1930s and 40s Punjab to challenge this representation, and suggest how the mentality of late colonial rule accepted violence as a fundamental aspect of Indian nature. The sources used are memoirs, recounting brief colonial careers after several decades of subsequent work back at 'home' in Britain or elsewhere in Britain's declining empire. These experiences shape a collective memory of colonial Punjab which is transmitted as a remarkably cohesive narrative form. The unity of message gives important insights into the mind-set of the I.C.S. at district level, and its surviving esprit de corps beyond the colonial environment. Collective memory alongside fictional representations have disseminated an image of the I.C.S. which emphasises its power and prestige; this thesis challenges the extent of that authority to suggest how reliance upon local networks of control facilitated continuity in styles of local governance in Punjab post-1947. The memoirs in this thesis have attracted previous attention in nostalgic histories of the Raj and its lifestyles. Whilst this has led to them being overlooked by historians in the past, this thesis argues that the use of these accounts in popular representations of empire in Britain has made them vital to understanding the idealised, romantic imagery of empire which still survives today.
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Castro, Vinicius Oppido de. "Indie Games: a atuação dos independentes no design de videogames." Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, 2015. http://tede.mackenzie.br/jspui/handle/tede/2791.
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This dissertation in the area of Architecture , Urban Planning and Design investigates the projective practices involved in the production of independent video games. Indie Games are addressed as cultural artifacts produced by individuals or groups interested in expressing themselves with originality and creativity by an interactive medium that allows trials in graphic and narrative language. The aim was to explore the projective practices adopted by these producers , from an experiment that went through the stages of creation, production and publication of a game with the use of internet technologies and computer graphics. The proposed summary contains 4 chapters , starting with an investigation of how the Creative Economy and new forms of production leveraged indie culture, following with the current role of video games and the relationships within this industry, through the stages of game design that then are used as instruments for understanding the design practice, and finally , the experience involving design , development and distribution of an independent video game
Esta dissertação de mestrado na área de Arquitetura, Urbanismo e Design investiga as práticas projetuais envolvidas na produção de videogames independentes. Os Indie Games são abordados como artefatos culturais produzidos por indivíduos ou grupos interessados em se expressar com originalidade e criatividade por um meio interativo que permite experimentações na linguagem gráfica e narrativa. O objetivo foi explorar as práticas projetuais adotadas por estes produtores, a partir de um experimento que percorreu as etapas de criação, produção e publicação de um game com a utilização de tecnologias de internet e de computação gráfica. O sumário proposto contém 4 capítulos, iniciando com uma investigação sobre como a Economia Criativa e as novas formas de produção alavancaram os independentes, seguindo com o papel atual dos videogames e as relações dentro dessa indústria, passando pelas etapas do Game Design que, em seguida, são utilizadas como os instrumentos para a compreensão da prática projetual, e finalmente, a experiência envolvendo o projeto, a execução e a distribuição de um jogo eletrônico independente.
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Weeks, Deborah G. "Movement Of The People: The Relationship Between Black Consciousness Movements, Race, and Class in the Caribbean." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002340.
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Suazo, Jose A. (Jose Antonio) 1972. "Stages in project financing : a comparative analysis of independent power projects in three Developing countries : India, Indonesia, and Peru." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/84300.
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Singh, Hena. "The quest for gender equality & gender justice in India : interrogating the role of the state, from independence to the era of neoliberal reform." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2018. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/8699/.
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This research investigates the varying ways in which two different groups of women workers have been impacted by the neoliberal reforms undertaken by successive Indian governments from the 1990s onwards. The point of departure, substantiated by extant research, is that globalization has been structurally disadvantageous to women, specifically the 'rolling back' of the state has meant that some of the significant gains achieved by and for women in the post-independence period in India have also been 'rolled back' or are being eroded. However, the ways in which women have been impacted by neoliberal globalization in the Indian context varies according to a range of factors including class, occupation, levels of education and specific skills and location (urban or rural). A central contention of the thesis is that the Indian state has played a crucial role in improving the status of Indian women and must continue to make strategic interventions in social and economic relations to ameliorate gender disadvantage and empower women. To that end it also interrogates the role of the Indian state in the quest of gender equality and gender justice in the period from independence up-to the era of neoliberal reforms. The thesis accepts the point that in the context of globalization, the state can no longer be considered a wholly autonomous actor and yet, it remains the major institution charged with the delivery of welfare and social justice to its citizens. As such, the thesis concludes with recommendations for a strategy for empowerment which is both 'top down' and 'bottom-up'; meaning that the delivery of development and social welfare, justice to women specifically necessarily entails negotiating and mediating between 'global' forces (specifically international economic organizations and development agencies) and the needs and demands of citizens as they are articulated at regional and local levels.
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Robert, Klaus Bauer. "Development of a robust index of abundance for Atlantic bluefin tuna (Thunnus thynnus) through aerial surveys in the Northwestern Mediterranean Sea." Thesis, Montpellier, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015MONTS042/document.
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Le déclin du thon rouge de l'Atlantique nord-est et de Méditerranée (ABFT, Thunnus thynnus) qui faisait suite à une forte surexploitation a été largement médiatisé au cours de la dernière décennie. Pour contrer cette tendance et reconstituer ce stock, d’importantes mesures de gestion ont été mises en place à partir de 2007. En dehors des difficultés liées à leur mise en œuvre et à leur contrôle, la gestion des pêcheries thonières est aussi limitée dans les capacités à suivre précisément les variations d’abondance de ces espèces dont les observations reposent principalement sur les données de pêche. Le manque d’indice d’abondance fiable fait que l’évaluation du thon rouge, comme celle des autres espèces de poissons grands pélagiques, est entachée d’importantes incertitudes. Cependant, les suivis aériens pourraient permettre de fournir un indice d’abondance du thon rouge. Ils sont en effet fréquemment utilisés pour l'évaluation de l'abondance des mammifères marins et aussi par les pêcheurs pour détecter les poissons épipélagiques, comme les thons. Dans ce contexte général, cette thèse a pour objectifs : (i) d'évaluer des facteurs qui affectent potentiellement la détectabilité des thons pendant les suivis aériens, (ii) d’analyser leur comportement horizontal et vertical et les facteurs environnementaux qui l’influencent, et (iii) d’intégrer les connaissances acquises pour développer un indice abondance robuste du thon rouge en Méditerranée Nord Occidentale. Les analyses reposent sur des suivis aériens conduits depuis 2000 dans le golfe du Lion, une zone de nourricerie importante pour le thon rouge. Une modélisation des données basée sur le « distance sampling » montre des effets significatifs des observateurs, de la taille des bancs de thons et de l'état de la mer sur l’estimation d’abondance. Cette étude confirme par ailleurs une augmentation importance des abondances entre 2003 et 2009, probablement en réponse aux mesures de gestion mises en œuvre depuis 2007 (notamment la taille minimale de débarquement de 30 kg). Pour évaluer les effets du comportement sur les estimations d'abondance, une étude a porté sur les trajectoires de thons issues du marquage électronique. Ces analyses montrent une disponibilité des thons rouge ainsi qu’une présence en surface dans la zone et la période (Août-Octobre) des suivis aériens ; résultat confortant la fiabilité de l’indice d’abondance. On note également des changements saisonniers du comportement, avec un approfondissement des thons à partir de mi-Novembre correspondant à la dé-stratification de la colonne d’eau. Le comportement de plongée profonde était particulièrement fréquent pendant les mois de forte productivité biologique (février-Mai), mais des plongées profondes ont également été observées à la fin de l'été en relation avec des fronts thermiques. La variabilité des schémas migratoires sur l’horizontale et du comportement sur la verticale indique une forte composante opportuniste, probablement liée à la disponibilité des ressources alimentaires. Les résultats obtenus durant cette thèse démontrent la faisabilité d’obtenir un indice d’abondance de thon rouge robuste à partir des suivis aériens (donc indépendants des données de pêche) et fournissent un cadre théorique et méthodologique pour une extension de ce type de suivi afin de diminuer les incertitudes autour de l’évaluation de ce stock. Outre le thon rouge, les suivis aériens ont également permis un suivi du rorqual commun (Balaenoptera physalus) et des dauphins rayés (Stenella coeruleoalba). La présence des mammifères marins semble également être liée à la productivité élevée et l'activité méso-échelle de la zone d'étude. Si les dauphins présentent une distribution spatiale en partie corrélée à celle du thon rouge, les rorquals ne présentent pas de forte co-occurrence avec le thon rouge, résultat qui confirmerait une certaine proximité des régimes alimentaires des thons et des dauphinsDeclines in Atlantic bluefin tuna stocks (ABFT, Thunnus thynnus), due to extensive over-fishing, have been widely publicized in recent decades. To counteract this trend, regulatory measures have been introduced by the fisheries managers, aiming at the rebuilding of ABFT stocks. However, apart from difficulties in controlling the implementation of these measures, fisheries management is limited in its capabilities to track their efficiency due to major uncertainties in the stock assessment. Indeed, there is a general need of reliable indicators of ABFT abundance. Aerial surveys may provide a helpful tool for the abundance monitoring of this highly exploited fish species. They are frequently used for the abundance assessment of marine mammals and also by fishermen to detect epipelagic fish, such as tunas. The aim of this thesis was to address these issues and to create a robust fishery-independent abundance index for ABFT through aerial surveys. To achieve this goal, the focus was set on (i) the assessment of factors that potentially affect the detectability of ABFT during the aerial surveys, (ii) the habitat use of ABFT, i.e. their horizontal and vertical behaviour as well as the factors driving it, and (iii) the integration of the knowledge gained through these analyses in the development of a robust index of ABFT abundance. Surveys were conducted from 2000 onwards in the Gulf of Lions, an important nursery ground for ABFT in the Northwestern Mediterranean Sea. Line transect modelling of the sighting data revealed significant effects of detectability changes on abundance estimates, related to the observer teams employed, the size of detected ABFT schools and the sea state during the aerial surveys. Derived estimates of ABFT abundance confirmed a significant increase from 2003 to 2009, likely reflecting the success of recently implemented management measures (e.g. minimum landing size of 30 kg since 2007). To assess behavioural effects on abundance estimates, auxiliary archival tagging experiments, conducted since 2007, focused on the presence and surface availability of ABFT during the aerial surveys, and aimed to identify factors influencing these variables. The data gained from these experiments demonstrated seasonal changes in the migratory behaviour of ABFT, but also a high area and surface presence of ABFT in the study zone during the survey period (August–October), supporting the reliability of the abundance index. Surface presence of ABFT decreased with the breakdown of the thermal stratification of the water column (mid-November), when the fish left the survey zone and moved South. By contrast, deep diving behaviour was particularly frequent during months of high biological productivity (February--May), although deep and unusual long spike dives were also observed during late summer in relation to thermal fronts. However, the variability in the migration patterns indicates a strong opportunistic component in both, the horizontal and vertical behaviour of ABFT, probably related to the availability of food resources. Apart from ABFT, the aerial surveys also allowed an abundance monitoring of fin whales (Balaenoptera physalus) and striped dolphins (Stenella coeruleoalba) as well as an analysis of their co-occurrence with ABFT. In fact, similar to ABFT, the presence of these species appeared to be related to the high productivity and mesoscale activity of the study zone, improving our understanding of their habitat use, essential for the conservation of these much less abundant and endangered species. Regarding the stock assessment of ABFT, the results gained through this thesis prove the feasibility to derive robust fishery independent abundance indicators for ABFT through aerial surveys, providing the theoretical and methodological background for an extension of these efforts for a more sustainable management of the stocks of this species
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Steever, Paul Barton. "Stillbirth the unnoticed death : a study of the felt need among pastors of the Independent Christian Churches in Central Indiana for education in grief initiated by stillbirth /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1986. http://www.tren.com.
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Alderman, Jonathan. "The path to ethnogenesis and autonomy : Kallawaya-consciousness in plurinational Bolivia." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8600.
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This thesis examines the construction of ethnic identity, autonomy and indigenous citizenship in plurinational Bolivia. In 2009, the Kallawayas, an Andean indigenous nation, took advantage of legislation in Bolivia's new constitution to begin a process of legally constituting themselves as autonomous from the state. The objective of Indigenous Autonomy in the constitution is to allow indigenous nations and peoples to govern themselves according to their conceptions of ‘Living Well'. Living well, for the Kallawayas is understood in terms of what it means to be runa, a person living in the ayllu (the traditional Andean community). The Kallawayas are noted as healers, and sickness and health is understood as related to the maintenance of a ritual relationship of reciprocity with others in the ayllu, both living humans and ancestors, remembered in the landscape. Joint ritual relations with the landscape play an important role in joining disparate Kallawaya ayllus with distinct traditions and languages (Aymara, Quechua and the Kallawaya language Macha Jujay are spoken) together as an ethnic group. However, Kallawaya politics has followed the trajectory of national peasant politics in recent decades of splitting into federations divided along class and ethnic lines. The joint ritual practices which traditionally connected the Kallawaya ayllus adapted to reflect this new situation of division between three sections of Kallawaya society. This has meant that the Kallawayas are attempting political autonomy as an ethnic group when they have never been more fractured. This thesis then examines the meaning of autonomy and the Good Life for a politically divided and ethnically diverse indigenous people.
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Movva, Gopichand. "Optimal Sensor Placement for Structural Health Monitoring." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc700010/.
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In large-scale civil structures, a limited number of sensors are placed to monitor the health of civil structures to reduce maintenance, communication and energy costs. In this thesis, the problem of optimal sensor location placement to infer the health of civil structures is explored. First, a comparative study of approaches from the fields of control engineering and civil engineering is conducted . The widely used civil engineering approaches such as effective independence (EI) and modal assurance criterion (MAC) have limitations because of the negligence of modes and damping parameters. On the other hand, control engineering approaches consider the entire system dynamics using impulse response-type sensor measurement data. Such inference can be formulated as an estimation problem, with the dynamics formulated as a second-order differential equation. The comparative study suggests that damping dynamics play significant impact to the selection of best sensor location---the civil engineering approaches that neglect the damping dynamics lead to very different sensor locations from those of the control engineering approaches. In the second part of the thesis, an initial attempt to directly connect the topological graph of the structure (that defines the damping and stiffness matrices) and the second-order dynamics is conducted.
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Korf, Lindie. "D.F. Malan : a political biography." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3991.
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Thesis (DPhil (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.ENGLSIH ABSTRACT: This study is a political biography of D.F. Malan (1874–1959), the first of the apartheid-era Prime Ministers, and covers the years 1874 to 1954, when Malan retired from politics. It endeavours to provide a warts-and-all account of D.F. Malan which challenges prevalent myths and stereotypes surrounding his public persona and his political orientation. While the overwhelming focus is on Malan’s political career, special attention is paid to his personal life in order to paint a multi-faceted picture of his character. The biography is written in the form of a seamless narrative and employs a literary style of writing. It is based on archival research which utilised Malan’s private collection, as well as the private collections of his Nationalist contemporaries. Malan takes the centre stage at all times, as the biography focuses on his perceptions and experiences. Malan’s views regarding Afrikaner nationalism, which was his foremost political priority, are described, and are related to his views of British imperialism as well as other ideologies such as communism and totalitarianism. This study demonstrates that there is a notable link between Malan’s perceptions of race relations and his concerns about the poor white problem. It reveals that Malan’s racial policy was, to some extent, fluid, as were his views on South Africa’s constitutional position. Debates about South Africa’s links to Britain and the nature of the envisioned republic preoccupied Afrikaner nationalists throughout the first half of the twentieth century – and served as an outlet for regional and generational tensions within the movement. Malan’s clashes with nationalists such as Tielman Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog and J.G. Strijdom are highlighted as an indication of the internecine power struggles within the National Party (NP). By emphasising these complexities, this study seeks to contribute to a nuanced understanding of the South African past.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is politieke biografie van D.F. Malan (1874–1959), die eerste van die apartheid-era Eerste Ministers, en dek die jare 1874 tot 1954, toe Malan uit die politiek getree het. Dit poog om onversuikerde beeld van Malan te skets wat heersende mites en stereotipes aangaande sy openbare beeld en sy benadering tot die politiek uitdaag. Die fokus is hoofsaaklik op Malan se politieke loopbaan, maar besondere aandag word aan sy private lewe geskenk om sodoende veelsydige portret van sy karakter te skilder. Die biografie is in die vorm van naatlose narratief geskryf en maak van literêre skryfstyl gebruik. Dit is gebaseer op argivale navorsing, waartydens daar van D.F. Malan se privaat versameling gebruik gemaak is, sowel as die privaat versamelings van sy tydgenote. Malan is ten alle tye die sentrale figuur en die biografie fokus op sy persepsies en ervarings. Malan se denke oor Afrikaner nasionalisme, wat sy vernaamste prioriteit was, word beskryf en in verband gebring met sy opinie van Britse imperialisme, sowel as ander ideologieë soos kommunisme en totalitarisme. Die studie wys op die verband tussen Malan se denke oor rasseverhoudinge en sy besorgdheid oor die armblanke vraagstuk. Dit dui daarop dat Malan se rassebeleid tot sekere mate vloeibaar was. Dit was ook die geval met sy benadering tot Suid-Afrika se konstitusionele posisie. Afrikaner nasionaliste het tydens die eerste helfte van die twintigste eeu baie aandag geskenk aan debatte oor Suid-Afrika se verhouding tot Brittanje en die aard van die voorgenome republiek. Dit was tot mate weerligafleier vir reeds bestaande spanning tussen die onderskeie streke en generasies. Malan se botsings met nasionaliste soos Tielman Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog en J.G. Strijdom word belig as aanduiding van die diepgewortelde magstryd binne die Nasionale Party (NP). Deur op hierdie kompleksiteite klem te lê, poog die studie om bydrae te lewer tot meer genuanseerde begrip van die Suid-Afrikaanse verlede.
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Odari, Catherine. "The Unknown Nationalists: Indian Migration, Integration, and Involvement in the Creation of the Kenyan Republic, 1895-1970." 2017. http://scholarworks.gsu.edu/history_diss/59.
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Studies on African nationalism have focused primarily on the role of indigenous African groups and their leaders in the fight for independence and the attainment of nationhood, often excluding non-indigenous groups. This dissertation focuses on the integral role that Indians played in the freedom struggle in Kenya, from 1895-1970. It analyzes the ways in which Indian groups in this East African British colony participated and contributed to the emergent anti-colonial struggle at different points in the colonial period. The study interrogates how African nationalism is conceptualized in scholarship. Traditionally, African nationalism has been cast solely as Black resistance against European colonialism. Thus, the inclusion of a diverse cast of stakeholders from the Indian sub-continent in this study of the anti-colonial movement in Kenya shifts our understanding of the nature and course of the nation-building project. Methodologically, this understanding of the role of diaspora communities in nation-building can be replicated in other independent countries in Africa and elsewhere in the Global South, where the history and contributions of non-indigenous or immigrant populations to the attainment of independence and the construction of (civic) national identity has been understudied. Thus, a focus on the critical role played by Indians in Kenya’s independence, expands our understanding of how ethnic minorities and immigrants have impacted notions of history, citizenship and identity in their host countries. The study analyzed multi-archival materials that were collected in Kenya, Britain, and the United States.
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Nadadur, Raghunandan Gopalaswami. "Poverty alleviation strategies in India, since independence." Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2009/2937.
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Ramanath, Sumathi. "Late Victorian and post-independence historiography of early nineteenth-century British reforms in India /." 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1597619701&sid=5&Fmt=2&clientId=10361&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Jain, Sanyogita. "India"s foreign policy - A study of Indo-nepal relations after independence." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2009/1075.
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Basu, Rhituparna. "The Revolutionaries." 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/19976.
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This report outlines the creation of my thesis project “The Revolutionaries: An Untold History of Freedom” from concept to completed film. The Revolutionary Movement was an underground militant movement in pre-independent India which sought to overthrow the British government by force. The film interleaves the interview of an elderly ex-Revolutionary with a high-level history of this mostly-forgotten underground movement.text
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Gupta, Vijaya. "Growth and development of children's literature in Hindi published in independent India." Thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2009/3199.
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Tirkey, Lalit Premlal. "Tea plantations in the Darjeeling District, India : geo-ecological and socio-economic impacts in post-independence period." 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/20213.
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Longchar, Meyatoshi, and Meyatoshi Longchar. "The Association between Independent Directorsand Board Diversity and the Mandated CSRExpenditures: Evidence from India." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/9f977a.
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碩士長榮大學
國際企業學系碩士班
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This study examines whether the mandated Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) expenditures of activities under the Companies’ Act, 2013 of India are associated with the effectiveness of independent directors on the board, gender diversity, audit and CSR committee. This study uses the top 100 firms in the NSE of India, during the period 2014 to 2016. The results indicate that gender diversity significantly impact on the level of a firm’s CSR expenditure. However, the results show no evidence to support that independent directors on board, audit committee, and CSR committees significantly influenced the level of a firm’s CSR expenditure. Moreover, this study provides evidence that there is a positive association between the proportion of independent directors on the audit committee and the percentage of CSR spending on environmental sustainability. The results are robust after controlling firms leverage, growth, return of assets, size, age, foreign sales, year, and industry. Finally, this study finds that firms with higher proportion of independent directors on board significantly impact the level of CSR expenditure on CSR activity of government projects. The possible explanation maybe related to the high proportion of independent directors on the board are former government officer.