Journal articles on the topic 'Indian Defense Association'

Indigenous Peoples of North America is included in the Gale Primary Sources series and is in two parts. This database, The Indian Rights Association, 1882‐1986, is the second of the two. The Indian Rights Association (IRA) is the first organization to address American Indian rights and interests, and this collection includes its organizational records; incoming and outgoing correspondence; annual reports; draft legislation; photographs; administrative files; pamphlets, publications, and other print materials (including documents from the Council on Indian Affairs and other American Indian organizations); and manuscripts and research notes on Indian traditions, both social and cultural. Founded in 1882 by White philanthropists, the IRA's initial approach to American Indians was both assimilationist and paternalistic, leading it to advocate for the detribalization of America's Indigenous peoples, maintaining it would improve their social and economic status. Nevertheless, it was one of the first organizations to report on and expose the corruption of federal government officials tasked with working with and for American Indians. Eventually, the IRA would discard assimilationism and work with other, newer, occasionally Indian-run organizations such as the Association on American Indian Affairs, the Society of American Indians, and the National Indian Defense Association. The IRA sought to debunk misconceptions and half-truths about American Indians and their condition in the United States, which were too often the basis for policy and legislation related to Native Americans. It also sent association representatives to Indian reservations to make note of local conditions there, not only to evaluate the actions of the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) but also to provide background information for legislation related to Indigenous peoples.This database's search functions often produce results relevant to the query submitted, and both its search and browse functions can be navigated with relative ease. This database can be subscribed to or purchased with an annual hosting fee. The purchase price, based on a variety of factors, can start as low as $2,796 for public libraries or $3,994 for academic libraries, with starting annual hosting fees of $22 and $32, respectively. Whether institutions find this pricing reasonable depends on their need for the materials covered by the Indigenous Peoples of North America collection. The licensing agreement for this database is too long and detailed but standard in its composition and therefore is of no concern.

ABSTRACT: Hypertension has multifactorial background and is a life style related disorder. Arterial hypertension is one of the most common types of hypertension and associated to oxidative stress known to be implicated in its pathogenesis. Glutathione S-transferases (GSTs) are phase II detoxification enzymes that play an important role in cellular defense against oxidative. GSTT1 and GSTM1 gene polymorphisms are reported to be associated with arterial hypertension in several populations and ethnic groups. GSTM1and GSTT1null genotype results in the impaired enzyme activity and consequently greater vulnerability towards various diseases such as cancer. The present study has been done to assess whether GSTT1 and GSTM1 null genotypes are associated with arterial hypertension among North Indian population. We have enrolled 99 arterial hypertension patients and 99 age and sex matched control individuals. Genotyping of GSTM1 and GSTT1 was done by multiplex PCR. We found that GSTM1 null genotype may have risk for hypertension (OR 1.75, CI 0.93-3.2), while for GSTT1 null genotypes shows protection toward hypertension (OR 0.254, CI-0.113-0.57). GSTM1 null genotypes serve as potential genetic factor and may be an independent risk factor for development of hypertension whereas GSTT1 null may have role in protection against hypertension in North Indian populations.

<p>Indonesian government concerned to determine the future of the Pacific and Indian Ocean Region through new vision as the world maritime fulcrum. Significant growth in Indian Ocean region urges a cooperation approach between littoral countries located around the Indian Ocean and lead the establishment of Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA). The cooperation will lead to the accomplishment of the Indonesia’s national interests. On the other side, the potential trade volume in the Indian Ocean region cannot be reached because of limited maritime infrastructure that facilitates the current trade. IORA should develop a master plan or blueprint on connectivity that will provide the infrastructure development agenda with the Public-Private Partnership to accelerate the infrastructure development. By this situation, the development of maritime infrastructure can be a double advantage for Indonesia because it will connect APEC and IORA. The important things to consider in terms of security is a potential threat both to security and defense if the government decided to open and build a deep seaport in Western Sumatera and Java Island.It is important to evaluate the potential threats and challenges if Indonesia wants to be a fulcrum of world maritime activity.</p>

The geopolitical standpoint of India’s foreign policy has focused on soft power dynamics, cultural rejuvenation, and political connection with the diaspora. With the intent to pursue a good neighborhood policy, to promote regional economic cooperation and to revitalize the essence of regionalism India articulated a liberal foreign policy perspective under the guidance of Inder Kumar Gujral during his tenure as Foreign Minister and Prime Minister in 1996-98. The approach gained considerable acceptability and relevance among Gujral successors. Both Vajpayee of the Bharatiya Janata Party, or BJP and Manmohan Singh of the Congress Party supported the rationale of the so-called Gujral Doctrine. As the Indian economy began to accelerate, the pursuit of integrating the region received a pragmatic dimension. Regional institutions like the ASEAN (Association of South -East Asian Nations) play a pivotal role in facilitating the development of regional identity in the world’s most economically vibrant region. It was apprehended that incompetence on part of India to cultivate relations with its neighbors would lead to further Chinese penetration to the zone of India’s natural hinterland and traditionally an exclusive sphere of influence. India’s apprehensions about Chinese ingress were so strong that New Delhi actively worked to include Western powers into an observer role in the regional forum of SAARC, when Pakistan and Bangladesh urged for a more formal Chinese role in the subcontinent. The Indian foreign policy establishment emphasized the attributes of building a peaceful periphery rendering greater access to the Indian market through unilateral economic concessions if necessary, and focused on the Indian relevance to make its neighbors feel amicable in their collaboration with India with a view to strengthen India’s strategic links with the neighbors rather than merely protesting to their defense ties with Beijing. This study aims to focus on the relevance of India-ASEAN collaboration in addressing to the strategic realities of the Indo-Pacific region.

Background. Chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) is a devastating condition with limited pharmacotherapeutic options and exceptionally high public-health burden globally as well as in India. Tobacco smoking is the primary cause for COPD among men in India. Systemic inflammation involving altered regulation of cytokines controlling the host defense mechanism is a hallmark of COPD pathogenesis. However, biomarker discovery studies are limited among Indian COPD patients. Methods. We assessed the serum concentrations [median (25th-75th percentile) pg/ml] of interleukin (IL)-2,4,6,8,10, granulocyte macrophage colony stimulating factor (GM-CSF), interferon gamma (IFN-γ), and tumor necrosis factor alpha (TNF-α) using a multiplexed immunoassay. Our study cohort consisted of 30 tobacco smokers with COPD (TS COPD) and 20 tobacco smokers without COPD (TS CONTROL) from South India. The study population was matched for age, sex (male), and tobacco consumption (pack-years). COPD was diagnosed according to the global initiative for chronic obstructive lung disease (GOLD) criteria of persistent airflow obstruction determined by the ratio of postbronchodilator forced expiratory volume in 1 second/forced vital capacity (FEV1/FVC) of <0.7. A validated structured questionnaire-based survey [Burden of Obstructive Lung Disease (BOLD) study] and spirometry were performed during house to house visit of the field study. Statistical analysis included nonparametric (two-tailed) Mann–Whitney U and Spearman rank test, as appropriate (significance: p<0.05). Results. Serum GM-CSF [69.64 (46.67, 97.48); 36.78 (30.07, 53.88), p=0.014], IFN-γ [51.06 (17.00, 84.86); 11.70 (3.18, 32.81), p=0.017], IL-4 [9.09 (1.8, 19.9); 1.8 (1.8, 4.46); p=0.024], and TNF-α [20.68 (5.5, 29.26); 3.5 (3.5, 4.5); p<0.001] concentrations (pg/ml) were increased in TS COPD subjects compared to TS CONTROL. A weak correlation between lung function parameters and cytokine concentrations was detected. Conclusion. Our pilot study reveals GM-CSF, IFN-γ, IL-4, and TNF-α as plausible COPD susceptibility biomarkers within the investigated South Indian population that needs to be validated in a larger cohort.

Indonesia is undergoing transition and soon, a new president will be inaugurated. The new president brings promises of new foreign and defence policy for Indonesia, building upon Indonesia’s prior principles and putting renewed consideration on Indonesia’s geopolitical position in the Indo-Pacific. This paper examines the “maritime axis”, the concept coined by President Joko Widodo and the possible changes in Indonesian foreign and defence policy required as to achieve the maritime axis. In foreign policy, Indonesia is expected to contribute more to the Indian Ocean Rim Association while maintaining its ASEAN centrality. In defence, there is a significant change in Indonesia’s defence outlook from land-based to maritime-based. Also, Indonesia looks towards India as a security partner in securing the Indian Ocean.

Contemporary research adopts an evolutionary theoretical perspective in which bullying is strategic behavior that is conducive to peer-group status enhancement. Within this view, a high social status (i.e., popularity) has been associated with bullying others, while a high affiliative status (i.e., preference) has been associated with defending others. This study investigated whether the associations between adolescents’ bullying role behavior (i.e., bully, follower, defender, outsider, and victim) and their peer-group status (i.e., popularity and preference) are cross-culturally similar. A multigroup path modeling analysis on a sample of Dutch ( n = 219; 53.4% boys; Mage = 13.8 years, SD = 9 months) and Indian ( n = 480; 60.8% boys; Mage = 13.8 years, SD = 12 months) adolescents suggested that these associations were indeed largely cross-culturally similar and consistent with previous findings, with one exception. While defending was associated with a relatively average popularity status position for Dutch adolescents, it was associated with a high popularity status position for Indian adolescents. In general, the findings are supportive of the evolutionary theoretical perspective, but the differential association between defending and popularity for Dutch and Indian adolescents seems to also require a cultural perspective.

The article delineates the diplomatic relations between Ukraine and the Republic of India based on a high level of trust and mutual understanding, being friendly and collaborating. Recently, two countries have been able to build a solid base for the development of economic cooperation, trade and scientific relations, using the Soviet-era cooperation traditions and a certain unity of approaches to understanding of the modern world. At the same time, analysts and indologists point out the lack of attention to Ukrainian-Indian relations by Ukrainian authorities and underestimation of real opportunities and prospects for cooperation. The level of political dialogue is not in line with the potential of these relationships either. The overall image of Ukraine has been significantly improved by Ukraine’s persuasive defence of its national interests, victory in international legal instances, in particular the recognition of the aggressive actions of the Russian Federation in the east of Ukraine as well as the entry into force of the Association Agreement with the European Union that has led to a revival of interest from Indian partners. The next task for Ukrainian politicians and experts is to explain the strategic importance for Ukraine of the Association Agreement with the EU, the prospects for its implementation, and the absence of negative consequences for cooperation with Asian countries. The author emphasises that Ukraine does not make full use of this area of its foreign policy, therefore losing opportunities for advancing and protecting its national interests in this important region. Keywords: the Republic of India, Ukraine, EU, association, Ukrainian-Indian relations.

Abstract Natural killer (NK) cells are immune cells involved in the defense against cancer. They have also been shown to induce strong anti-tumor responses in the setting of hematopoietic stem cell transplantation and in early clinical trials on adoptive NK cell transfer. Several methods to expand large numbers of clinical-grade NK cells have been developed for trials exploring adoptive NK cell immunotherapy for cancer. However, long-term culturing of NK cells often lead to undesirable phenotypic changes that may compromise their homing capacity and cytotoxic function, and can also lead to senescence compromising in vivo longevity. Introducing genes into NK cells that improve their in vivo viability, cytotoxicity, and ability to home to disease sites could improve the efficacy of NK cell-based immunotherapy. Previously, we and others have shown that genetic manipulation of NK cells through viral transduction is challenging, typically resulting in substantial reduction in NK cell viability and low transduction efficiency. mRNA transfection is an alternative strategy to genetically modify ex vivo expanded NK cells that may overcome limitations of viral transduction. Here we present data characterizing the transgene expression, viability, proliferative capacity, phenotype and cytotoxic function of clinical-grade ex vivo expanded human NK cells following mRNA electroporation using the GMP compliant MaxCyte system. Using unmodified mRNA coding for GFP and the cell surface marker CD34, we established that this technology resulted in rapid and highly efficient protein expression in NK cells without compromising their viability and cytotoxic function (Figure). NK cells electroporated with GFP mRNA rapidly became GFP positive and remained fluorescent for more than two weeks. Following transfection of CD34 mRNA, nearly 100% of NK cells expressed CD34 that remained detectable on the cell surface for up to five days, without affecting viability amongst transfected cells. With the exception of a slight reduction in proliferative capacity compared to controls, no negative impacts of mRNA electroporation using the MaxCyte platform were observed. Transfection of expanded NK cells did not alter expression of twenty cellular markers as assessed by flow cytometry, including activating and inhibitory NK cell receptors and death receptor ligands such as TRAIL. Further, electroporated NK cells maintained high cytotoxic function against K562 cells and multiple myeloma cells (Figure). In conclusion, mRNA electroporation of ex vivo expanded NK cells using the clinical-grade MaxCyte transfection system is highly efficient and opens numerous new possibilities to advancethe field of NK cell-based cancer immunotherapy. Figure 1 Figure 1. Disclosures Li: MaxCyte Inc.: Employment, Patents & Royalties. Peshwa:MaxCyte Inc.: Employment, Patents & Royalties; Indian Biomedical Association: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Epidarex Capital: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; BioMetrx LLC: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees.

W. E. B. Du Bois, the editor of the Crisis, a journal of the ‘darker races’ that was the organ of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, was among the earliest African American intellectuals to take a strong interest in Gandhi. However, the African American press, represented by newspapers such as the Pittsburgh Courier and the Chicago Defender, was as a whole prolific in its representation of the Indian Independence movement. This article, after a detailed consideration of Du Bois’s advocacy of Gandhi’s ideas, analyses the worldview of the African American press and its outlook towards the movement in India. It is argued that a more ecumenical conception of the ‘Global South’ ought to be sensitive to African American history, and I suggest that African American newspapers played a critical role in shaping notions of the solidarity of coloured peoples, pivoting their arguments around the Indian Independence movement and particularly the satyagraha campaigns of Gandhi.

Gagging is a normal protective defence mechanism of our body that prevents entry of foreign bodies into the airway, which can create undue havoc during dental treatment especially in children. The present study aims to assess the prevalence of gagging and any of its existing association with dental fear and anxiety in children prior to dental treatment. A cross-sectional pilot study design was conducted in South Indian children (age group: 3-10 years) having no history of underlying psychological and systemic ailment. Different assessment scales of gagging (Gagging Assessment Scale [GAS], Shorter Objective Form of Gagging Problem Assessment [GPA-SF]/OGPA), dental fear (Children’s Fear Survey Schedule Dental Subscale [CFSS-DS]) and anxiety (Modified Dental Anxiety Scale- Faces [MDASF]) were administered to evaluate their response prior to the treatment. Younger children specifically females demonstrated severity of gagging reflex, which was directly correlated to their higher perception of dental fear and anxiety. However, no conclusive evidence of an association between gagging, dental fear and anxiety was ascertained. Prior knowledge of the gagging problem in children can help clinicians to effectively modify the treatment modalities for successful outcomes, while GAS could be a reliable tool for assessing its severity in children prior to dental treatment.

Prevention of cancer through nutritional intervention has gained significant recognition in recent years. Evidence revealed from mechanistic investigations coupled with molecular epidemiology show an inverse association of dietary flavonoids intake with cancer risk. The chemopreventive and anticarcinogenic potential of Selaginella bryopteris, a traditional Indian herb referred to as ‘Sanjeevani’ in the Ayurvedic system of medicine, was examined in the present study. Comprehensive in vitro and in vivo studies were conducted on the flavonoid-rich benzene fraction of the aqueous extract that demonstrated a significant cytoprotective activity. Biomarkers of chemoprevention such as proliferative index and status of cell-cycle regulatory proteins, antioxidant property, anti-inflammatory effect, reversal of stress-induced senescence and genoprotective effect were investigated in human and murine cell cultures. Chemopreventive potential was assessed in benzopyrene-induced lung carcinogenesis and 7,12-dimethyl benz(a)anthracene-mediated skin papillomagenesis test models. Inhibition of DNA fragmentation, unperturbed cell-cycle regulation, maintenance of intracellular antioxidant defence, anti-inflammatory activity, prevention of stress-induced senescence and genoprotective effects against methyl isocyanate carcinogenicity was observed. Medium-term anticarcinogenicity and two-stage skin papillomagenesis tests strongly substantiated our in vitro observations. Results from the present study provide evidence of anticarcinogenic and chemopreventive activities of S. bryopteris hitherto unreported and reaffirm the nutritional significance of flavonoids in cancer prevention.

Aim: Epoxide hydrolase is involved in oxidative defenses and is responsible for the activation of carcinogens. The relationship between EPHX1 polymorphisms (Tyr113His and His139Arg) and overall survival (OS) and lung cancer (LC) risk was investigated. Methods: The study comprised 550 cases and 550 controls. Genotyping and statistical analysis were applied. Results: The variant genotypes of EPHX1 polymorphisms exhibited no association with LC risk. The Tyr113His polymorphism exhibited twofold increased odds of lymph node invasion (p = 0.04). The Tyr/His genotype is a risk factor for smokers. Subjects carrying the combined genotype for His139Arg showed better median survival time (MST) and the heterozygous genotype revealed better MST in the case of small-cell lung cancer (SCLC; 11.30 vs 6.73 months; log-rank test: p = 0.02). The heterozygous genotype (His139Arg) had longer MST in patients receiving cisplatin/carboplatin and irinotecan (11.30 vs 7.23; log-rank test: p = 0.007) Conclusion: The Tyr113His polymorphism is associated with LC risk in smokers and is a potential prognostic factor for OS in patients with SCLC after irinotecan.

Background: The incidence of coronary artery disease (CAD) has risen considerably in developing world due to industrialization, urbanisation and lifestyle changes, especially among Indians and South Asians. The onset of CAD has been seen to occur at an early age and the severity of the disease and mortality associated with CAD has also increased. The pathology of atherosclerosis needs to be re-evaluated to develop targeted therapy which can contain the disease process at the earliest stage. Aims and Objectives: Most of the morphological studies on atherosclerosis have been done on autopsy cases. In this study, we have analysed the morphological spectrum of atherosclerotic lesions in live patients. Materials and Methods: We retrospectively analysed the histopathology slides of 85 cases whose endarterectomy plaques were received in the Department of Pathology over a period of three and half years (January 2014 to June 2017) and classified the lesions according to Modified American Heart Association classification of atherosclerosis. Results: The average age of patients was 60 years and male to female ratio of 4.3:1. Left anterior descending artery was the commonest vessel involved (52.4%). Majority of the cases had fibrocalcific plaques,followed by fibrous cap atheroma and calcified nodules. Conclusion: Coronary artery plaques were found even in patients less than 40 years old. Aggressive lipid defense therapy needs to be the cornerstone of management of CAD.

AbstractThe article examines the history of the violent 1955 Perfect Circle strike to join the growing body of labor history scholarship that rejects the existence of a postwar “labor-management accord.” Contrary to previous depictions of a postwar “class peace,” the small-town industrial Midwest stood as a key battleground between unionized workers and competitive-sector employers such as the Indiana-based Perfect Circle Corporation, a small, family-owned manufacturer, a model welfare capitalist firm, and one of the nation's leading automotive parts producers. Driven by their desire to hold down labor costs and their own antistatist ideology, Perfect Circle's owners had opposed the New Deal and, by the late 1930s, had shed their previous provincialism to join the national political coalition of business conservatives in the National Association of Manufacturers to secure the passage of the Taft-Hartley Act in 1947. During the Cold War era, even while they were extending their political reach and expanding their operations overseas, Perfect Circle's owners sought to forge labor-management unity by promoting a quaint vision of “heartland consensus,” a conservative civic identity that management was convinced would render unions unnecessary. As with many business conservatives, Perfect Circle owners tried to rid their plants of unions by tapping into an interlocking network of well-financed right-wing policy groups to mount an extensive employee educational program and public relations campaign in defense of “free enterprise.” Despite Perfect Circle's vigorous efforts to undercut unionization, by 1953 the majority of workers at all four of its east-central Indiana plants voted to affiliate with the United Auto Workers (UAW). Conflict between labor and management culminated in the violent 1955 strike, in which Perfect Circle handed the UAW a decisive defeat while enjoying widespread support from the regional and national press. The strike became a conservative cause célèbre during the 1957 national “right-to-work” campaign and a centerpiece of the Senate's 1958 McClellan “Labor Rackets” hearings, which launched Barry Goldwater's bid for the 1964 presidency. The article concludes that Perfect Circle and many other employers not only continued to contest unions in the 1950s but also played a neglected but important role in the formation of the New Right.

Two scientific methodical approaches are singled out to research military economics: as a constituent part of military business which provides for the defence (military) potential of the state, and as a science which studies regularities of economic provision for military business in the state (defence, building, maintenance of armed forces, etc.). It is to be noted out that the competition at the world market of weapons takes place mainly between the USA, Russia, Germany, China and France, the share of which constitutes 74% of military production export. Within the framework of researching military economics are singled out branches manufacturing planes-fighters and production for cosmic sphere. Advantages were shown of planes-fighters of the fifth generation of the USA F-22, F-22 and F-35 Lightning 11 (project is financed by the USA together with Italy, the Netherlands, Australia, Canada, Turkey, Norway and Denmark) over Rus-sian-Indian project T-50 and Chinese Chengdu J-20 and J-31. The evaluation is made that leading countries are able by 2030 to build planes-fighters of the sixth generation. The opinion is expressed that the geopolitical position of Ukraine and, in particular, the aggression and annexation of Crimea by Russia make a priority of restoring the fighting capability of the military aviation of Ukraine and of increasing the level of its combat power. It is stressed that for this purpose it is necessary to systematically and rather rapidly substitute the Soviet-Russian aviation technology for American one. The possible ways for equipping armed forces of Ukraine with new planes-fighters are determined the following: their development and manufacture in cooperation with other countries or the organization of licensed manufacturing, import, rent or lease of present-day fighting planes of foreign make. Taking into account that Ukraine enters the club of cosmic states and through the lacking finances it at present is unable to compete on equal terms in manufacturing aerocosmic technology it is suggested to re-orient the economic policy of the country at integrating into European cosmic branch. It is pointed out that for this purpose it is necessary to load the capacities of the State enterprise «Production association «Southern machine building plant named after O.M.Makarov» and designing bureau «Pivdenne». It is recommended to develop the cooperation of Ukraine in manufacturing rocket-carriers «Zenith» for projects «Sea start» and «Land start» and the cooperation with American companies (Orbital ATK - RH «Antares») and European (AVIO, Italy - PH «Vega»); to implement ambitious Ukrainian-Brazilian project «Cyclone-4». It is made more precise that Ukraine may propose to partners the cooperation in continuing the development of multifunctional rocket operative- tactical complex «Sapsan».

The aim of the present study was to evaluate the protective effects of linseed oil on lipid peroxidation, antioxidative capacity, as well as serum glucose, total cholesterol (TC), LDL-C and TG levels, in cafeteria-diet-fed dams during gestation and lactation, and in their offspring throughout adulthood. Food and energy intakes were also evaluated. The cafeteria diet led to higher energy intake, body weight, hyperglycemia and hyperlipidemia (higher TC, LDL-C and TG) in dams’ rats and their pups. Plasma vitamin C, Erythrocyte GSH levels and catalase activity were lower, whereas plasma diene conjugates (DC), Malondialdehyde and protein carbonyl levels (PC) in plasma and erythrocytes were higher in cafeteria-diet-fed mothers and their pups compared to controls. 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Maternal Body Mass Index and Gestational WeightGain and Their Association with Pregnancy Complications and Perinatal Conditions.International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health,16 (10), 1751.Song, J.H., Fujimoto, K., & Miyazawa, T. (2000). Polyunsaturated (n-3) Fatty AcidsSusceptible to Peroxidation Are Increased in Plasma and Tissue Lipids of Rats FedDocosahexaenoic Acid Containing Oils. Journal of Nutrition, 130, 3028–3033.Tang, Z., Ying, R.F., Lv, B.F., Yang, L.H., Xu, Z., Yan, L.Q ., Bu, J.Z., & Wei, Y.S. (2021).Flaxseed oil: Extraction, Health benefits and products. Quality Assurance and Safety ofCrops & Foods, 13(1), 1-19.Tran, B., Oliver, S., Rosa, J., & Galassetti, P. (2012). Aspects of inflammation and oxidativestress in pediatric obesity and type 1 diabetes: An overview of ten years of studies.Experimental Diabetes Research, 683–680.Vincent, H.K., & Taylor, A.G. (2006). Biomarkers and potential mechanisms of obesityinduced oxidant stress in humans. 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Full TextThe first law enacted in Canada to protect existing Aboriginal rights was section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982.2 The first law in Canada to recognize the rights of non-human animals as anything other than property has yet to be enacted. The first Supreme Court of Canada (hereafter referred to as the Court) case to interpret section 35 was R. v. Sparrow.3 The 1990 case confirmed an Aboriginal right of the Musqueam peoples of British Columbia to fish for food, social and ceremonial purposes. Since this precedent-setting case, many similar claims have been brought before the courts by way of the fluctuating legal space created by s.35. Many of these cases have been about establishing rights to fish4, hunt5, and trap non-human animals (hereafter referred to as animals). The Court has developed, and continues to develop tests to determine the existence and scope of Aboriginal rights. These tests primarily embody cultural, political and, to a surprisingly lesser degree, legal forces. One of the principal problems with these tests is that they privilege, through the western philosophical lens, the interests of humans. Animals are, at best, the resources over which ownership is being contested. The Euro-centric legal conceptualization of animals as 'resources' over which ownership can be exerted is problematic for at least two reasons. First, the relegation of animals solely to a utilitarian role is antithetical to Indigenous-animal relationships and therefore demonstrates one of the fundamental ways the Canadian legal system is ill equipped to give adequate consideration to Indigenous law. Second, failure to consider animals' inherent value and agency in this context reproduces the human-animal and culture-nature binaries that are at the root of many of western Euro-centric society's inequities. This paper argues that Aboriginal peoples' relationships with animals are a necessary, integral and distinctive part of their cultures6 and, therefore, these relationships and the actors within them are entitled to the aegis of s.35. Through the legal protection of these relationships, animals will gain significant protection as a corollary benefit. If the Court were to protect the cultural relationships between animals and Aboriginal groups, a precondition would be acceptance of Indigenous legal systems. Thus, this paper gives a brief answer to the question, what are Indigenous legal systems and why are animals integral to them? The Anishinabe (also known Ojibwe or Chippewa) are Indigenous peoples who have historically lived in the Great Lakes region. The Bruce Peninsula on Lake Huron is home to the Cape Croker Indian Reserve, where the Chippewas of Nawash First Nation live. The people of this First Nation identify as Anishinabe. The Anishinabek case of Nanabush v. Deer is a law among these people and is used throughout the paper as an example of Indigenous-animal relationships. Making the significant assumption that s.35 has the capacity to recognize Indigenous law, the subsequent section of the paper asks why we should protect these relationships and how that protection should be achieved. Finally, the paper concludes that both the ability of s.35 to recognize Indigenous-animal relationships, and the judicial and political will to grant such recognition, are unlikely. Indigenous-animal relationships are integral to the distinctive culture of the Anishinabek, however the courts would be hesitant to allow such an uncertain and potentially far-reaching right. This is not surprising given that such a claim by both Indigenous and animal groups would challenge the foundations upon which the Canadian legal system is based. There are many sensitive issues inherent in this topic. It should be noted the author is not of Indigenous ancestry, but is making every effort to learn about and respect the Indigenous legal systems discussed. While this paper focuses on a number of Anishinabek laws; it is neither a complete analysis of these practices, nor one that can be transferred, without adaptation, to other peoples. Finally, Indigenous peoples and animal rights and Indigenous law scholars, such as Tom Regan and Mary Ellen Turpel-Lafond, respectively, may insist on an abolitionist approach to animal 'use' or reject the legitimacy of s.35 itself.7 These perspectives are worthy and necessary. This paper positions itself amongst these and other sources in order to reflect upon the timely and important issue of the legal status of Indigenous-animal relationships. I:WHAT ARE INDIGENOUS LEGAL SYSTEMS? The Law Commission of Canada defines a legal tradition as “a set of deeply rooted, historically conditioned attitudes about the nature of law, the role of law in the society and the polity, the proper organization and operation of a legal system, and the way law is or should be made, applied, studied, perfected and taught.”8 Indigenous legal traditions fit this description. They are living systems of beliefs and practices, and have been recognized as such by the courts.9 Indigenous practices developed into systems of law that have guided communities in their governance, and in their relationships amongst their own and other cultures and with the Earth.10 These laws have developed through stories, historical events that may be viewed as ‘cases,’ and other lived experiences. Indigenous laws are generally non-prescriptive, non-adversarial and non-punitive and aim to promote respect and consensus, as well as close connection with the land, the Creator, and the community. Indigenous laws are a means through which vital knowledge of social order within the community is transmitted, revived and retained. After European ‘settlement’ the influence of Indigenous laws waned. This was due in part to the state’s policies of assimilation, relocation and enfranchisement. 11 Despite these assaults, Indigenous legal systems have persevered; they continue to provide guidance to many communities, and are being revived and re-learned in others. For example, the Nisga’a’s legal code, Ayuuk, guides their communities and strongly informs legislation enacted under the Nisga’a Final Agreement, the first modern treaty in British Columbia.12 The land and jurisdiction claims of the Wet’suwet’en and Gitxsan Nations ultimately resulted in the Court’s decision in Delgamuukw,13 a landmark case that established the existence of Aboriginal title. The (overturned) BC Supreme Court’s statement in Delgamuukw14 reveals two of the many challenges in demonstrating the validity of Indigenous laws: “what the Gitxsan and Wet’suwet’en witnesses[es] describe as law is really a most uncertain and highly flexible set of customs which are frequently not followed by the Indians [sic] themselves.” The first challenge is that many laws are not in full practice, and therefore not as visible as they could be and once were. What the courts fail to acknowledge, however, is that the ongoing colonial project has served to stifle, extinguish and alter these laws. The second challenge is that the kind of law held and practiced by Indigenous peoples is quite foreign to most non-Indigenous people. Many Indigenous laws have animals as central figures. In Anishinabek traditional law, often the animals are the lawmakers15: they develop the legal principles and have agency as law givers. For instance, the Anishinabek case Nanabush v. Deer, Wolf , as outlined by Burrows, is imbued with legal principles, lessons on conduct and community governance, as well as ‘offenses’ and penalties. It is not a case that was adjudicated by an appointed judge in a courtroom, but rather one that has developed over time as a result of peoples’ relationships with the Earth and its inhabitants. An abbreviated summary of the case hints at these legal lessons: Nanabush plays a trick on a deer and deliberately puts the deer in a vulnerable position. In that moment of vulnerability, Nanabush kills the deer and then roasts its body for dinner. While he is sleeping and waiting for the deer to be cooked, the Wolf people come by and take the deer. Nanabush wakes up hungry, and out of desperation transforms into a snake and eats the brains out of the deer head. Once full, he is stuck inside the head and transforms back into his original shape, but with the deer head still stuck on. He is then chased and nearly killed by hunters who mistake him for a real deer. This case is set within the legal context of the Anishinabek’s treaty with deer. In signing the treaty, the people were reminded to respect beings in life and death and that gifts come when beings respect each other in interrelationships.16 Nanabush violated the rights of the deer and his peoples’ treaty with the deer. He violated the laws by taking things through trickery, and by causing harm to those he owed respect. Because his actions were not in accordance with Anishinabek legal principles, he was punished: Nanabush lost the thing he was so desperately searching for, and he ended up nearly being killed. This case establishes two lessons. The first is that, like statutory and common law, with which Canadians are familiar, Indigenous law does not exist in isolation. Principles are devised based on multiple teachings, pre- vious rules and the application of these rules to facts. That there are myriad sources of Indigenous law suggests that the learning of Indigenous law would require substantial effort on the part of Canadian law-makers.17 The second is that animals hold an important place in Indigenous law, and those relationships with animals – and the whole ‘natural’ world – strongly inform the way they relate to the Earth. II: CAN CANADIAN LAW ACCEPT INDIGENOUS LEGAL SYSTEMS? If there were a right recognized under s.35 concerning the Indigenous-animal relationship, what would it look like? Courts develop legal tests to which the facts of each case are applied, theoretically creating a degree of predictability as to how a matter will be judged. Introduced in Sparrow, and more fully developed in Van der Peet, a ‘test’ for how to assess a valid Aboriginal right has been set out by the Court. Summarized, the test is: “in order to be an Aboriginal right an activity must be an element of a practice, custom or tradition integral to the distinctive culture of the Aboriginal group claiming the right.”18 There are ten, differently weighted factors that a court will consider in making this assessment. The right being ‘tested’ in this discussion is the one exemplified in Nanabush v. Deer: the ability of Indigenous peoples to recognize and practice their laws, which govern relationships, including death, with deer and other animals. The courts have agreed that a generous, large and liberal construction should be given to Indigenous rights in order to give full effect to the constitutional recognition of the distinctiveness of Aboriginal culture. Still, it is the courts that hold the power to define rights as they conceive them best aligning with Canadian society19; this is one way that the Canadian state reproduces its systems of power over Indigenous peoples.20 The application of the Aboriginal right exemplified in Nanbush v. Deer to the Sparrow and Van der Peet tests would likely conclude that the Anishinabek do have an integral and distinctive relationship with animals. However, due to the significant discretion of the Court on a number of very subjective and politically sensitive factors, it is uncertain that the Nanabush v. Deer case would ‘pass’ Van der Peet’s required ten factors.21 This is indicative of the structural restraints that s.35 imposes. 22 The questions it asks impair its ability to capture and respect the interrelationships inherent in Indigenous peoples’ interactions with animals. For example, the Court will characterize hunting or fishing as solely subsistence, perhaps with a cultural element. Shin Imai contends these activities mean much more: “To many…subsistence is a means of reaffirming Aboriginal identity by passing on traditional knowledge to future generations. Subsistence in this sense moves beyond mere economics, encompassing the cultural, social and spiritual aspects for the communities.”23 Scholar Kent McNeil concludes that: “regardless of the strengths of legal arguments in favour of Indigenous peoples, there are limits to how far the courts […] are willing to go to correct the injustices caused by colonialism and dispossession.”24 It is often not the legal principles that determine outcomes, but rather the extent to which Indigenous rights can be reconciled with the history of settlement without disturbing the current economic and political structure of the dominant culture. III:WHY PROTECT THE ANIMAL-INDIGENOUS RELATIONSHIP? Legally protecting animal-Indigenous relationships offers symbiotic, mutually respectful benefits for animals and for the scope of Aboriginal rights that can be practiced. For instance, a protected relationship would have indirect benefits for animals’ habitat and right to life: it would necessitate protecting the means necessary, such as governance of the land, for realization of the right. This could include greater conservation measures, more contiguous habitat, enforcement of endangered species laws, and, ideally, a greater awareness and appreciation by humans of animals and their needs. Critical studies scholars have developed the argument that minority groups should not be subject to culturally biased laws of the mainstream polity.24 Law professor Maneesha Deckha points out that animals, despite the central role they play in a lot of ‘cultural defences,’ have been excluded from our ethical consideration. Certainly, the role of animals has been absent in judicial consideration of Aboriginal rights.26 Including animals, Deckha argues, allows for a complete analysis of these cultural issues and avoids many of the anthropocentric attitudes inherent in Euro-centric legal traditions. In Jack and Charlie27 two Coast Salish men were charged with hunting deer out of season. They argued that they needed to kill a deer in order to have raw meat for an Aboriginal religious ceremony. The Court found that killing the deer was not part of the ceremony and that there was insufficient evidence to establish that raw meat was required. This is a case where a more nuanced consideration of the laws and relationships with animals would have resulted in a more just application of the (Canadian) law and prevented the reproduction of imperialist attitudes. A criticism that could be lodged against practicing these relationships is that they conflict with the liberty and life interests of animals.28 Theoretically, if Indigenous laws are given the legal and political room to fully operate, a balance between the liberty of animals and the cultural and legal rights of Indigenous peoples can be struck.29 Indeed, Indigenous peoples’ cultural and legal concern for Earth is at its most rudimentary a concern for the land, which is at the heart of the challenge to the Canadian colonial system. If a negotiated treaty was reached, or anti-cruelty and conservation laws were assured in the Indigenous peoples’ self government system, then Canadian anti-cruelty30 and conservation laws,31 the effectiveness of which are already questionable, could be displaced in recognition of Indigenous governance.32 Indigenous peoples in Canada were – and are, subject to imposed limitations – close to the environment in ways that can seem foreign to non-Indigenous people.33 For example, some origin stories and oral histories explain how boundaries between humans and animals are at times absent: Animal-human beings like raven, coyote and rabbit created them [humans] and other beings. People …acted with respect toward many animals in expectation of reciprocity; or expressed kinship or alliance with them in narratives, songs, poems, parables, performances, rituals, and material objects. 34 Furthering or reviving these relationships can advance the understanding of both Indigenous legal systems and animal rights theory. Some animal rights theorists struggle with how to explain the cultural construction of species difference: Indigenous relationships with animals are long standing, lived examples of a different cultural conception of how to relate to animals and also of an arguably healthy, minimally problematic way to approach the debate concerning the species divide.35 A key tenet of animal-Indigenous relationships is respect. Shepard Krech posits that Indigenous peoples are motivated to obtain the necessary resources and goals in ‘proper’ ways: many believe that animals return to the Earth to be killed, provided that hunters demonstrate proper respect.36 This demonstrates a spiritual connection, but there is also a concrete connection between Indigenous peoples and animals. In providing themselves with food and security, they ‘manage’ what Canadian law calls ‘resources.’37 Because of the physical nature of these activities, and their practical similarity with modern ‘resource management,’ offering this as ‘proof’ of physical connection with animals and their habitat may be more successful than ‘proving’ a spiritual relationship. Finally, there are health reasons that make the Indigenous-animal relationship is important. Many cultures have come to depend on the nutrients they derive from particular hunted or fished animals. For example, nutrition and physical activity transitions related to hunting cycles have had negative impacts on individual and community health.38 This shows the multidimensionality of hunting, the significance of health, and, by extension, the need for animal ‘resources’ to be protected. IV: HOW SHOULD WE PROTECT THESE ABORIGINAL RIGHTS? If the Anishinabek and the deer ‘win’ the constitutional legal test (‘against’ the state) and establish a right to protect their relationships with animals, what, other than common law remedies,39 would follow? Below are ideas for legal measures that could be taken from the human or the animal perspective, or both, where benefits accrue to both parties. If animals had greater agency and legal status, their needs as species and as individuals could have a meaningful place in Canadian common and statutory law. In Nanabush v. Deer, this would mean that the deer would be given representation and that legal tests would need to be developed to determine the animals’ rights and interests. Currently the courts support the view that animals can be treated under the law as any other inanimate item of property. Such a legal stance is inconsistent with a rational, common-sense view of animals,40 and certainly with Anishinabek legal principles discussed herein.41 There are ongoing theoretical debates that inform the practical questions of how animal equality would be achieved: none of these in isolation offers a complete solution, but combined they contribute to the long term goal. Barsh and James Sákéj Youngblood Henderson advocate an adoption of the reasoning in the Australian case Mabo v. Queensland,42 where whole Aboriginal legal systems were imported intact into the common law. Some principles that Canada should be following can also be drawn from international treaties that Canada has or should have signed on to.43 Another way to seek protection from the human perspective is through the freedom of religion and conscience section of the Charter. Professor John Borrows constructs a full argument for this, and cites its challenges, in Living Law on a Living Earth: Aboriginal Religion, Law and the Constitution.44 The strongest, but perhaps most legally improbable, way to protect the animal- Indigenous relationship is for Canada to recognize a third, Indigenous order of government (in addition to provincial and federal), where all three orders are equal and inform one another’s laws. This way, Indigenous laws would have the legal space to fully function and be revived. Endowing Indigenous peoples with the right to govern their relationships would require a great acquiescence of power by governments and a commitment to the establishment and maintenance of healthy self-government in Indigenous communities. Louise Mandell offers some reasons why Canada should treat Aboriginal people in new ways, at least one of which is salient to the third order of government argument: To mend the [E]arth, which must be done, governments must reassess the information which the dominant culture has dismissed. Some of that valuable information is located in the oral histories of Aboriginal Peoples. This knowledge will become incorporated into decisions affecting the [E]arth’s landscape when Aboriginal Peoples are equal partners in decisions affecting their territories.45 V: CONCLUSION A legal system that does not have to justify its existence or defend its worth is less vulnerable to challenges.46 While it can be concluded that s.35 has offered some legal space for Indigenous laws and practices, it is too deeply couched in Euro-centric legal traditions and the anthropocentric cultural assumptions that they carry. The most effective strategy for advancing Indigenous laws and culture, that would also endow many animals with greater agency, and relax the culture-nature, human-animal binaries, is the formal recognition of a third order of government. Lisa Chartrand explains that recognition of legal pluralism would be a mere affirmation of legal systems that exist, but which are stifled: “…this country is a multijuridical state, where the distinct laws and rules of three systems come together within the geographic boundaries of one political territory.” 47 Revitalizing Indigenous legal systems is and will be a challenging undertaking. Indigenous communities must reclaim, define and understand their own traditions: “The loss of culture and traditions caused by the historic treatment of Aboriginal communities makes this a formidable challenge for some communities. Equally significant is the challenge for the Canadian state to create political and legal space to accommodate revitalized Indigenous legal traditions and Aboriginal law-making.”48 The project of revitalizing Indigenous legal traditions requires the commitment of resources sufficient for the task, and transformative change to procedural and substantive law. The operation of these laws within, or in addition to, Canadian law would of course cause widespread, but worthwhile controversy. In Animal Bodies, Cultural Justice49 Deckha argues that an ethical relationship with the animal Other must be established in order realize cultural and animal rights. This paper explores and demonstrates the value in finding legal space where cultural pluralism and respect for animals can give rise to the practice of Indigenous laws and the revitalization of animal-Indigenous relationships. As Borrows writes: “Anishinabek law provides guidance about how to theorize, practice and order our association with the [E]arth, and could do so in a way that produces answers that are very different from those found in other sources.”50 (see PDF for references)

Abstract Background Adolescence is recognized as a particularly susceptible developmental period for experiencing multiple types of Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACE), increasing the vulnerability to higher levels of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) and Complex PTSD symptoms. Some studies found that defense mechanisms play an important role on the association between ACE and psychological symptoms. Methods We analyzed the associations between direct and indirect exposure to ACE and PTSD and Complex PTSD (affective dysregulation, negative self-concept and disturbances in relationships) through the mediation role of mature defense mechanisms: mature, neurotic, and immature defense mechanisms in Indian adolescents. A sample of 411 Indian adolescents (M = 14.2 years old; S.D. = 0.5) completed validated self-report questionnaires. Serial multiple mediation models were tested by conducting a structural equation modelling employing Preacher and Hayes’ procedures (2008). Results Immature and neurotic defense mechanisms mediated the association between direct exposure to ACE with PTSD symptoms. Immature defense mechanisms were mediators of the relationship between direct exposure to ACE and Complex PTSD symptoms clusters. Conclusions Maladaptive defense mechanisms can disturb the process of self-regulation and emotion regulation capabilities in coping with traumatic experiences, leading to higher PTSD and Complex PTSD symptoms severity.

<p>Indonesian government concerned to determine the future of the Pacific and Indian Ocean Region through new vision as the world maritime fulcrum. The elected President, Joko Widodo realized the importance to strengthen the priority in maritime sector. Expanding globalization and growing needs of energy security leads Indian Ocean region as an important area for the global security. Regionalism has implications for both security and development in a region. Significant growth in Indian Ocean region urges a cooperation approach between littoral countries located around the Indian Ocean and lead the establishment of Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA). As Indonesia will be a chairman in IORA by the third quarter of 2015, Indonesia can play an important role and influence the region with its chairmanship in IORA, both in terms of economy and security. Indonesia could develop a comprehensive maritime cooperation through the IORA. The cooperation will lead to acomplishment of the Indonesia’s national interests. On the other side, the potential trade volume in the Indian Ocean region cannot be reached because of limited maritime infrastructure that facilitate the current trade. IORA should develop a master plan or blueprint on connectivity that will provide the infrastructure development agenda with the Public-Private Partnership to accelerate the infrastructure development. By this situation, the development of maritime infrastructure can be a double advantage for Indonesia because it will connect APEC and IORA. The important things to consider in terms of security is a potential threat both in security and defense if the government decided to open and build a deep seaport in Western Sumatera and Java Island.It is important to evaluate the potential threats and challenges if Indonesia wants to be a fulcrum ofworld maritime activity.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>: IORA, diplomacy, maritime security, regional integration, maritime fulcrum, regionalism</p>

Introduction: Larger brain arterial diameters, which may be a consequence of connective tissue disorders or hypertension, are associated with mortality, cognitive decline and risk of dementia. Whether there may be genetic determinants of large brain arterial diameters is unknown, but identifying such traits may shed light into possible mechanistic links between large brain arterial diameters and the observed outcomes. Methods: We studied 3654 participants from four ethnically diverse population-based cohorts: The Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities study (n=1565: 74.3% white, 25.7% black), The Northern Manhattan Study (n=1092: 13.8% white, 16.6% black, 69.6% Hispanic), Epidemiology of Dementia in Singapore (n=647: 31.7% Chinese, 35.7% Malay, 32.6% Indian), and Memory Clinic Cohort in Singapore (n=350: 84.9% Chinese, 7.8% Malay, 7.3% Indian). We measured brain arterial diameters for 13 segments and normalized the averaged diameter per participant to obtain global brain arterial diameter as dependent variable. Genome-wide association studies (GWAS) was performed in each study using linear regression, adjusted for sex, age, head size, number of missing arteries and population substructure. Meta-analysis of association statistics was performed using the METAL to generate combined trait-specific effect estimates. We also performed trans-ethnic meta-regression by MR-MEGA to account for the heterogeneity in allelic effect that is correlated with ancestry. Results: Genome-wide significant (P<5x10 -8 ) associations were observed for global brain arterial diameter with three SNPs: rs7921574(P=1.2x10 -8 ) mapping to an intron of CNNM2; rs2075858(P=2.47x10 -8 ) and rs2075857 (P=2.37x10 -8 ) mapping to introns of MUC5B. MR-MEGA analysis showed suggestive evidence of association (P=5.05x10 -8 ) for rs7921574. These loci comprise genes involved in response to magnesium transport, neuronal transmission, hypertension, mucociliary clearance and host defense. Conclusion: Our study reveals two novel risk loci for large brain arterial diameters. We have begun to replicate these associations and to identify functional causal variants in independent studies. Identifying these loci may help us to elucidate underlying disease mechanisms.

Stem rust is one of the major diseases threatening wheat production globally. To identify novel resistance quantitative trait loci (QTLs), we performed 35K Axiom Array SNP genotyping assays on an association mapping panel of 400 germplasm accessions, including Indian landraces, in conjunction with phenotyping for stem rust at seedling and adult plant stages. Association analyses using three genome wide association study (GWAS) models (CMLM, MLMM, and FarmCPU) revealed 20 reliable QTLs for seedling and adult plant resistance. Among these 20 QTLs, five QTLs were found consistent with three models, i.e., four QTLs on chromosome 2AL, 2BL, 2DL, and 3BL for seedling resistance and one QTL on chromosome 7DS for adult plant resistance. Further, we identified a total of 21 potential candidate genes underlying QTLs using gene ontology analysis, including a leucine rich repeat receptor (LRR) and P-loop nucleoside triphosphate hydrolase, which have a role in pathogen recognition and disease resistance. Furthermore, four QTLs (Qsr.nbpgr-3B_11, QSr.nbpgr-6AS_11, QSr.nbpgr-2AL_117-6, and QSr.nbpgr-7BS_APR) were validated through KASP located on chromosomes 3B, 6A, 2A, and 7B. Out of these QTLs, QSr.nbpgr-7BS_APR was identified as a novel QTL for stem rust resistance which has been found effective in both seedling as well as the adult plant stages. Identified novel genomic regions and validated QTLs have the potential to be deployed in wheat improvement programs to develop disease resistant varieties for stem rust and can diversify the genetic basis of resistance.

Background: Generalized vitiligo is a common, multifaceted, polygenic condition in which autoimmune loss of melanocytes results in depigmented skin patches, overlying hair and mucous membranes. NLRP1 has been proposed to be implicated in the susceptibility of a broad variety of autoimmune disorders, including generalized vitiligo (GV). Genetic polymorphisms in the NLRP1 encoding gene (formerly known as NALP1) have previously been found to be linked with GV and there is uncertainty as to their role in the modulation of NLRP1 expression. Oxidative stress is a significant pathogenesis theory for vitiligo. Glutathione S-transferases (GSTs) are enzymes active in the defense of cells against chemical toxicity and stress.This study validates some of the Unani concepts of humors or temperaments (Phenotypes), with regard to Vitiligo, Where vitiligo is regarded as a phlegmatic disease. We selected Vitiligo subjects with Phlegmatic Clinical Phenotype for our study, with an aim to determine its association with the genetic biomarkers- NLRP1, GSTM1 and GSTT1 null genotypes and other biochemical parameters. Methods: The Unani clinicians randomly selected 100 vitiligo patients with a phlegmatic Clinical Phenotype who were attending NRIUMSD for treatment and 100 healthy volunteers belonging to Phlegmatic (Phlegmatic clinical Phenotype). Besides looking at temperaments/ humors as susceptibility factors – we included a genetic factor- NLRP1, GSTM1- and GSTT1-null genotypes to our investigation. We have genotyped the NLRP1, GSTM1- and GSTT1-null genotypes by PCR-RFLP and by Multiplex PCR, GST protein level estimation by ELISA method. Results: NLRP1 rs2670660 polymorphism was shown to be in significant association with GV, with the presence of minor alleles in active GV. We found that the frequencies of GSTM1 null genotype and GSTT1 null genotype in vitiligo patients were significantly high compared to the controls (OR= 1.47, 95% CI=0.765--2.861), (OR = 4.75, 95% CI = 2.131-10.63), respectively. In combination analysis with both genes, the results suggested significant association of vitiligo risk with both GSTM1\GSTT1 null genotypes (OR=4.83, 95% CI=1.523– 15.32).We observed a significant decrease (p<0.001) in GST protein levels. Conclusion: Our findings indicate that NLRP1 rs2670660 polymorphism may be genetic risk factor for susceptibility to GV and the null genotypes of GSTM1 and GSTT1 of both genes increase the risk of the disease. A significant decrease (p<0.001) in GST protein levels appeared to be a key feature in Vitiligo subjects, Therefore, detection of antioxidant enzyme levels can be effective biomarkers for early detection of the disease. We believed that GSTM1-and GSTT1-null genotype polymorphisms were associated with an increased risk of vitiligo. This is the first study of its kind along with Clinical Phenotype as per Unani Philosophy.

AbstractThis article argues that China is advancing its relations with Iran and Pakistan based on pragmatic balancing, a key component of soft balancing, to safeguard and advance national self‐interest. China's relationship with Pakistan is based on shared interests to counter the Indian hegemony in South Asia and end the Chinese energy security dilemma through an overland route of the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The bilateral relationship has enhanced and expanded over the years, despite steep transformations in regional geopolitics. Meanwhile, abundant Iranian energy reserves and Tehran's willingness to support China against the United States in the Middle East encouraged the Chinese leadership to sign a strategic deal with no significant ramifications for Pakistan and CPEC. The fair‐weather friendship between China and Iran remains limited in scope, often suspending cooperation in various domains, including energy and defense. Nonetheless, an all‐weather friendship between China and Pakistan sustained the collaboration of security, economy, and diplomacy, meticulously representing sincerity and cordiality.Related ArticlesBishwakarma, Jham Kumar, and Zongshan Hu. 2021. “Problems and Prospects for the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC).” Politics & Policy 50(1): 154–79. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12443.Singh, Amit, and Amit Sarwal. 2017. “Paraspara, Encounters, and Confluences: India's Soft Power Objective in the Indo‐Pacific Region.” Politics & Policy 45(5): 733–61. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12222.Zaidi, Syed Muhammad Saad. 2020. “American Global Supremacy under Threat? The Chinese Factor.” Politics & Policy 49(2): 502–28. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12402.

ABSTRACT Among the innate immune sentinels, the complement system is a formidable first line of defense against pathogens, including viruses. Chandipura virus (CHPV), a neurotropic vesiculovirus of the family Rhabdoviridae, is a deadly human pathogen known to cause fatal encephalitis, especially among children. The nature of interaction and the effect of human complement on CHPV are unknown. Here, we report that CHPV is a potent activator of complement and, thus, is highly sensitive to complement proteins in normal human serum (NHS). Utilizing a panel of specific complement component depleted/reconstituted human serum, we have demonstrated that CHPV neutralization is C3, C4, and C1q dependent and independent of factor B, suggesting the importance of the classical pathway in limiting CHPV. Employing a range of biochemical approaches, we showed (i) a direct association of C1q to CHPV, (ii) deposition of complement proteins C3b, C4b, and C1q on CHPV, and (iii) virus aggregation. Depletion of C8, an important component of the pore-forming complex of complement, had no effect on CHPV, further supporting the finding that aggregation and not virolysis is the mechanism of virus neutralization. With no approved vaccines or treatment modalities in place against CHPV, insights into such interactions can be exploited to develop potent vaccines or therapeutics targeting CHPV. IMPORTANCE Chandipura virus is a clinically important human pathogen of the Indian subcontinent. The rapidity of death associated with CHPV infection in addition to the absence of an effective vaccine or therapeutics results in poor clinical prognosis. The biology of the virus and its interaction with the host immune system, including the complement system, are understudied. Our investigation reveals the susceptibility of CHPV to fluid phase complement and also dissects the pathway involved and the mechanism of virus neutralization. Direct binding of C1q, an important upstream component of the classical pathway of complement to CHPV, and the strong dependency on C1q for virus neutralization highlight the significance of identifying such interactions to better understand CHPV pathogenesis and devise strategies to target this deadly pathogen.

Defence and security cooperation between India and Vietnam is an increasingly important area of the India–Vietnam ‘comprehensive strategic partnership’. This wide-ranging cooperation includes government-to-government dialogues, bilateral agreements, defence lines of credit, prospective defence procurements, maritime cooperation and multilateral cooperation. Cooperation has been formalised and expanded through a series of bilateral defence and security agreements to provide a basis for enhancing relations, which have been further developed through regular government-to-government dialogues. The defence and security dialogues and agreements have provided a framework for practical cooperation between the two countries’ militaries, which includes a focus on defence training, military exercises and discussions for the sale of different Indian arms equipment to Vietnam. Maritime cooperation between India and Vietnam has been the most significant element of bilateral defence and security cooperation, and both sides have found mutual convergences on cooperation in the South China Sea and the wider Indo-Pacific region. Relations between the two countries have also strengthened multilaterally on defence and security issues, including through the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. There are opportunities to further strengthen the India–Vietnam defence and security relationship, both bilaterally and with third countries.

AbstractA plant’s defense against pathogens involves an extensive set of phytohormone regulated defense signaling pathways. The salicylic acid (SA)-signaling pathway is one of the most well-studied in plant defense. The bulk of SA-related defense gene expression and the subsequent establishment of systemic acquired resistance (SAR) is dependent on the nonexpressor of pathogenesis-related genes 1 (NPR1). Therefore, understanding the NPR1 pathway and all its associations has the potential to provide valuable insights into defense against pathogens. The causal agent of Phytophthora root rot (PRR), Phytophthora cinnamomi, is of particular importance to the avocado (Persea americana) industry, which encounters considerable economic losses on account of this pathogen each year. Furthermore, P. cinnamomi is a hemibiotrophic pathogen, suggesting that the SA-signaling pathway plays an essential role in the initial defense response. Therefore, the NPR1 pathway which regulates downstream SA-induced gene expression would be instrumental in defense against P. cinnamomi. Thus, we identified 92 NPR1 pathway-associated orthologs from the P. americana West Indian pure accession genome and interrogated their expression following P. cinnamomi inoculation, using RNA-sequencing data. In total, 64 and 51 NPR1 pathway-associated genes were temporally regulated in the partially resistant (Dusa®) and susceptible (R0.12) P. americana rootstocks, respectively. Furthermore, 42 NPR1 pathway-associated genes were differentially regulated when comparing Dusa® to R0.12. Although this study suggests that SAR was established successfully in both rootstocks, the evidence presented indicated that Dusa® suppressed SA-signaling more effectively following the induction of SAR. Additionally, contrary to Dusa®, data from R0.12 suggested a substantial lack of SA- and NPR1-related defense gene expression during some of the earliest time-points following P. cinnamomi inoculation. This study represents the most comprehensive investigation of the SA-induced, NPR1-dependent pathway in P. americana to date. Lastly, this work provides novel insights into the likely mechanisms governing P. cinnamomi resistance in P. americana.

Abstract Economic conservatism in India traces its roots in the fragmentation of political consensus following the success of the anti-colonial nationalist movement. Framed in the context of the Cold War, long before the 1991 liberalization reforms, this economic conservatism blended anti-communism, free-market advocacy, and the defence of property. This was expressed as the central agenda of the broadly secular Swatantra Party, an effort to consolidate two-party democracy that emerged by the late 1960s as the most serious challenger to the dominant Congress Party. Swatantra brought together diverse progenitors aligned with American development ideas for the Third World. This article reconstructs Indian economic conservatism’s transnational history through an interconnected study of three founding figures of the party and the network of urban associations and periodicals brewing alternative ideas beneath the layers of dominant opinion in which they were embedded. It recasts non-aligned India as a site of ideological contestation affected by the Cold War. Swatantra’s lasting critique of Indian political economy was indicative of a more widely held dissent on India’s development strategy, which has helped to drive the fragmentation of Indian politics. Demands for the party’s revival reveal a desire for a secular alternative to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party.

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TESOL Quarterly (Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages) 39.3 (2005), 425–440.06–31Dörnyei, Zoltán (U Nottingham, UK; zoltan.dornyei@nottingham.ac.uk) & Kata Csizér, The effects of intercultural contact and tourism on language attitudes and language learning motivation. Journal of Language and Social Psychology (Sage) 24.4 (2005), 327–357.06–32Enk, Anneke van (Simon Fraser U, Burnaby, Canada), Diane Dagenais & Kelleen Toohey, A socio-cultural perspective on school-based literacy research: Some emerging considerations. Language and Education (Multilingual Matters) 19.6 (2005), 496–512.06–33Foster, Pauline & Amy Snyder Ohta (St Mary's College, U London, UK), Negotiation for meaning and peer assistance in second language classrooms. Applied Linguistics (Oxford University Press) 26.3 (2005), 402–430.06–34Furmanovsky, Michael (Ryukoku U, Japan), Japanese students' reflections on a short-term language program. 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(U South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa; pretoej@unisa.ac.za), English as a second language learner differences in anaphoric resolution: Reading to learn in the academic context. Applied Psycholinguistics (Cambridge University Press) 26.4 (2005), 521–539.06–54Ramírez Verdugo, Dolores (Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, Spain; dolores.ramirez@uam.es), The nature and patterning of native and non-native intonation in the expression of certainty and uncertainty: Pragmatic effects. Journal of Pragmatics (Elsevier) 37.12 (2005), 2086–2115.06–55Riney, Timothy J., Naoyuki Takagi & Kumiko Inutsu (Interntional Christian U, Japan), Phonetic parameters and perceptual judgments of accent in English by American and Japanese listeners. TESOL Quarterly (Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages) 39.3 (2005), 441–466.06–56Rossiter, Marian J. (U Alberta, Canada), Developmental sequences of L2 communication strategies. 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Objective This study aimed to assess trends and correlates of severe maternal morbidity at delivery among active duty women in the U.S. military, all of whom are guaranteed health care and full employment. Study Design Linked military personnel and medical encounter data from the Department of Defense Birth and Infant Health Research program were used to identify a cohort of delivery hospitalizations among active duty military women from January 2003 through August 2015. Cases of severe maternal morbidity were identified by applying 21- and 20-condition algorithms (with and without blood transfusion) developed by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Rates (per 10,000 delivery hospitalizations) were reported overall and by specific condition. Multivariable Poisson regression models estimated associations with demographic, clinical, and military characteristics. Results Overall, 187,063 hospitalizations for live births were included for analyses. The overall 21- and 20-condition severe maternal morbidity rates were 111.7 (n = 2089) and 37.4 (n = 699) per 10,000 delivery hospitalizations, respectively. The 21-condition rate increased by 184% from 2003 to 2015; the 20-condition rate increased by 40%. Compared with non-Hispanic White women, the adjusted 21-condition rate of severe maternal morbidity was higher for Hispanic (adjusted rate ratio [aRR] = 1.28, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.13–1.46), non-Hispanic Black (aRR = 1.34, 95% CI: 1.21–1.49), Asian/Pacific Islander (aRR = 1.35, 95% CI: 1.13–1.61), and American Indian/Alaska Native (aRR = 1.39, 95% CI: 1.06–1.82) women. Rates also varied by age, clinical factors, and deployment history. Conclusion Active duty U.S. military women experienced an increase in severe maternal morbidity from 2003 to 2015 that followed national trends, despite protective factors such as stable employment and universal health care. Similar to other populations, military women of color were at higher risk for severe maternal morbidity relative to non-Hispanic White military women. Continued surveillance and further investigation into maternal health outcomes are critical for identifying areas of improvement in the Military Health System. Key Points

Biology teaches us that organisms adapt—or don’t; sociology claims that people adapt—or don’t. We know that ideas can adapt; sometimes even institutions can adapt. Or not. Various papers in this issue attest in exciting ways to precisely such adaptations and maladaptations. (See, for example, the articles in this issue by Lelia Green, Leesa Bonniface, and Tami McMahon, by Lexey A. Bartlett, and by Debra Ferreday.) Adaptation is a part of nature and culture, but it’s the latter alone that interests me here. (However, see the article by Hutcheon and Bortolotti for a discussion of nature and culture together.) It’s no news to anyone that not only adaptations, but all art is bred of other art, though sometimes artists seem to get carried away. My favourite example of excess of association or attribution can be found in the acknowledgements page to a verse drama called Beatrice Chancy by the self-defined “maximalist” (not minimalist) poet, novelist, librettist, and critic, George Elliot Clarke. His selected list of the incarnations of the story of Beatrice Cenci, a sixteenth-century Italian noblewoman put to death for the murder of her father, includes dramas, romances, chronicles, screenplays, parodies, sculptures, photographs, and operas: dramas by Vincenzo Pieracci (1816), Percy Bysshe Shelley (1819), Juliusz Slowacki (1843), Waldter Landor (1851), Antonin Artaud (1935) and Alberto Moravia (1958); the romances by Francesco Guerrazi (1854), Henri Pierangeli (1933), Philip Lindsay (1940), Frederic Prokosch (1955) and Susanne Kircher (1976); the chronicles by Stendhal (1839), Mary Shelley (1839), Alexandre Dumas, père (1939-40), Robert Browning (1864), Charles Swinburne (1883), Corrado Ricci (1923), Sir Lionel Cust (1929), Kurt Pfister (1946) and Irene Mitchell (1991); the film/screenplay by Bertrand Tavernier and Colo O’Hagan (1988); the parody by Kathy Acker (1993); the sculpture by Harriet Hosmer (1857); the photograph by Julia Ward Cameron (1866); and the operas by Guido Pannain (1942), Berthold Goldschmidt (1951, 1995) and Havergal Brian (1962). (Beatrice Chancy, 152) He concludes the list with: “These creators have dallied with Beatrice Cenci, but I have committed indiscretions” (152). An “intertextual feast”, by Clarke’s own admission, this rewriting of Beatrice’s story—especially Percy Bysshe Shelley’s own verse play, The Cenci—illustrates brilliantly what Northrop Frye offered as the first principle of the production of literature: “literature can only derive its form from itself” (15). But in the last several decades, what has come to be called intertextuality theory has shifted thinking away from looking at this phenomenon from the point of view of authorial influences on the writing of literature (and works like Harold Bloom’s famous study of the Anxiety of Influence) and toward considering our readerly associations with literature, the connections we (not the author) make—as we read. We, the readers, have become “empowered”, as we say, and we’ve become the object of academic study in our own right. Among the many associations we inevitably make, as readers, is with adaptations of the literature we read, be it of Jane Austin novels or Beowulf. Some of us may have seen the 2006 rock opera of Beowulf done by the Irish Repertory Theatre; others await the new Neil Gaiman animated film. Some may have played the Beowulf videogame. I personally plan to miss the upcoming updated version that makes Beowulf into the son of an African explorer. But I did see Sturla Gunnarsson’s Beowulf and Grendel film, and yearned to see the comic opera at the Lincoln Centre Festival in 2006 called Grendel, the Transcendence of the Great Big Bad. I am not really interested in whether these adaptations—all in the last year or so—signify Hollywood’s need for a new “monster of the week” or are just the sign of a desire to cash in on the success of The Lord of the Rings. For all I know they might well act as an ethical reminder of the human in the alien in a time of global strife (see McGee, A4). What interests me is the impact these multiple adaptations can have on the reader of literature as well as on the production of literature. Literature, like painting, is usually thought of as what Nelson Goodman (114) calls a one-stage art form: what we read (like what we see on a canvas) is what is put there by the originating artist. Several major consequences follow from this view. First, the implication is that the work is thus an original and new creation by that artist. However, even the most original of novelists—like Salman Rushdie—are the first to tell you that stories get told and retold over and over. Indeed his controversial novel, The Satanic Verses, takes this as a major theme. Works like the Thousand and One Nights are crucial references in all of his work. As he writes in Haroun and the Sea of Stories: “no story comes from nowhere; new stories are born of old” (86). But illusion of originality is only one of the implications of seeing literature as a one-stage art form. Another is the assumption that what the writer put on paper is what we read. But entire doctoral programs in literary production and book history have been set up to study how this is not the case, in fact. Editors influence, even change, what authors want to write. Designers control how we literally see the work of literature. Beatrice Chancy’s bookend maps of historical Acadia literally frame how we read the historical story of the title’s mixed-race offspring of an African slave and a white slave owner in colonial Nova Scotia in 1801. Media interest or fashion or academic ideological focus may provoke a publisher to foreground in the physical presentation different elements of a text like this—its stress on race, or gender, or sexuality. The fact that its author won Canada’s Governor General’s Award for poetry might mean that the fact that this is a verse play is emphasised. If the book goes into a second edition, will a new preface get added, changing the framework for the reader once again? As Katherine Larson has convincingly shown, the paratextual elements that surround a work of literature like this one become a major site of meaning generation. What if literature were not a one-stage an art form at all? What if it were, rather, what Goodman calls “two-stage” (114)? What if we accept that other artists, other creators, are needed to bring it to life—editors, publishers, and indeed readers? In a very real and literal sense, from our (audience) point of view, there may be no such thing as a one-stage art work. Just as the experience of literature is made possible for readers by the writer, in conjunction with a team of professional and creative people, so, arguably all art needs its audience to be art; the un-interpreted, un-experienced art work is not worth calling art. Goodman resists this move to considering literature a two-stage art, not at all sure that readings are end products the way that performance works are (114). Plays, films, television shows, or operas would be his prime examples of two-stage arts. In each of these, a text (a playtext, a screenplay, a score, a libretto) is moved from page to stage or screen and given life, by an entire team of creative individuals: directors, actors, designers, musicians, and so on. Literary adaptations to the screen or stage are usually considered as yet another form of this kind of transcription or transposition of a written text to a performance medium. But the verbal move from the “book” to the diminutive “libretto” (in Italian, little book or booklet) is indicative of a view that sees adaptation as a step downward, a move away from a primary literary “source”. In fact, an entire negative rhetoric of “infidelity” has developed in both journalistic reviewing and academic discourse about adaptations, and it is a morally loaded rhetoric that I find surprising in its intensity. Here is the wonderfully critical description of that rhetoric by the king of film adaptation critics, Robert Stam: Terms like “infidelity,” “betrayal,” “deformation,” “violation,” “bastardisation,” “vulgarisation,” and “desecration” proliferate in adaptation discourse, each word carrying its specific charge of opprobrium. “Infidelity” carries overtones of Victorian prudishness; “betrayal” evokes ethical perfidy; “bastardisation” connotes illegitimacy; “deformation” implies aesthetic disgust and monstrosity; “violation” calls to mind sexual violence; “vulgarisation” conjures up class degradation; and “desecration” intimates religious sacrilege and blasphemy. (3) I join many others today, like Stam, in challenging the persistence of this fidelity discourse in adaptation studies, thereby providing yet another example of what, in his article here called “The Persistence of Fidelity: Adaptation Theory Today,” John Connor has called the “fidelity reflex”—the call to end an obsession with fidelity as the sole criterion for judging the success of an adaptation. But here I want to come at this same issue of the relation of adaptation to the adapted text from another angle. When considering an adaptation of a literary work, there are other reasons why the literary “source” text might be privileged. Literature has historical priority as an art form, Stam claims, and so in some people’s eyes will always be superior to other forms. But does it actually have priority? What about even earlier performative forms like ritual and song? Or to look forward, instead of back, as Tim Barker urges us to do in his article here, what about the new media’s additions to our repertoire with the advent of electronic technology? How can we retain this hierarchy of artistic forms—with literature inevitably on top—in a world like ours today? How can both the Romantic ideology of original genius and the capitalist notion of individual authorship hold up in the face of the complex reality of the production of literature today (as well as in the past)? (In “Amen to That: Sampling and Adapting the Past”, Steve Collins shows how digital technology has changed the possibilities of musical creativity in adapting/sampling.) Like many other ages before our own, adaptation is rampant today, as director Spike Jonze and screenwriter Charlie Kaufman clearly realised in creating Adaptation, their meta-cinematic illustration-as-send-up film about adaptation. But rarely has a culture denigrated the adapter as a secondary and derivative creator as much as we do the screenwriter today—as Jonze explores with great irony. Michelle McMerrin and Sergio Rizzo helpfully explain in their pieces here that one of the reasons for this is the strength of auteur theory in film criticism. But we live in a world in which works of literature have been turned into more than films. We now have literary adaptations in the forms of interactive new media works and videogames; we have theme parks; and of course, we have the more common television series, radio and stage plays, musicals, dance works, and operas. And, of course, we now have novelisations of films—and they are not given the respect that originary novels are given: it is the adaptation as adaptation that is denigrated, as Deborah Allison shows in “Film/Print: Novelisations and Capricorn One”. Adaptations across media are inevitably fraught, and for complex and multiple reasons. The financing and distribution issues of these widely different media alone inevitably challenge older capitalist models. The need or desire to appeal to a global market has consequences for adaptations of literature, especially with regard to its regional and historical specificities. These particularities are what usually get adapted or “indigenised” for new audiences—be they the particularities of the Spanish gypsy Carmen (see Ioana Furnica, “Subverting the ‘Good, Old Tune’”), those of the Japanese samurai genre (see Kevin P. Eubanks, “Becoming-Samurai: Samurai [Films], Kung-Fu [Flicks] and Hip-Hop [Soundtracks]”), of American hip hop graffiti (see Kara-Jane Lombard, “‘To Us Writers, the Differences Are Obvious’: The Adaptation of Hip Hop Graffiti to an Australian Context”) or of Jane Austen’s fiction (see Suchitra Mathur, “From British ‘Pride’ to Indian ‘Bride’: Mapping the Contours of a Globalised (Post?)Colonialism”). What happens to the literary text that is being adapted, often multiple times? Rather than being displaced by the adaptation (as is often feared), it most frequently gets a new life: new editions of the book appear, with stills from the movie adaptation on its cover. But if I buy and read the book after seeing the movie, I read it differently than I would have before I had seen the film: in effect, the book, not the adaptation, has become the second and even secondary text for me. And as I read, I can only “see” characters as imagined by the director of the film; the cinematic version has taken over, has even colonised, my reader’s imagination. The literary “source” text, in my readerly, experiential terms, becomes the secondary work. It exists on an experiential continuum, in other words, with its adaptations. It may have been created before, but I only came to know it after. What if I have read the literary work first, and then see the movie? In my imagination, I have already cast the characters: I know what Gabriel and Gretta Conroy of James Joyce’s story, “The Dead,” look and sound like—in my imagination, at least. Then along comes John Huston’s lush period piece cinematic adaptation and the director superimposes his vision upon mine; his forcibly replaces mine. But, in this particular case, Huston still arguably needs my imagination, or at least my memory—though he may not have realised it fully in making the film. When, in a central scene in the narrative, Gabriel watches his wife listening, moved, to the singing of the Irish song, “The Lass of Aughrim,” what we see on screen is a concerned, intrigued, but in the end rather blank face: Gabriel doesn’t alter his expression as he listens and watches. His expression may not change—but I know exactly what he is thinking. Huston does not tell us; indeed, without the use of voice-over, he cannot. And since the song itself is important, voice-over is impossible. But I know exactly what he is thinking: I’ve read the book. I fill in the blank, so to speak. Gabriel looks at Gretta and thinks: There was grace and mystery in her attitude as if she were a symbol of something. He asked himself what is a woman standing on the stairs in the shadow, listening to distant music, a symbol of. If he were a painter he would paint her in that attitude. … Distant Music he would call the picture if he were a painter. (210) A few pages later the narrator will tell us: At last she turned towards them and Gabriel saw that there was colour on her cheeks and that her eyes were shining. A sudden tide of joy went leaping out of his heart. (212) This joy, of course, puts him in a very different—disastrously different—state of mind than his wife, who (we later learn) is remembering a young man who sang that song to her when she was a girl—and who died, for love of her. I know this—because I’ve read the book. Watching the movie, I interpret Gabriel’s blank expression in this knowledge. Just as the director’s vision can colonise my visual and aural imagination, so too can I, as reader, supplement the film’s silence with the literary text’s inner knowledge. The question, of course, is: should I have to do so? Because I have read the book, I will. But what if I haven’t read the book? Will I substitute my own ideas, from what I’ve seen in the rest of the film, or from what I’ve experienced in my own life? Filmmakers always have to deal with this problem, of course, since the camera is resolutely externalising, and actors must reveal their inner worlds through bodily gesture or facial expression for the camera to record and for the spectator to witness and comprehend. But film is not only a visual medium: it uses music and sound, and it also uses words—spoken words within the dramatic situation, words overheard on the street, on television, but also voice-over words, spoken by a narrating figure. Stephen Dedalus escapes from Ireland at the end of Joseph Strick’s 1978 adaptation of Joyce’s A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man with the same words as he does in the novel, where they appear as Stephen’s diary entry: Amen. So be it. Welcome, O life! I go to encounter for the millionth time the reality of experience and to forge in the smithy of my soul the uncreated conscience of my race. … Old father, old artificer, stand me now and ever in good stead. (253) The words from the novel also belong to the film as film, with its very different story, less about an artist than about a young Irishman finally able to escape his family, his religion and his country. What’s deliberately NOT in the movie is the irony of Joyce’s final, benign-looking textual signal to his reader: Dublin, 1904 Trieste, 1914 The first date is the time of Stephen’s leaving Dublin—and the time of his return, as we know from the novel Ulysses, the sequel, if you like, to this novel. The escape was short-lived! Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man has an ironic structure that has primed its readers to expect not escape and triumph but something else. Each chapter of the novel has ended on this kind of personal triumphant high; the next has ironically opened with Stephen mired in the mundane and in failure. Stephen’s final words in both film and novel remind us that he really is an Icarus figure, following his “Old father, old artificer”, his namesake, Daedalus. And Icarus, we recall, takes a tumble. In the novel version, we are reminded that this is the portrait of the artist “as a young man”—later, in 1914, from the distance of Trieste (to which he has escaped) Joyce, writing this story, could take some ironic distance from his earlier persona. There is no such distance in the film version. However, it stands alone, on its own; Joyce’s irony is not appropriate in Strick’s vision. His is a different work, with its own message and its own, considerably more romantic and less ironic power. Literary adaptations are their own things—inspired by, based on an adapted text but something different, something other. I want to argue that these works adapted from literature are now part of our readerly experience of that literature, and for that reason deserve the same attention we give to the literary, and not only the same attention, but also the same respect. I am a literarily trained person. People like me who love words, already love plays, but shouldn’t we also love films—and operas, and musicals, and even videogames? There is no need to denigrate words that are heard (and visualised) in order to privilege words that are read. Works of literature can have afterlives in their adaptations and translations, just as they have pre-lives, in terms of influences and models, as George Eliot Clarke openly allows in those acknowledgements to Beatrice Chancy. I want to return to that Canadian work, because it raises for me many of the issues about adaptation and language that I see at the core of our literary distrust of the move away from the written, printed text. I ended my recent book on adaptation with a brief examination of this work, but I didn’t deal with this particular issue of language. So I want to return to it, as to unfinished business. Clarke is, by the way, clear in the verse drama as well as in articles and interviews that among the many intertexts to Beatrice Chancy, the most important are slave narratives, especially one called Celia, a Slave, and Shelley’s play, The Cenci. Both are stories of mistreated and subordinated women who fight back. Since Clarke himself has written at length about the slave narratives, I’m going to concentrate here on Shelley’s The Cenci. The distance from Shelley’s verse play to Clarke’s verse play is a temporal one, but it is also geographic and ideological one: from the old to the new world, and from a European to what Clarke calls an “Africadian” (African Canadian/African Acadian) perspective. Yet both poets were writing political protest plays against unjust authority and despotic power. And they have both become plays that are more read than performed—a sad fate, according to Clarke, for two works that are so concerned with voice. We know that Shelley sought to calibrate the stylistic registers of his work with various dramatic characters and effects to create a modern “mixed” style that was both a return to the ancients and offered a new drama of great range and flexibility where the expression fits what is being expressed (see Bruhn). His polemic against eighteenth-century European dramatic conventions has been seen as leading the way for realist drama later in the nineteenth century, with what has been called its “mixed style mimesis” (Bruhn) Clarke’s adaptation does not aim for Shelley’s perfect linguistic decorum. It mixes the elevated and the biblical with the idiomatic and the sensual—even the vulgar—the lushly poetic with the coarsely powerful. But perhaps Shelley’s idea of appropriate language fits, after all: Beatrice Chancy is a woman of mixed blood—the child of a slave woman and her slave owner; she has been educated by her white father in a convent school. Sometimes that educated, elevated discourse is heard; at other times, she uses the variety of discourses operative within slave society—from religious to colloquial. But all the time, words count—as in all printed and oral literature. Clarke’s verse drama was given a staged reading in Toronto in 1997, but the story’s, if not the book’s, real second life came when it was used as the basis for an opera libretto. Actually the libretto commission came first (from Queen of Puddings Theatre in Toronto), and Clarke started writing what was to be his first of many opera texts. Constantly frustrated by the art form’s demands for concision, he found himself writing two texts at once—a short libretto and a longer, five-act tragic verse play to be published separately. Since it takes considerably longer to sing than to speak (or read) a line of text, the composer James Rolfe keep asking for cuts—in the name of economy (too many singers), because of clarity of action for audience comprehension, or because of sheer length. Opera audiences have to sit in a theatre for a fixed length of time, unlike readers who can put a book down and return to it later. However, what was never sacrificed to length or to the demands of the music was the language. In fact, the double impact of the powerful mixed language and the equally potent music, increases the impact of the literary text when performed in its operatic adaptation. Here is the verse play version of the scene after Beatrice’s rape by her own father, Francis Chancey: I was black but comely. Don’t glance Upon me. This flesh is crumbling Like proved lies. I’m perfumed, ruddied Carrion. Assassinated. Screams of mucking juncos scrawled Over the chapel and my nerves, A stickiness, as when he finished Maculating my thighs and dress. My eyes seep pus; I can’t walk: the floors Are tizzy, dented by stout mauling. Suddenly I would like poison. The flesh limps from my spine. My inlets crimp. Vultures flutter, ghastly, without meaning. I can see lice swarming the air. … His scythe went shick shick shick and slashed My flowers; they lay, murdered, in heaps. (90) The biblical and the violent meet in the texture of the language. And none of that power gets lost in the opera adaptation, despite cuts and alterations for easier aural comprehension. I was black but comely. Don’t look Upon me: this flesh is dying. I’m perfumed, bleeding carrion, My eyes weep pus, my womb’s sopping With tears; I can hardly walk: the floors Are tizzy, the sick walls tumbling, Crumbling like proved lies. His scythe went shick shick shick and cut My flowers; they lay in heaps, murdered. (95) Clarke has said that he feels the libretto is less “literary” in his words than the verse play, for it removes the lines of French, Latin, Spanish and Italian that pepper the play as part of the author’s critique of the highly educated planter class in Nova Scotia: their education did not guarantee ethical behaviour (“Adaptation” 14). I have not concentrated on the music of the opera, because I wanted to keep the focus on the language. But I should say that the Rolfe’s score is as historically grounded as Clarke’s libretto: it is rooted in African Canadian music (from ring shouts to spirituals to blues) and in Scottish fiddle music and local reels of the time, not to mention bel canto Italian opera. However, the music consciously links black and white traditions in a way that Clarke’s words and story refuse: they remain stubbornly separate, set in deliberate tension with the music’s resolution. Beatrice will murder her father, and, at the very moment that Nova Scotia slaves are liberated, she and her co-conspirators will be hanged for that murder. Unlike the printed verse drama, the shorter opera libretto functions like a screenplay, if you will. It is not so much an autonomous work unto itself, but it points toward a potential enactment or embodiment in performance. Yet, even there, Clarke cannot resist the lure of words—even though they are words that no audience will ever hear. The stage directions for Act 3, scene 2 of the opera read: “The garden. Slaves, sunflowers, stars, sparks” (98). The printed verse play is full of these poetic associative stage directions, suggesting that despite his protestations to the contrary, Clarke may have thought of that version as one meant to be read by the eye. After Beatrice’s rape, the stage directions read: “A violin mopes. Invisible shovelsful of dirt thud upon the scene—as if those present were being buried alive—like ourselves” (91). Our imaginations—and emotions—go to work, assisted by the poet’s associations. There are many such textual helpers—epigraphs, photographs, notes—that we do not have when we watch and listen to the opera. We do have the music, the staged drama, the colours and sounds as well as the words of the text. As Clarke puts the difference: “as a chamber opera, Beatrice Chancy has ascended to television broadcast. But as a closet drama, it play only within the reader’s head” (“Adaptation” 14). Clarke’s work of literature, his verse drama, is a “situated utterance, produced in one medium and in one historical and social context,” to use Robert Stam’s terms. In the opera version, it was transformed into another “equally situated utterance, produced in a different context and relayed through a different medium” (45-6). I want to argue that both are worthy of study and respect by wordsmiths, by people like me. I realise I’ve loaded the dice: here neither the verse play nor the libretto is primary; neither is really the “source” text, for they were written at the same time and by the same person. But for readers and audiences (my focus and interest here), they exist on a continuum—depending on which we happen to experience first. As Ilana Shiloh explores here, the same is true about the short story and film of Memento. I am not alone in wanting to mount a defence of adaptations. Julie Sanders ends her new book called Adaptation and Appropriation with these words: “Adaptation and appropriation … are, endlessly and wonderfully, about seeing things come back to us in as many forms as possible” (160). The storytelling imagination is an adaptive mechanism—whether manifesting itself in print or on stage or on screen. The study of the production of literature should, I would like to argue, include those other forms taken by that storytelling drive. If I can be forgiven a move to the amusing—but still serious—in concluding, Terry Pratchett puts it beautifully in his fantasy story, Witches Abroad: “Stories, great flapping ribbons of shaped space-time, have been blowing and uncoiling around the universe since the beginning of time. And they have evolved. The weakest have died and the strongest have survived and they have grown fat on the retelling.” In biology as in culture, adaptations reign. References Bloom, Harold. The Anxiety of Influence. New York: Oxford University Press, 1975. Bruhn, Mark J. “’Prodigious Mixtures and Confusions Strange’: The Self-Subverting Mixed Style of The Cenci.” Poetics Today 22.4 (2001). Clarke, George Elliott. “Beatrice Chancy: A Libretto in Four Acts.” Canadian Theatre Review 96 (1998): 62-79. ———. Beatrice Chancy. Victoria, BC: Polestar, 1999. ———. “Adaptation: Love or Cannibalism? Some Personal Observations”, unpublished manuscript of article. Frye, Northrop. The Educated Imagination. Toronto: CBC, 1963. Goodman, Nelson. Languages of Art: An Approach to a Theory of Symbols. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1968. Hutcheon, Linda, and Gary R. Bortolotti. “On the Origin of Adaptations: Rethinking Fidelity Discourse and “Success”—Biologically.” New Literary History. Forthcoming. Joyce, James. Dubliners. 1916. New York: Viking, 1967. ———. A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man. 1916. Penguin: Harmondsworth, 1960. Larson, Katherine. “Resistance from the Margins in George Elliott Clarke’s Beatrice Chancy.” Canadian Literature 189 (2006): 103-118. McGee, Celia. “Beowulf on Demand.” New York Times, Arts and Leisure. 30 April 2006. A4. Rushdie, Salman. The Satanic Verses. New York: Viking, 1988. ———. Haroun and the Sea of Stories. London: Granta/Penguin, 1990. Sanders, Julie. Adaptation and Appropriation. London and New York: Routledge, 160. Shelley, Percy Bysshe. The Cenci. Ed. George Edward Woodberry. Boston and London: Heath, 1909. Stam, Robert. “Introduction: The Theory and Practice of Adaptation.” Literature and Film: A Guide to the Theory and Practice of Film Adaptation. Oxford: Blackwell, 2005. 1-52. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Hutcheon, Linda. "In Defence of Literary Adaptation as Cultural Production." M/C Journal 10.2 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0705/01-hutcheon.php>. APA Style Hutcheon, L. (May 2007) "In Defence of Literary Adaptation as Cultural Production," M/C Journal, 10(2). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0705/01-hutcheon.php>.

The state of intellectual freedom is, in many ways, both a Treflection of the degree of openness and inclusiveness of our societies and of the state of democracy. Academic freedom, in the words of Thandika Mkandawire, is, in truth, about the building of a new civilization. It is a site of struggle for democracy, and one could argue that where intellectual freedom really exists, authoritarianism and fundamentalism will find it more difficult to go unchecked. When, in November 1990, participants in a CODESRIA conference held in Kampala, Uganda, were adopting the Kampala Declaration on Intellectual Freedom and Social Responsibility, the continent was experiencing profound political changes, with authoritarian regimes collapsing one after the other, or receding as democratic space expanded with the struggles and intense pressures for democratic change coming from civil society and social movements. The state was then still seen as the main perpetrator of academic and intellectual freedom violations, but it certainly was no longer seen as the only institution or actor that was guilty of such restrictions. As can be seen in the conference papers and report1, most of the phenomena that we are witnessing more clearly today were already quite discernible then: groups based in civil society could harass scholars or public intellectuals for writing or making public statements that were considered to be contrary to religious principles, or to national interests, or to dominant social values, customs and ‘traditions’. Donors could also restrict the freedom of research in many different ways. Within the academia itself, the violations of academic freedom could take forms ranging from sexual harassment, through the trading of grades for different kinds of favours, to student groups threatening academic staff or other students and wreaking havoc on university campuses. The triumph of neoliberalism, and dominant notions of political correctness, and the rise of fundamentalisms of different kinds have led to the shrinking of spaces for critical thinking, not only in society, but also on our campuses. What were emerging phenomena then have now become major problems, with university campuses like Garissa University College in Garissa, Kenya, and the Ahmed Baba library in Timbuktu being raided by armed fundamentalist groups or rebel movements. Disciplines like history are barely surviving. Although it is now recognized that higher education and research have been key to all the successful and sustainable structural transformation and development experiences of the past few decades, most policy makers of our continent tend to be dismissive of the social sciences and humanities. Yet without the social sciences and humanities, no deep understanding of global and local challenges, and therefore no genuine human and people-centered development and meaningful empowerment of civil society and ordinary citizens are possible. The good news is, as one of the participants in the conference held in Lilongwe, Malawi, in April this year to celebrate the 25th anniversary conference of the Kampala Declaration, rightly pointed out, there are provisions explicitly protecting academic freedom in the constitutions of fifteen African countries, and in many of these cases, the inspiration came from the Kampala Declaration. The part of the Kampala Declaration that is rarely mentioned, but which is equally important, is the part dealing with the social responsibility of academics and intellectuals, more generally. The number of professors and lecturers who pay insufficient attention to ethical issues is, unfortunately, very large. This could be anything from the neglect of teaching and the responsibility to supervise theses and dissertations and mentor graduate students and junior colleagues, to a total lack of interest in the issues and challenges facing the communities where the universities are located. Too large a number of academics are prioritizing moonlighting activities instead of their duties at the institutions where they are employed. Yet the defense of academic freedom and the autonomy of the institutions of higher learning are best done if they go with a strict adherence to ethics, accountability, and the fulfillment of the social responsibility of academics. The development of a vibrant knowledge economy in Africa is something that CODESRIA has always taken keen interest in and researched with relentless vigour over the years through its programmes. At its 14th CODESRIA General Assembly held in June 2015, which focused on the creation of Africa’s futures in an era of global transformation, one of the key points over which there was a broad consensus is the need for research and new knowledge, and to critically interrogate the narrative and counter- narratives, not only on Africa’s development, but also on innovations and technology as engines of growth and development in Africa. One critical issue today is, precisely, that of the private appropriation, out of power and profit motives, of knowledge produced through scholarship that has been funded with public resources, thus making the availability of that knowledge to African universities or African and southern development extremely difficult. The future of Africa’s knowledge economy is, therefore, a subject that has continued to generate vigorous debate. In one of the articles featured in this issue of CODESRIA Bulletin, titled: Defining Structural Transformation in Africa, Carlos Lopes calls for a shift away from the present economic models in various African countries. He identifies poor investment in research and development as one of the banes of growth in Africa, in addition to several other political, social, environmental and economic factors. Henning Melber’s article in this issue of the Bulletin: Development and Environment: The Challenges for Research Collaboration in and with Africa underscores the importance of new research and new knowledge for development while drawing attention to the gap in knowledge production between the North and the South. He however noted that ‘‘relevant insights for local policy makers and communities in the South generated by new research end in peer reviewed journals whose commercial publishing priority remains prohibitive for access by those who might benefit most from it.’’ The subject of restricted access to scientific knowledge and scholarly communication (which, in effect, is a form of restriction of research and academic freedom), which Melber decried in his article, was the focus of an international conference hosted by CODESRIA in Dakar, 30 March - 1 April 2016, with the theme: ‘‘Open Access and the Future of the African Knowledge Economy’’. The conference which drew participants from 20 countries in Africa and across the globe focussed on the value of open access to scholarly communication in an increasingly globalised knowledge economy. The urgent need for the African scientific community to engage the open access movement as a driver of change and development on the continent was emphasized. A call was also made for a stronger South-South dialogue and cooperation on open access and scholarly communication at the conference which also had a strong participation by UNESCO, the Latin America Council of Social Sciences (CLACSO), the Indian Citation Index, Africa Journals Online (AJOL), the National Research Foundation (NRF) of South Africa, the Academy of Social Sciences of South Africa (ASSAF), and several other partner institutions such as the Human Sciences Research Council, the Nordic Africa Institute, and the African Studies Centre of Leiden. A report from the conference is included in this Bulletin. Also in this Bulletin, we have featured tributes to two of Africa’s great scholars: Thandika Mkandawire and Helmi Sharawy, who are both among the founding fathers of CODESRIA. The tributes are in recognition of their long association with and service to CODESRIA, and the African social science community. Thandika is one of the leading global scholars of the day, whose devotion to the African cause and contribution to knowledge on the continent is very widely acknowledged. In the words of Jimi Adesina, ‘‘Thandika was always driven by giving voice to Africans and elevating African voices. His was not simply being Africa-focused but facilitating the authentic interlocution for Africa and its peoples’’. The Kampala Declaration was adopted during his tenure as executive secretary of CODESRIA. The theme chosen for the colloquium held in Malawi to celebrate Thandika the scholar, mentor, pan Africanist, institution-builder, friend, and eternal CODESRIA militant, was Thinking African: Epistemological Issues. Indeed, both as a CODESRIA leader and in his own work, Thandika has consistently engaged social science concepts and theories from a critical point of view, interrogating their significance for Africa and the continent’s peoples. He has tried to enhance the visibility of African scholarship both within Africa and globally, and promoted scholarship that contributes to the enhancement of the freedom, well-being and dignity of the peoples of the continent. Helmi Sharawy is also one of the most illustrious leaders of our community who played a pioneering role in the development of CODESRIA, in the promotion of the study of Africa, and in the formation of a number of institutions and associations, such as the African Association of Political Science (AAPS). He was elected and served two terms as a member of CODESRIA’s Executive Committee. Helmi has also been a great champion of African liberation. Many great leaders, such as Amilcar Cabral, Agostinho Neto, Eduardo Mondlane and others, who visited Cairo during the years when Gamal Abdel Nasser was the President, were invited to his home and enjoyed the hospitality of his family. On 11 May 2016, CODESRIA and the Arab and African Research Centre in Cairo organized a round table to celebrate Professor Helmi Sharawy. Some of the tributes to Sharawy and Mkandawire are published in this issue of the Bulletin. The people who have made, and continue to make, great contribution to scholarship in Africa and to the growth and development of CODESRIA are many. More celebrations, taking different forms, will therefore follow. We also invite articles on, or critically engaging the work of, great African intellectuals and their contributions for publication in the CODESRIA Bulletin, or in other CODESRIA journals. Bonne lecture!

06–536Abd-el-Jawad, Hassan R. (Sultan Qaboos U, Oman), Why do minority languages persist? The case of Circassian in Jordan. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism (Multilingual Matters) 9.1 (2006), 51–74.06–537Athanasopoulos, Panos (U Essex, UK; pathan@essex.ac.uk), Effects of the grammatical representation of number on cognition in bilinguals. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition (Cambridge University Press) 9.1 (2006), 89–96.06–538Bialystok, Ellen (York U, Canada; ellenb@yorku.ca), Catherine Mcbride-Chang & Gigi Luk, Bilingualism, language proficiency and learning to read in two writing systems. Journal of Educational Psychology (American Psychological Association) 97.4 (2005), 580–590.06–539Broersma, Mirjam (Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics, Netherlands; mirjam.broersma@mpi.nl) & Kees de Bot, Triggered codeswitching: A corpus-based evaluation of the original triggering hypothesis and a new alternative. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition (Cambridge University Press) 9.1 (2006), 1–13.06–540Cahnmann, Melisa (U Georgia, Athens, USA; cahnmann@uga.edu) & Manka M. Varghese, Critical advocacy and bilingual education in the United States. Linguistics and Education (Elsevier) 16.1 (2005), 59–73.06–541Creese, Angela (U Birmingham, UK), Arvind Bhatt, Nirmala Bhojani & Peter Martin, Multicultural, heritage and learner identities in complementary schools. Language and Education (Multilingual Matters) 20.1 (2006), 23–4306–542Deuchar, Margaret (U Wales, Bangor, UK; m.deuchar@bangor.ac.uk), Congruence and Welsh–English code-switching. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition (Cambridge University Press) 8.3 (2005), 255–269.06–543Dong, Yanping (Guangdong U of Foreign Studies, China; ypdong@mail.gdufs.edu.cn), Shichun Gui & Brian Macwhinney, Shared and separate meanings in the bilingual mental lexicon. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition (Cambridge University Press) 8.3 (2005), 221–238.06–544du Plessis, Theo (U Free State, South Africa; dplesslt.hum@mail.uovs.ac.za), From monolingual to bilingual higher education: The repositioning of historically Afrikaans-medium universities in South Africa. Language Policy (Springer) 5.1 (2006), 87–113.06–545Étienne, Corinne (U Massachusetts, USA; corinne.etienne@umb.edu), The lexical particularities of French in the Haitian press: Readers' perceptions and appropriation. Journal of French Language Studies (Cambridge University Press) 15.3 (2005), 257–277.06–546Fargha, Mohammed & Madeline Haggan (Kuwait U, Kuwait), Compliment behaviour in bilingual Kuwaiti college students. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism (Multilingual Matters) 9.1 (2006), 94–118.06–547Francis, Norbert (Northern Arizona U, USA; norbert.francis@nau.edu), Bilingual children's writing: Self-correction and revision of written narratives in Spanish and Nahuatl. Linguistics and Education (Elsevier) 16.1 (2005), 74–92.06–548Hayes, Renée (U Sunderland, UK; rhayes@mundo-r.com), Conversation, negotiation, and the word as deed: Linguistic interaction in a dual language program. Linguistics and Education (Elsevier) 16.1 (2005), 93–112.06–549Martin, Peter (U East London, UK), Arvind Bhatt, Nirmala Bhojani & Angela Creese, Managing bilingual interaction in a Gujarati complementary school in Leicester. Language and Education (Multilingual Matters) 20.1 (2006), 5–22.06–550McGroarty, Mary (Northern Arizona U, USA; mary.mcgroarty@nau.edu), Neoliberal collusion or strategic simultaneity? On multiple rationales for language-in-education policies. Language Policy (Springer) 5.1 (2006), 3–13.06–551Mooko, Theophilus (U Botswana, Gaborone, Botswana), Counteracting the threat of language death: The case of minority languages in Botswana. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development (Multilingual Matters) 27.2 (2006), 109–125.06–552Nicoladis, Elena (U Alberta, Canada; elenan@ualberta.ca), Cross-linguistic transfer in adjective–noun strings by preschool bilingual children. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition (Cambridge University Press) 9.1 (2006), 15–32.06–553Nikula, Tarja (U Jyväskylä, Finland; tnikula@cc.jyu.fi), English as an object and tool of study in classrooms: Interactional effects and pragmatic implications. Linguistics and Education (Elsevier) 16.1 (2005), 27–58.06–554Padilla, Francisca, Maria Teresa Bajo & Pedro Macizo (U Granada, Spain; mbajo@ugr.es), Articulatory suppression in language interpretation: Working memory capacity, dual tasking and word knowledge. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition (Cambridge University Press) 8.3 (2005), 207–219.06–555Palozzi, Vincent J. (Indiana U, USA; vpalozzi@indiana.edu), Assessing voter attitude toward language policy issues in the United States. Language Policy (Springer) 5.1 (2006), 15–39.06–556Petrovic, John E. (U Alabama, USA; Petrovic@bamaed.ua.edu), The conservative restoration and neoliberal defenses of bilingual education. Language Policy (Springer) 4.4 (2005), 395–416.06–557Robertson, Leena Helavaara (Middlesex U, UK), Learning to read ‘properly’ by moving between parallel literacy classes. Language and Education (Multilingual Matters) 20.1 (2006), 44–61.06–558Reyes, Iliana (U Arizona, USA; ireyes@email.arizona.edu) & Arturo E. Hernández, Sentence interpretation strategies in emergent bilingual children and adults. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition (Cambridge University Press) 9.1 (2006), 51–69.06–559Rolla San Francisco, Andrea, María Carlo, Diane August & Catherine E. Snow (Harvard U Graduate School, USA; snowcat@gse.harvard.edu), The role of language of instruction and vocabulary in the English phonological awareness of Spanish–English bilingual children. Applied Psycholinguistics (Cambridge University Press) 27.2 (2006), 229–246.06–560Sandel, Todd L. (U Oklahoma, Norman, USA), Wen-Yu Chao & Chung-Hui Liang, Language shift and language accommodation across family generations in Taiwan. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development (Multilingual Matters) 27.2 (2006), 126–147.06–561Sundara, Megha, Linda Polka & Shari Baum (McGill U, USA; msundara@u.washington.edu), Production of coronal stops by simultaneous bilingual adults. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition (Cambridge University Press) 9.1 (2006), 97–114.06–562Tan, Charlene (Nanyang Technological U, Singapore), Change and continuity: Chinese language policy in Singapore. 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Dear Colleagues, In the previous editorial paper published by Balat et al. [1] as an Early View Article a few months ago, it was reported that there were changes in the Editorial Team of the European Journal of Therapeutics (Eur J Ther). During these few months, while the preparations for the new issue (June 2023, volume 29, Issue 2) continued, the editorial board also was revised. We would like to inform you that the Editorial Board has been strengthened by academics who are competent in their fields from many countries of the world and will continue to be strengthened in the future. As it is known, Eur J Ther started broadcasting in 1990 as a Journal of the Faculty of Medicine University of Gaziantep (In Turkish: Gaziantep Üniversitesi Tıp Fakültesi Dergisi). In the first paper titled “While Starting” (In Turkish: Başlarken) of the first issue, Prof. Sabri Güngör, who was the first Editor-in-Chief, stated that the aim of the journal is to have an influential place in the field of science [2]. Over the past three decades, the journal has continued to advance. At the present time, it is inevitable to reorganise the editorial board of the journal and enrich it with leading international editors in order to move the journal to better places. This editorial will explain essential developments in the journal in the last few months, and the new Editorial Board Members of the Eur J Ther will be introduced. Changes are inevitable, and we are delighted to announce that this issue marks several significant improvements. Specifically, we bolstered our editorial team with esteemed international academics and expanded our pool of referees. Consequently, the evaluation period for the submitted articles was significantly reduced. In the last two months, the journal metrics are as follows: Acceptance rate: %29 Average time until the final decision: 24.4 days Average time to publish as Accepted/Early View Article, after acceptance: 4.8 days. Thanks to these improvements, as you will notice, there are 25 articles in this issue. In this way, this issue has been the issue in which most articles have been published so far. In addition, applications were made to DOAJ (Directory of Open Access Journals) and BASE (Bielefeld Academic Search Engine), among the most essential open-access databases in the world, in May 2023. Moreover, cited references to the previous and/or alternative names of the journal (Gaziantep Medical Journal, Gaziantep Med J, Gaziantep Tıp Dergisi and Gaziantep Üniversitesi Tıp Fakültesi Dergisi) in Web of Science that were not reflected in the journal metrics were identified and reported to the Web of Science. Some of these correction requests have been finalized and corrected, and thus the total number of citations and the H-index of the journal increased [3]. After all these data are updated, it will be seen that the citation values of the Eur J Ther will increase even more. We will also update the guidelines for the authors and reviewers with respect to the ICMJE [4] and EQUATOR Network [5], which will enhance the quality of research in the medical fraternity. Additionally, the use of DOI for articles published in the journal started in 2011 (2011, volume 17, Issue 2). In order to facilitate the recognition and access of the articles, DOIs have also been defined for all articles published in previous issues. Editors Ayşe Balat, MD, became the new Editor-in-Chief of Eur J Ther for the second time, the first between 2007-2010. She is a Professor in Pediatrics and a specialist in Pediatric Nephrology and Rheumatology. She has been working as Vice President of Gaziantep University since October 2020. She was the Dean of Gaziantep University Medical Faculty (2007-2010), President of the Mediterranean Kidney Society (MKS) between 2015 to 2018, and Secretary beginning in 2018. She is also President of the International Association for the History of Nephrology (IAHN) since 2022. In Gaziantep, she first established Pediatric Nephrology and Pediatric Rheumatology Units, and the first peritoneal dialysis was performed by her. She has several studies published in international and national peer-reviewed scientific journals (H-Index: 26, i10-index: 59 and approximately 2500 citations). She was the Guest Editor of the International Journal of Nephrology in 2012 (special issue titled “Devil’s Triangle in Kidney Diseases: Oxidative Stress, Mediators, and Inflammation”). She is a member of many national and international associations related to her field, including membership in the Turkish Pediatric Nephrology Association board in the past. She has several scientific presentation awards at national and international congresses. She has been joined as an “invited speaker” at 20 International Meetings. As of 2007, she organizes World Kidney Day activities within the scope of the “Survival is not Enough” program (in the first rank among European pediatric nephrologists as an organizer of those activities). Recently, she was elected as a “lifelong member of the Academy of Medicine and Surgical Sciences” of the University of Naples, which is one of the four important academies in Naples. Şevki Hakan Eren, MD, is the new Deputy Editor-in-Chief of the Eur J Ther. Dr Eren graduated from the Medical School, University of Gaziantep, Turkey and completed Emergency training at Cumhuriyet University. He has been working as a Professor at Gaziantep University, Department of Emergency Medicine, Gaziantep, Turkey. He is interested in traumatology, and toxicology. Mehmet Sait Menzilcioğlu, MD, is the new Deputy Editor-in-Chief of the Eur J Ther. Dr. Menzilcioğlu graduated from the Medical School, University of Gaziantep, Turkey and completed Radiology training at the same University. He has been working as an Associate Professor at Gaziantep University, Department of Radiology, Gaziantep, Turkey. He is interested in neuroradiology, ultrasonography, doppler Ultrasonography, Computerized Tomography, Magnetic Resonance Imaging, interventional radiology, and obstetric sonography. İlhan Bahşi, MD, PhD, is the new Deputy Editor-in-Chief of the Eur J Ther. Dr Bahşi is also on the Editorial Board of the Journal of Craniofacial Surgery, Frontiers in Neuroanatomy, and Mersin University School of Medicine Lokman Hekim Journal of History of Medicine and Folk Medicine. In addition, he has published more than 80 articles (H-index: 12 and i10-index: 15) and has been a referee for more than 600 academic papers in many internationally indexed journals. Dr Bahşi, who has been working in the Department of Anatomy at the Gaziantep University Faculty of Medicine since 2012, completed his doctorate education in 2017 and obtained the title of PhD. Besides anatomy, he is particularly interested in the history of medicine, medical ethics, and education. İlkay Doğan, PhD, is the new Editorial Board member of the Eur J Ther for Statistics and Methodology. He is in the Department of Biostatistics at the Gaziantep University Faculty of Medicine. His professional focus lies in research about Structural Equation Modeling, Multivariate Analysis. With a wealth of experience spanning over 15 years across multiple disciplines, including veterinary, nursing, sport and medicine, Dr Doğan has held various notable articles. He is a member of the Turkish Biostatistics Association. Ahmet Acıduman, MD, PhD, graduated from Ege University Faculty of Medicine in 1987 and later specialized in Neurosurgery in 1997. Dr Acıduman further expanded his academic credentials by completing a PhD in the History of Medicine and Ethics in 2005. Currently, he is a Professor in the Department of History of Medicine and Ethics at Ankara University Faculty of Medicine. With a notable record of over 200 academic publications, Dr Acıduman’s contributions to the field continue. Bilal Çiğ, PhD, is a new Editorial board member of the Eur J Ther. Associate Prof Bilal Çiğ is a Postdoctoral researcher at King's College London Wolfson Card. He has been investigating the roles of ion channels in neurological diseases using the patch clamp technique for nearly 15 years. For the past few years, he has focused on the interactions of TRPA1 and Kir 4.1 channels in demyelination. He has 40 SCI-E and international publications, with about 1300 citations. Tsvetoslav Georgiev, MD, PhD, holds an esteemed position as an associate professor at the First Department of Internal Medicine in Varna, Bulgaria, while also working as a clinician at the University Hospital St. Marina. He has successfully defended his doctoral dissertation in 2018 at the Medical University in Sofia. Having obtained a specialization in rheumatology that same year, Dr Georgiev has extensive expertise in this intricate field of medicine. He further expanded his knowledge and skills by attending comprehensive courses on imaging diagnostics and musculoskeletal ultrasound in rheumatology held in various locations. Dr Georgiev has been involved in formulating the Bulgarian consensus on osteoarthritis and EULAR recommendations for the non-pharmacological core management of osteoarthritis. Notably, Dr Georgiev has received recognition for his outstanding contributions as a reviewer, earning awards in 2019 and 2021 from the Korean Academy of Medical Sciences. Davut Sinan Kaplan, PhD, is a new Editorial Board Member of the Eur J Ther. Dr Kaplan is an Associate Professor in the Department of Physiology at Gaziantep University Faculty of Medicine. He is also the Graduate School of Health Sciences’ Director. He has taken involved in a wide variety of research with animal models. His research generally focuses on Endocrinology, Metabolism, Physical Activity, and Breast Milk. He has mentored a large group of master’s and PhD students. He has served for many years as a member of the local animal experiments ethics committee. Mehmet Karadağ, MD, is a new Editorial Board Member of the Eur J Ther for Psychiatry. Dr. Karadag is an Associate Professor of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry. He is in the Department of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry at the Gaziantep University School of Medicine. He has experience on Posttraumatic Stress, Attention Deficit Hyperactivity, Autism Spectrum, Anxiety, Depressive Disorders and EMDR Therapy. He is also EMDRIA accredited EMDR Consultant. Murat Karaoglan, MD, is a new Editorial Board Member of the Eur J Ther for Endocrinology. Dr. Karaoglan is an Associate Professor of Pediatric Endocrinology. He is in the Department of Pediatric Endocrinology at the Gaziantep University School of Medicine. He has experience on growth disorder, diabetology and disorder of sexual development. Waqar M. Naqvi, PhD, is a faculty in the Department of Physiotherapy at the College of Health Sciences, Gulf Medical University, Ajman, UAE. His professional focus lies in the development of the research ecosystem within healthcare education, with a particular interest in AI, AR, VR, Sensors, and innovation in health sciences. With a wealth of experience spanning over 14 years across multiple countries, including India, Canada, Cameroon, Hong Kong, and Saudi Arabia, Dr Naqvi has held various notable positions. These include his roles as the Associate Director of Research at the NKP Salve Institute of Medical Sciences, Acting Dean and Vice Dean of the Physiotherapy College, Convener for the International Admission Office, International Accreditation and Quality Assurance Wing, Staff Selection Committee, and Coordinator for a Staff-Student Exchange Program. In recognition of his outstanding contributions, Dr Naqvi was honored with the Distinguished Service Award and Young Achiever Award from the Indian Association of Physiotherapy. Dr Naqvi is widely recognized for his expertise in conducting seminars and workshops on research, publications, and intellectual property rights. Specializing as a research trainer in the fields of medicine, dentistry, physiotherapy, and health sciences, Dr Naqvi's unwavering commitment to research excellence and his genuine passion for mentoring aspiring researchers are instrumental in shaping the future of healthcare. He firmly believes in the power of evidence-based practice and actively advocates for its implementation. Ali Nasimi is a neuroscientist in the field of central regulation of the cardiovascular system. Victor Nedzvetsky, PhD, DrSc is a full professor of Physiology, Biochemistry and Lab Diagnostics, where coordinates courses on Neurochemistry, Molecular and Cell Biology. Additionally, he is a vice-director of “The Biosafety Center” research and development company (Ukraine). He obtained PhD in biochemistry at Dnipropetrovsk University, Ukraine (1990). After postdoctoral training, he received a degree of Doctor Science at Kyiv National University (2006). Since 2015 he was involved as an invited professor of Bingol University, Turkey as a supervisor of PhD projects on genetic and molecular biology. He has participated in both the education and research work of the Dept. Art and Science of Bingol University from 2015 to 2021. His current research interests are focused on intestinal barrier function, brain blood barrier, astrocytes, cognitive deficits, bioactive compounds as anticancer agents, nanomaterials, and neuroprotection. He is the author of over 230 research publications and ten patents. He is a member of the editorial board of the journal “Regulatory Mechanisms of Biosystems”. Raphael Olszewski, DDS, MD, PhD, DrSc is a full professor of oral surgery and dentomaxillofacial radiology at the Université Catholique de Louvain (UCLouvain), Brussels, Belgium. Professor Olszewski is an oral surgeon and member of the Department of Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery at Cliniques Universitaires Saint Luc, UCLouvan, Brussels, Belgium. Prof Olszewski is the Editor-in-Chief of NEMESIS: Negative effects in medical sciences: oral and maxillofacial surgery. Janusz Ostrowski, MD, PhD. Internal medicine, nephrology, and public health specialist. Former Head of the Department of Internal Medicine and Nephrology at the Provincial Hospital in Wloclawek, Poland. Director for Peritoneal Dialysis in Diaverum Company Poland. Secretary of the Historical Section of the Polish Society of Nephrology. Former President of the International Association for the History of Nephrology. Professor, Vice Dean of the School of Public Health and Head of the Department of the History of Medicine in the Centre of Postgraduate Medical Education in Warsaw, Poland. Ayşe Aysima Özçelik, MD, is a new Editorial Board member of Eur J Ther for Neurology. She is the head of the pediatric neurology department and works at Gaziantep University Faculty of Medicine. She is the regional manager for the treatment of spinal muscular atrophy disease. She is an experienced physician in the treatment and follow-up of genetic neurological disorders, epilepsy, and neuromuscular diseases. Maria Piagkou, DDS, MD, MSc, PhD is a new Editorial Board member of Eur J Ther for Neurology. She is an associate professor at the Department of Anatomy, School of Medicine, Faculty of Health Sciences, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens. She is a Deputy Vice-President of the Hellenic Association of Public Health in Greece and a President of the printed material handling committee of the National Organization for Medicines. She has twenty-one years of teaching activity in the field of anatomy, focused on head and neck, oral and maxillofacial area, as well as on skull base anatomy and anatomical variants. Her main areas of interest are head and neck anatomy and surgery, skull base anatomy, oral surgery, maxillofacial and dental trauma, rehabilitation, intraoral fixation after condylar fractures, and teeth replantation. She is an associate editor in 2 journals of Anatomy and acts as Editorial Board Member in six other journals. She authored six chapters in neuroanatomy and oral and maxillofacial surgery and thoracic surgery books, two monographs, and edited the translation of 9 books. She is a reviewer in 30 international scientific journals. She authored 156 publications in PubMed, 91 abstracts in 26 international congresses, and 318 abstracts in Greek scientific meetings. She is General Secretary of the Sports Medicine Association of Greece and treasurer of the Hellenic Association of Anatomy. Halima Resić, MD, PhD is a Professor of Internal medicine – nephrology in Sarajevo. Professor Resić studied medicine at the University of Belgrade where she also undertook a clinical fellowship in nephrology. She finished her postgraduate studies also at the University of Belgrade in 1987. Professor Resić worked at the Clinical Centre of Belgrade from 1972. to 1992. In 1993. She worked at the Marmara University of Istanbul. Also, in the period from 1994. to 1996. she took part in projects for refugees in Munich with the support of the Ministry of Health of the city of Munich. From 1996. till 2019. professor Resić worked at the Clinical Center University of Sarajevo, where she was head of the Clinic of Hemodialysis. In 2001. She obtained her PhD degree in Nephrology. She became a professor at the Medical Faculty of the University of Sarajevo in 2013. Professor Resić published about 180 professional and scientific papers in relevant journals. She has been a president of organizations of a few national congress and nephrology schools, and also an active participant of ERA congress and WCN congress. She has also been invited lecturer in over 60 different international and national congresses. Professor Resić was President of the BANTAO Society (2017-2019), and President of the Mediterian Kidney Society. She has been President of the Society of Nephrology, Dialysis and Kidney Transplantation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (2010-2020) and also, she is President of Donor’s network of Bosnia and Herzegovina. She is a member of ERA EDTA and ISN, and also a member of the Committee of SRC by ISN. She is a member of the Council of EAPE (European Association of Professor Emerita). She is also vice president of IANUBIH (International Academy of Science and Arts in Bosnia and Herzegovina) and a member of the board of South Eastern Europe by ISN. In her carrier, she obtains many international awards for her work in the field of Nephrology. Aldo Rogelis Aquiles Rodrigues is a new Editorial Board member of Eur J Ther for Neurology. Currently, he is an associate professor in physiology at the Federal University of Triângulo Mineiro, MG, Brazil since 2006. Before that, he worked as a research associate at the Department of Neurophysiology, Madison, USA from 2002 to 2005. He has experience in auditory neurons electrophysiology, enteric neurons and ion channels in general. Domenico Santoro is a Full Professor of Nephrology, Director of the Division of Nephrology and Coordinator of the Nephrology Fellowship Program University of Messina, AOU G. Martino – Messina. He is s a clinical expert in glomerular disorders with a scientific formation at the section of renal Pathology of the CSMC UCLA Los Angeles. He collaborated in genetic studies in glomerular disease. He coordinates as principal investigators several studies in glomerular disease both in clinical/therapeutical as well genetic aspects. He is the Associate Editor of the Journal of Nephrology and MBC Nephrology. Author of more than 270 scientific publications indexed on Scopus, H-index in Scopus: 38; H-index in Google Scholar: 46. Onur Taydaş, MD, is a new Editorial Board Member of the Eur J Ther for Radiology. Dr Taydas is an Associate Professor in the Department of Radiology at the Sakarya University School of Medicine. He has a Turkish Society of Radiology Proficiency Certificate, a European Diploma in Radiology, and a Turkish Interventional Radiology Diploma. He has experience in neuroradiology, musculoskeletal radiology, and interventional radiology. Gregory Tsoucalas (or Tsoukalas), born in 1974 and originated from the Island of Skopelos in the center of the Aegean Sea, he had studied Medicine in the University of Saint Kliment Ohridski in Sofia Bulgaria. He had then continued his studies in Lyon France and Athens Greece. He had been a Nuclear Medicine-Oncology-End stage physician in Saint Savvas Anticancer Hospital of Athens. He had after that moved to the city of Volos where he had been a physician in the Saint George Clinic for Alzheimer and Related Dementia Syndromes-End stage. He had finally moved to the General Clinic Anassa of Volos in the Internal Pathology Department. He currently holds the position of the Assistant professor of the History of Medicine, and head of the Department of History of Medicine and Medical Deontology, Medical School, University of Crete, Heraklion, Greece. Specialized in Nuclear Medicine, MSc in Palliative Medicine and PhD in the History of Medicine from National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, History of Medicine Diploma from Claude Bernard Lyon 1 University, post-doc in Anatomy from Democritus University of Thrace, Anthropology Course Diploma from Leiden University. He holds diplomas in Mastology and Clinical Nutrition for the related European Societies. He is the General Secretary of the Hellenic Branch of the Balkan Medical Union. Interested in the fields of History of Medicine, Deontology, Bioethics, Anatomy and Humanities, he is the writer of more than 200 articles in the PubMed database and more than 200 in other bases. He loves books and had published 10, while he had participated with chapters in various publications. Member of the International Society of the History of Medicine he had presented more than 130 speeches and 50 lectures in international level. Member of DELTOS (Hellenic Society) he had presented more than 400 speeches in local level. He enjoys more than 2500 citations, H-index: 17, and i10-index: 41. Hamit Yıldız, MD, PhD, is the new editorial Board member for Internal Medicine. Dr Yildiz is an internal medicine specialist and practices in Gaziantep University Hospital. He is Board Certified in Internal Medicine. He completed his internship at Gaziantep University in Gaziantep and also graduated with a PhD in molecular biology. He has more than ten years of experience as a specialist who focuses on patients with diabetes, hypertension and thyroid diseases. His special interest is recombinant DNA technologies and the development of biotechnological drugs. Betül Yılmaz Furtun, MD, FASE, FAAP, is a new Editorial Board Member for the Eur J Ther. She is an Associate Professor of Pediatrics at the Texas Children's Hospital, Baylor College of Medicine and Associate Medical Director of the Fetal Cardiology/Fetal Cardiac Intervention Program at Texas Children's Hospital. Dr Yilmaz Furtun is also a Course Director of Fetal Cardiology Education/Curriculum Development for advanced and categorical cardiology fellows and an Associate Director of the Fetal Care Center Steering Committee for fetal cardiology at Texas Children's Hospital. Dr Yilmaz Furtun is a pediatric cardiologist with expertise in advanced imaging modalities including fetal echocardiography, transthoracic and transesophageal echocardiography. Dr Yilmaz Furtun completed her pediatrics training at Washington University in St. Louis, pediatric cardiology training at Columbia University Medical Center, New York Presbyterian Hospital, and fetal cardiology/advanced imaging training at Cincinnati Children's Hospital. Dr Yilmaz Furtun actively participates in fetal and pediatric echocardiography laboratory protocol development and fetal and echocardiography lab and Fetal Care Center quality and improvement initiatives. Dr Yilmaz Furtun has been a member of the American Society of Echocardiography, the International Society of Ultrasound in Obstetrics and Gynecology, the Fetal Heart Society as well as American College of Cardiology. Dr Yilmaz Furtun’s clinical and research focus relates to cardiac imaging by echocardiography and fetal echocardiography. She utilizes her experience in these areas to study how we can use non-invasive imaging modalities for investigating normal and abnormal cardiac function in patients with congenital heart disease and in fetuses with cardiac compromise. Her primary research interests focus on fetal cardiovascular assessment and cardiac dysfunction in patients with congenital heart disease, in fetuses with congenital abnormalities, and in multiple gestation pregnancies complicated by twin-twin transfusion syndrome. Matthew Zdilla, DC, is a new Editorial Board Member for the Eur J Ther. Dr Zdilla was educated at the University of Pittsburgh and Northeast College of Health Sciences. He serves as an Associate Professor at the West Virginia University School of Medicine in the United States of America. He is an award-winning, internationally recognized clinical anatomist who has published scores of high-impact research papers regarding human diversity and the impact of anatomical variation on clinical procedures. In addition to his experience as an accomplished researcher, Zdilla brings his experience as an ad hoc reviewer for nearly 40 journals to the European Journal of Therapeutics. Joseph Schmidt, MFA has taught academic writing for the University of Louisville and various campuses of The City University of New York (CUNY). An accomplished poet, he has contributed content to, and edited a number of small literary journals. At Gaziantep University, he has lent his editorial and native English language talents to some of his Turkish colleagues in the sciences. He teaches in the university’s School of Foreign Languages (YDO).

We take as our subject what many would deem a waste of good celluloid: the degraded cultural form of the stoner film. Stoner films plot the experiences of the wasted (those intoxicated on marijuana) as they exhibit wastefulness—excessiveness, improvidence, decay—on a number of fronts. Stoners waste time in constantly hunting for pot and in failing to pursue more productive activity whilst wasted. Stoners waste their minds, both literally, if we believe contested studies that indicate marijuana smoking kills brains cells, and figuratively, in rendering themselves cognitively impaired. Stoners waste their bodies through the dangerous practice of smoking and through the tendency toward physical inertia. Stoners waste money on marijuana firstly, but also on such sophomoric accoutrements as the stoner film itself. Stoners lay waste to convention in excessively seeking pleasure and in dressing and acting outrageously. And stoners, if the scatological humour of so many stoner films is any index, are preoccupied with bodily waste. Stoners, we argue here, waste whiteness as well. As the likes of Jesse and Chester (Dude, Where’s My Car?), Wayne and Garth (Wayne’s World), Bill and Ted (Bill and Ted’s Excellent Adventure) and Jay and Silent Bob (Jay and Silent Bob Strike Back) make clear, whiteness looms large in stoner films. Yet the genre, we argue, disavows its own whiteness, in favour of a post-white hybridity that lavishly squanders white privilege. For all its focus on whiteness, filmic wastedness has always been an ethnically diverse and ambiguous category. The genre’s origins in the work of Cheech Marin, a Chicano, and Tommy Chong, a Chinese-European Canadian, have been buttressed in this regard by many African American contributions to the stoner oeuvre, including How High, Half Baked and Friday, as well as by Harold and Kumar Go to White Castle, and its Korean-American and Indian-American protagonists. Cheech and Chong initiated the genre with the release of Up in Smoke in 1978. A host of films have followed featuring protagonists who spend much of their time smoking and seeking marijuana (or—in the case of stoner films such as Dude, Where’s My Car? released during the height of the War on Drugs—acting stoned without ever being seen to get stoned). Inspired in part by the 1938 anti-marijuana film Reefer Madness, and the unintended humour such propaganda films begat amongst marijuana smokers, stoner films are comedies that satirise both marijuana culture and its prohibition. Self-consciously slapstick, the stoner genre excludes more serious films about drugs, from Easy Rider to Shaft, as well as films such as The Wizard of Oz, Yellow Submarine, the Muppet movies, and others popular amongst marijuana smokers because of surreal content. Likewise, a host of films that include secondary stoner characters, such as Jeff Spicoli in Fast Times at Ridgemont High and Wooderson in Dazed and Confused, are commonly excluded from the genre on the grounds that the stoner film, first and foremost, celebrates stonerism, that is “serious commitment to smoking and acquiring marijuana as a lifestyle choice.” (Meltzer). Often taking the form of the “buddy film,” stoner flicks generally feature male leads and frequently exhibit a decidedly masculinist orientation, with women, for the most part reduced to little more than the object of the white male gaze.The plot, such as it is, of the typical stoner film concerns the search for marijuana (or an accessory, such as junk food) and the improbable misadventures that ensue. While frequently represented as resourceful and energetic in their quest for marijuana, filmic stoners otherwise exhibit ambivalent attitudes toward enterprise that involves significant effort. Typically represented as happy and peaceable, filmic stoners rarely engage in conflict beyond regular clashes with authority figures determined to enforce anti-drug laws, and other measures that stoners take to be infringements upon happiness. While Hollywood’s stoners thus share a sense of entitlement to pleasure, they do not otherwise exhibit a coherent ideological orthodoxy beyond a certain libertarian and relativistic open-mindedness. More likely to take inspiration from comic book heroes than Aldous Huxley or Timothy Leary, stoners are most often portrayed as ‘dazed and confused,’ and could be said to waste the intellectual tradition of mind expansion that Leary represents. That stoner films are, at times, misunderstood to be quintessentially white is hardly suprising. As a social construct that creates, maintains and legitimates white domination, whiteness manifests, as one of its most defining features, an ability to swallow up difference and to insist upon, at critical junctures, a universal subjectivity that disallows for difference (hooks 167). Such universalising not only sanctions co-optation of ethnic cultural expression, it also functions to mask whiteness’s existence, thus reinforcing its very power. Whiteness, as Richard Dyer argues, is simultaneously everywhere and nowhere. It obfuscates itself and its relationship to the particular traits it is said to embody—disinterest, prudence, temperance, rationality, bodily restraint, industriousness (3). Whiteness is thus constructed as neither an ethnic nor racial particularity, but rather the transcendence of such positionality (Wiegman 139). While non-whites are raced, to be white is to be “just human” and thus to possess the power to “claim to speak for the commonality of humanity” whilst denying the accrual of any particular racial privilege (Dyer 2). In refuting its own advantages—which are so wide ranging (from preferential treatment in housing loans, to the freedom to fail without fear of reflecting badly on other whites) that they are, like whiteness itself, both assumed and unproblematic—whiteness instantiates individualism, allowing whites to believe that their successes are in no way the outcome of systematic racial advantage, but rather the product of individual toil (McIntosh; Lipsitz). An examination of the 1978 stoner film Up in Smoke suggests that whatever the ethnic ambiguity of the figure of the stoner, the genre of the stoner film is all about the wasting of whiteness. Up in Smoke opens with two alternating domestic scenes. We first encounter Pedro De Pacas (Cheech Marin) in a cluttered and shadowy room as his siblings romp affectionately upon his back, waking him from his slumber on the couch. Pedro rises, stepping into a bowl of cereal on the floor. He stumbles to the bathroom, where, sleepy and disoriented, he urinates into the laundry hamper. The chaos of Pedro’s disrupted sleep is followed in the film by a more metaphoric awakening as Anthony Stoner (Tommy Chong) determines to leave home. The scene takes place in a far more orderly, light and lavish room. The space’s overpowering whiteness is breached only by the figure of Anthony and his unruly black hair, bushy black beard, and loud Hawaiian shirt, which vibrates with colour against the white walls, white furnishings and white curtains. We watch as Anthony, behind an elaborate bar, prepares a banana protein shake, impassively ignoring his parents, both clothed in all-white, as they clutch martini glasses and berate their son for his lack of ambition. Arnold Stoner [father]: Son, your mother and me would like for you to cozy up to the Finkelstein boy. He's a bright kid, and, uh... he's going to military school, and remember, he was an Eagle Scout. Tempest Stoner [mother]: Arnold…Arnold Stoner: [shouts over/to his wife] Will you shut up? We’re not going to have a family brawl!Tempest Stoner: [continues talking as her husband shouts]…. Retard.Arnold Stoner: [to Anthony] We've put up with a hell of a lot.[Anthony starts blender] Can this wait? ... Build your goddamn muscles, huh? You know, you could build your muscles picking strawberries.You know, bend and scoop... like the Mexicans. Shit, maybe I could get you a job with United Fruit. I got a buddy with United Fruit. ... Get you started. Start with strawberries, you might work your way up to these goddamn bananas! When, boy? When...are you going to get your act together?Anthony: [Burps]Tempest Stoner: Gross.Arnold Stoner: Oh, good God Almighty me. I think he's the Antichrist. Anthony, I want to talk to you. [Anthony gathers his smoothie supplements and begins to walk out of the room.] Now, listen! Don't walk away from me when I'm talking to you! You get a goddamn job before sundown, or we're shipping you off to military school with that goddamn Finkelstein shit kid! Son of a bitch!The whiteness of Anthony’s parents is signified so pervasively and so strikingly in this scene—in their improbable white outfits and in the room’s insufferably white décor—that we come to understand it as causative. The rage and racism of Mr. Stoner’s tirade, the scene suggests, is a product of whiteness itself. Given that whiteness achieves and maintains its domination via both ubiquity and invisibility, what Up in Smoke accomplishes in this scene is notable. Arnold Stoner’s tortured syntax (“that goddamn Finkelstein shit kid”) works to “mak[e] whiteness strange” (Dyer 4), while the scene’s exaggerated staging delineates whiteness as “a particular – even peculiar – identity, rather than a presumed norm” (Roediger, Colored White 21). The belligerence of the senior Stoners toward not only their son and each other, but the world at large, in turn, functions to render whiteness intrinsically ruthless and destructive. Anthony’s parents, in all their whiteness, enact David Roediger’s assertion that “it is not merely that ‘Whiteness’s is oppressive and false; it is that ‘Whiteness’s is nothing but oppressive and false” (Toward the Abolition 13).Anthony speaks not a word during the scene. He communicates only by belching and giving his parents the finger as he leaves the room and the home. This departure is significant in that it marks the moment when Anthony, hereafter known only as “Man,” flees the world of whiteness. He winds up taking refuge in the multi-hued world of stonerism, as embodied in the scene that follows, which features Pedro emerging from his home to interact with his Chicano neighbours and to lovingly inspect his car. As a lowrider, a customised vehicle that “begin[s] with the abandoned materials of one tradition (that of mainstream America), … [and is] … then transformed and recycled . . . into new and fresh objects of art which are distinctly Chicano,” Pedro’s car serves as a symbol of the cultural hybridisation that Man is about to undergo (quoted in Ondine 141).As Man’s muteness in the presence of his parents suggests, his racial status seems tentative from the start. Within the world of whiteness, Man is the subaltern, silenced and denigrated, finding voice only after he befriends Pedro. Even as the film identifies Man as white through his parental lineage, it renders indeterminate its own assertion, destabilising any such fixed or naturalised schema of identity. When Man is first introduced to Pedro’s band as their newest member, James, the band’s African American bass player, looks at Man, dressed in the uniform of the band, and asks: “Hey Pedro, where’s the white dude you said was playing the drums?” Clearly, from James’s point of view, the room contains no white dudes, just stoners. Man’s presumed whiteness becomes one of the film’s countless gags, the provocative ambiguity of the casting of a Chinese-European to play a white part underscored in the film by the equally implausible matter of age. Man, according to the film’s narrative, is a high school student; Chong was forty when the film was released. Like his age, Man’s whiteness is never a good fit. That Man ultimately winds up sleeping on the very couch upon which we first encounter Pedro suggests how radical and final the break with his dubious white past is. The “Mexicans” whom his father would mock as fit only for abject labour are amongst those whom Man comes to consider his closest companions. In departing his parents’ white world, and embracing Pedro’s dilapidated, barrio-based world of wastedness, Man traces the geographies narrated by George Lipsitz in The Possessive Investment in Whiteness. Historically, Lipsitz argues, the development of affluent white space (the suburbs) was made possible by the disintegration of African American, Chicano and other minority neighbourhoods disadvantaged by federal, state, and corporate housing, employment, health care, urban renewal, and education policies that favoured whites over non-whites. In this sense, Man’s flight from his parents’ home is a retreat from whiteness itself, and from the advantages that whiteness conveys. In choosing the ramshackle, non-white world of stonerism, Man performs an act of racial treachery. Whiteness, Lipsitz contends, has “cash value,” and “is invested in, like property, but it is also a means of accumulating property and keeping it from others,” which allows for “intergenerational transfers of inherited wealth that pass on the spoils of discrimination to succeeding generations” (vii-viii). Man’s disavowal of the privileges of whiteness is a reckless refusal to accept this racial birthright. Whiteness is thus wasted upon Man because Man wastes his whiteness. Given the centrality of prudence and restraint to hegemonic constructions of whiteness, Man’s willingness to squander the “valuable asset” that is his white inheritance is especially treasonous (Harris 1713). Man is the prodigal son of whiteness, a profligate who pours down the drain “the wages of whiteness” that his forbearers have spent generations accruing and protecting (Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness). His waste not only offends the core values which whiteness is said to comprise, it also denigrates whiteness itself by illuminating the excess of white privilege, as well as the unarticulated excess of meanings that hover around whiteness to create the illusion of transcendence and infinite variety. Man’s performance, like all bad performances of whiteness, “disrupt[s] implicit understandings of what it means to be white” (Hartigan 46). The spectre of seeing white domination go ‘up in smoke’—via wasting, as opposed to hoarding, white privilege—amounts to racial treason, and helps not only to explicate why whites in the film find stonerism so menacing, but also to explain the paradox of “pot [making] the people who don’t smoke it even more paranoid than the people who do” (Patterson). While Tommy Chong’s droll assertion that "what makes us so dangerous is that we're harmless" ridicules such paranoia, it ultimately fails to account for the politics of subversive squandering of white privilege that characterise the stoner film (“Biographies”). Stoners in Up in Smoke, as in most other stoner films, are marked as non-white, through association with ethnic Others, through their rejection of mainstream ideas about work and achievement, and/or through their lack of bodily restraint in relentlessly seeking pleasure, in dressing outrageously, and in refusing to abide conventional grooming habits. Significantly, the non-white status of the stoner is both voluntary and deliberate. While stonerism embraces its own non-whiteness, its Otherness is not signified, primarily, through racial cross-dressing of the sort Eric Lott detects in Elvis, but rather through race-mixing. Stoner collectivity practices an inclusivity that defies America’s historic practice of racial and ethnic segregation (Lott 248). Stonerism further reveals its unwillingness to abide constrictive American whiteness in a scene in which Pedro and Man, both US-born Americans, are deported. The pair are rounded up along with Pedro’s extended family in a raid initiated when Pedro’s cousin “narcs” on himself to la migra (the Immigration and Naturalization Service) in order to get free transport for his extended family to his wedding in Tijuana. Pedro and Man return to the US as unwitting tricksters, bringing back to the US more marijuana than has ever crossed the Mexican-US border at one time, fusing the relationship between transnationalism and wastedness. The disrespect that stoners exhibit for pregnable US borders contests presumed Chicano powerlessness in the face of white force and further affronts whiteness, which historically has mobilised itself most virulently at the threat of alien incursion. Transgression here is wilful and playful; stoners intend to offend normative values and taste through their actions, their dress, and non-white associations as part of the project of forging a new hybridised, transnational subjectivity that threatens to lay waste to whiteness’s purity and privilege. Stoners invite the scrutiny of white authority with their outrageous attire and ethnically diverse composition, turning the “inevitability of surveillance” (Borrie 87) into an opportunity to enact their own wastedness—their wasted privilege, their wasted youth, their wasted potential—before a gaze that is ultimately confounded and threatened by the chaotic hybridity with which it is faced (Hebdige 26). By perpetually displaying his/her wasted Otherness, the stoner makes of him/herself a “freak,” a label cops use derisively throughout Up in Smoke to denote the wasted without realising that stoners define themselves in precisely such terms, and, by doing so, obstruct whiteness’s assertion of universal subjectivity. Pedro’s cousin Strawberry (Tom Skerritt), a pot dealer, enacts freakishness by exhibiting a large facial birthmark and by suffering from Vietnam-induced Post Traumatic Stress disorder. A freak in every sense of the word, Strawberry is denied white status by virtue of physical and mental defect. But Strawberry, as a stoner, ultimately wants whiteness even less than it wants him. The defects that deny him membership in the exclusive “club” that is whiteness prove less significant than the choice he makes to defect from the ranks of whiteness and join with Man in the decision to waste his whiteness wantonly (“Editorial”). Stoner masculinity is represented as similarly freakish and defective. While white authority forcefully frustrates the attempts of Pedro and Man to “score” marijuana, the duo’s efforts to “score” sexually are thwarted by their own in/action. More often than not, wastedness produces impotence in Up in Smoke, either literally or figuratively, wherein the confusion and misadventures that attend pot-smoking interrupt foreplay. The film’s only ostensible sex scene is unconsummated, a wasted opportunity for whiteness to reproduce itself when Man sleeps through his girlfriend’s frenzied discussion of sex. During the course of Up in Smoke, Man dresses as a woman while hitchhiking, Pedro mistakes Man for a woman, Man sits on Pedro’s lap when they scramble to change seats whilst being pulled over by the police, Man suggests that Pedro has a “small dick,” Pedro reports liking “manly breasts,” and Pedro—unable to urinate in the presence of Sgt. Stedenko—tells his penis that if it does not perform, he will “put [it] back in the closet.” Such attenuations of the lead characters’ masculinity climax in the penultimate scene, in which Pedro, backed by his band, performs “Earache My Eye,” a song he has just composed backstage, whilst adorned in pink tutu, garter belt, tassle pasties, sequined opera mask and Mickey Mouse ears: My momma talkin’ to me tryin’ to tell me how to liveBut I don't listen to her cause my head is like a sieveMy daddy he disowned me cause I wear my sister's clothesHe caught me in the bathroom with a pair of pantyhoseMy basketball coach he done kicked me off the teamFor wearing high heeled sneakers and acting like a queen“Earache My Eye” corroborates the Othered natured of stonerism by marking stoners, already designated as non-white, as non-straight. In a classic iteration of a bad gender performance, the scene rejects both whiteness and its hegemonic partners-in-crime, heterosexuality and normative masculinity (Butler 26). Here stoners waste not only their whiteness, but also their white masculinity. Whiteness, and its dependence upon “intersection … [with] interlocking axes [of power such as] gender … [and] sexuality,” is “outed” in this scene (Shome 368). So, too, is it enfeebled. In rendering masculinity freakish and defective, the film threatens whiteness at its core. For if whiteness can not depend upon normative masculinity for its reproduction, then, like Man’s racial birthright, it is wasted. The stoner’s embodiment of freakishness further works to emphasise wasted whiteness by exposing just how hysterical whiteness’s defense of its own normativity can be. Up in Smoke frequently inflates not only the effects of marijuana, but also the eccentricities of those who smoke it, a strategy which means that much of the film’s humour turns on satirising hegemonic stereotypes of marijuana smokers. Equally, Cheech Marin’s exaggerated “slapstick, one-dimensional [portrayal] of [a] Chicano character” works to render ridiculous the very stereotypes his character incarnates (List 183). While the film deconstructs processes of social construction, it also makes extensive use of counter-stereotyping in its depictions of characters marked as white. The result is that whiteness’s “illusion of [its] own infinite variety” is contested and the lie of whiteness as non-raced is exposed, helping to explain the stoner’s decision to waste his/her whiteness (Dyer 12; 2). In Up in Smoke whiteness is the colour of straightness. Straights, who are willing neither to smoke pot nor to tolerate the smoking of pot by others/Others, are so comprehensively marked as white in the film that whiteness and straightness become isomorphic. As a result, the same stereotypes are mobilised in representing whiteness and straightness: incompetence, belligerence, hypocrisy, meanspiritedness, and paranoia, qualities that are all the more oppressive because virtually all whites/straights in the film occupy positions of authority. Anthony’s spectacularly white parents, as we have seen, are bigoted and dominating. Their whiteness is further impugned by alcohol, which fuels Mr. Stoner’s fury and Mrs. Stoner’s unintelligibility. That the senior Stoners are drunk before noon works, of course, to expose the hypocrisy of those who would indict marijuana use while ignoring the social damage alcohol can produce. Their inebriation (revealed as chronic in the DVD’s outtake scenes) takes on further significance when it is configured as a decidedly white attribute. Throughout the film, only characters marked as white consume alcohol—most notably, the judge who is discovered to be drinking vodka whist adjudicating drug charges against Pedro and Man—therefore dislodging whiteness’s self-construction as temperate, and suggesting just how wasted whiteness is. While stonerism is represented as pacific, drunkenness is of a piece with white/straight bellicosity. In Up in Smoke, whites/straights crave confrontation and discord, especially the angry, uptight, and vainglorious narcotics cop Sgt. Stedenko (Stacey Keech) who inhabits so many of the film’s counter-stereotypes. While a trio of white cops roughly apprehend and search a carload of innocent nuns in a manner that Man describes as “cold blooded,” Stedenko, unawares in the foreground, gives an interview about his plans for what he hopes will be the biggest border drug bust in US history: “[Reporter:] Do you expect to see any violence here today? [Sgt. Stedenko:] I certainly hope so.” Stedenko’s desire to act violently against stoners echoes mythologies of white regeneration in the Old West, wherein whiteness refurbished itself through violent attacks on Native Americans, whose wasteful cultures failed to make “civilised” use of western lands (Slotkin 565).White aggression is relentlessly depicted in the film, with one important exception: the instance of the stoned straight. Perhaps no other trope is as defining of the genre, as is the scene wherein a straight person accidentally becomes stoned. Up in Smoke offers several examples, most notably the scene in which a motorcycle cop pulls over Pedro and Man as they drive a van belonging to Pedro’s Uncle Chuey. In a plot twist requiring a degree of willing suspension of disbelief that even wasted audiences might find a stretch, the exterior shell of the van, unbeknownst to Pedro and Man, is made entirely of marijuana which has started to smoulder around the exhaust pipe. The cop, who becomes intoxicated whilst walking through the fumes, does not hassle Pedro and Man, as expected, but instead asks for a bite of their hot dog and then departs happily, instructing the duo to “have a nice day.” In declining, or perhaps simply forgetting, to exercise his authority, the cop demonstrates the regenerative potential not of violent whiteness but rather of hybrid wastedness. Marijuana here is transformative, morphing straight consciousness into stoner consciousness and, in the process, discharging all the uptight, mean-spirited, unnecessary, and hence wasteful baggage of whiteness along the way. While such a utopian potential for pot is both upheld and satirised in the film, the scene amounts to far more than an inconsequential generic gag, in that it argues for the disavowal of whiteness via the assumption of the voluntary Otherness that is stonerism. Whiteness, the scene suggests, can be cast off, discarded, wasted and thus surmounted. Whites, for want of a better phrase, simply need to ‘just say no’ to whiteness in order to excrete the brutality that is its necessary affliction and inevitable result. While Up in Smoke laudably offers a powerful refusal to horde the assets of whiteness, the film fails to acknowledge that ‘just saying no’ is, indeed, one of whiteness’s exclusive privileges, since whites and only whites possess the liberty to refuse the advantages whiteness bestows. Non-whites possess no analogical ability to jettison the social constructions to which they are subjected, to refuse the power of dominant classes to define their subjectivity. Neither does the film confront the fact that Man nor any other of Up in Smoke’s white freaks are disallowed from re-embracing their whiteness, and its attendant value, at any time. However inchoate the film’s challenge to racial privilege, Up in Smoke’s celebration of the subversive pleasures of wasting whiteness offers a tentative, if bleary, first step toward ‘the abolition of whiteness.’ Its utopian vision of a post-white hybridised subjectivity, however dazed and confused, is worthy of far more serious contemplation than the film, taken at face value, might seem to suggest. Perhaps Up in Smoke is a stoner film that should also be viewed while sober. ReferencesBill and Ted’s Excellent Adventure. Dir. Stephen Herek. Orion Pictures Corporation, 1989.“Biographies”. 10 June 2010 ‹http://www.cheechandchongfans.com/biography.html›. Borrie, Lee. "Wild Ones: Containment Culture and 1950s Youth Rebellion”. Diss. University of Canterbury, 2007.Butler, Judith. "Critically Queer”. GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 1.1 (1993): 17-32.Chavoya, C. Ondine. “Customized Hybrids: The Art of Ruben Ortiz Torres and Lowriding in Southern California”. CR: The New Centennial Review 4.2 (2004): 141-84.Clerks. Dir. Kevin Smith. Miramax Films, 1994. Dazed and Confused. Dir. Richard Linklater. Cineplex Odeon Films, 1993. Dude, Where’s My Car? Dir. Danny Leiner. Twentieth Century Fox, 2000.Dyer, Richard. White: Essays on Race and Culture. London: Routledge, 1997.“Editorial: Abolish the White Race—By Any Means Necessary”. Race Traitor 1 (1993). 9 June 2010 ‹http://racetraitor.org/abolish.html›.Fast Times at Ridgemont High. Dir. Amy Heckerling. Universal Pictures, 1982.Friday. Dir. F. Gary Gray. New Line Cinema, 1995.Half Baked. Dir. Tamra Davis. Universal Pictures, 1998.Harold and Kumar Go to White Castle. Dir. Danny Leiner. New Line Cinema, 2004.Harris, Cheryl. “Whiteness as Property”. Harvard Law Review 106 (1993): 1707-1791. Hartigan, John Jr. “Objectifying ‘Poor Whites and ‘White Trash’ in Detroit”. White Trash: Race and Class in America. Eds. Matt Wray, and Annalee Newitz. NY: Routledge, 1997. 41-56.Hebdige, Dick. Subculture: The Meaning of Style. London: Methuen, 1979.hooks, bell. Black Looks: Race and Representation. Boston: South End Press, 1992.How High. Dir. Jesse Dylan. Universal Pictures, 2001.Lipsitz, George. The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit fromIdentity Politics. Philadelphia: Temple UP, 2006. List, Christine. "Self-Directed Stereotyping in the Films of Cheech Marin”. Chicanos and Film: Representation and Resistance. Ed. Chon A. Noriega. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1992. 183-94.Lott, Eric. “Racial Cross-Dressing and the Construction of American Whiteness”. The Cultural Studies Reader. 2nd ed. Ed. Simon During. London: Routledge, 1999. 241-55.McIntosh, Peggy. “White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack”. 10 June 2010 ‹http://www.case.edu/president/aaction/UnpackingTheKnapsack.pdf›.Meltzer, Marisa. “Leisure and Innocence: The Eternal Appeal of the Stoner Movie”. Slate 26 June 2007. 10 Aug. 2010 ‹http://www.slate.com/id/2168931›.Toni Morrison. Playing in the Dark: Whiteness and the Literary Imagination. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1992.Patterson, John. “High and Mighty”. The Guardian 7 June 2008. 10 June 2010 ‹http://www.guardian.co.uk/culture/2008/jun/07/2›.Roediger, David. Colored White: Transcending the Racial Past. Berkeley: U of California P, 2002.Roediger, David. The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class. Rev. ed. London: Verso Books, 1999.———. Towards the Abolition of Whiteness: Essays on Race, Class and Politics. London: Verso Books, 1994.Shome, Raka. “Outing Whiteness”. Critical Studies in Media Communication 17.3 (2000): 366-71.Slotkin, Richard. Regeneration through Violence: The Mythology of the American Frontier. Norman: U of Oklahoma P, 1973.Up in Smoke. Dir. Lou Adler. Paramount Pictures, 1978.Wayne’s World. Dir. Penelope Spheeris. Paramount Pictures, 1992.Wiegman, Robyn. “Whiteness Studies and the Paradox of Particularity”. boundary 2 26.3 (1999): 115-50.

Introduction Crime fiction is one of the world’s most popular genres. Indeed, it has been estimated that as many as one in every three new novels, published in English, is classified within the crime fiction category (Knight xi). These new entrants to the market are forced to jostle for space on bookstore and library shelves with reprints of classic crime novels; such works placed in, often fierce, competition against their contemporaries as well as many of their predecessors. Raymond Chandler, in his well-known essay The Simple Art of Murder, noted Ernest Hemingway’s observation that “the good writer competes only with the dead. The good detective story writer […] competes not only with all the unburied dead but with all the hosts of the living as well” (3). In fact, there are so many examples of crime fiction works that, as early as the 1920s, one of the original ‘Queens of Crime’, Dorothy L. Sayers, complained: It is impossible to keep track of all the detective-stories produced to-day [sic]. Book upon book, magazine upon magazine pour out from the Press, crammed with murders, thefts, arsons, frauds, conspiracies, problems, puzzles, mysteries, thrills, maniacs, crooks, poisoners, forgers, garrotters, police, spies, secret-service men, detectives, until it seems that half the world must be engaged in setting riddles for the other half to solve (95). Twenty years after Sayers wrote on the matter of the vast quantities of crime fiction available, W.H. Auden wrote one of the more famous essays on the genre: The Guilty Vicarage: Notes on the Detective Story, by an Addict. Auden is, perhaps, better known as a poet but his connection to the crime fiction genre is undisputed. As well as his poetic works that reference crime fiction and commentaries on crime fiction, one of Auden’s fellow poets, Cecil Day-Lewis, wrote a series of crime fiction novels under the pseudonym Nicholas Blake: the central protagonist of these novels, Nigel Strangeways, was modelled upon Auden (Scaggs 27). Interestingly, some writers whose names are now synonymous with the genre, such as Edgar Allan Poe and Raymond Chandler, established the link between poetry and crime fiction many years before the publication of The Guilty Vicarage. Edmund Wilson suggested that “reading detective stories is simply a kind of vice that, for silliness and minor harmfulness, ranks somewhere between crossword puzzles and smoking” (395). In the first line of The Guilty Vicarage, Auden supports Wilson’s claim and confesses that: “For me, as for many others, the reading of detective stories is an addiction like tobacco or alcohol” (406). This indicates that the genre is at best a trivial pursuit, at worst a pursuit that is bad for your health and is, increasingly, socially unacceptable, while Auden’s ideas around taste—high and low—are made clear when he declares that “detective stories have nothing to do with works of art” (406). The debates that surround genre and taste are many and varied. The mid-1920s was a point in time which had witnessed crime fiction writers produce some of the finest examples of fiction to ever be published and when readers and publishers were watching, with anticipation, as a new generation of crime fiction writers were readying themselves to enter what would become known as the genre’s Golden Age. At this time, R. Austin Freeman wrote that: By the critic and the professedly literary person the detective story is apt to be dismissed contemptuously as outside the pale of literature, to be conceived of as a type of work produced by half-educated and wholly incompetent writers for consumption by office boys, factory girls, and other persons devoid of culture and literary taste (7). This article responds to Auden’s essay and explores how crime fiction appeals to many different tastes: tastes that are acquired, change over time, are embraced, or kept as guilty secrets. In addition, this article will challenge Auden’s very narrow definition of crime fiction and suggest how Auden’s religious imagery, deployed to explain why many people choose to read crime fiction, can be incorporated into a broader popular discourse on punishment. This latter argument demonstrates that a taste for crime fiction and a taste for justice are inextricably intertwined. Crime Fiction: A Type For Every Taste Cathy Cole has observed that “crime novels are housed in their own section in many bookshops, separated from literary novels much as you’d keep a child with measles away from the rest of the class” (116). Times have changed. So too, have our tastes. Crime fiction, once sequestered in corners, now demands vast tracts of prime real estate in bookstores allowing readers to “make their way to the appropriate shelves, and begin to browse […] sorting through a wide variety of very different types of novels” (Malmgren 115). This is a result of the sheer size of the genre, noted above, as well as the genre’s expanding scope. Indeed, those who worked to re-invent crime fiction in the 1800s could not have envisaged the “taxonomic exuberance” (Derrida 206) of the writers who have defined crime fiction sub-genres, as well as how readers would respond by not only wanting to read crime fiction but also wanting to read many different types of crime fiction tailored to their particular tastes. To understand the demand for this diversity, it is important to reflect upon some of the appeal factors of crime fiction for readers. Many rules have been promulgated for the writers of crime fiction to follow. Ronald Knox produced a set of 10 rules in 1928. These included Rule 3 “Not more than one secret room or passage is allowable”, and Rule 10 “Twin brothers, and doubles generally, must not appear unless we have been duly prepared for them” (194–6). In the same year, S.S. Van Dine produced another list of 20 rules, which included Rule 3 “There must be no love interest: The business in hand is to bring a criminal to the bar of justice, not to bring a lovelorn couple to the hymeneal altar”, and Rule 7 “There simply must be a corpse in a detective novel, and the deader the corpse the better” (189–93). Some of these directives have been deliberately ignored or have become out-of-date over time while others continue to be followed in contemporary crime writing practice. In sharp contrast, there are no rules for reading this genre. Individuals are, generally, free to choose what, where, when, why, and how they read crime fiction. There are, however, different appeal factors for readers. The most common of these appeal factors, often described as doorways, are story, setting, character, and language. As the following passage explains: The story doorway beckons those who enjoy reading to find out what happens next. The setting doorway opens widest for readers who enjoy being immersed in an evocation of place or time. The doorway of character is for readers who enjoy looking at the world through others’ eyes. Readers who most appreciate skilful writing enter through the doorway of language (Wyatt online). These doorways draw readers to the crime fiction genre. There are stories that allow us to easily predict what will come next or make us hold our breath until the very last page, the books that we will cheerfully lend to a family member or a friend and those that we keep close to hand to re-read again and again. There are settings as diverse as country manors, exotic locations, and familiar city streets, places we have been and others that we might want to explore. There are characters such as the accidental sleuth, the hardboiled detective, and the refined police officer, amongst many others, the men and women—complete with idiosyncrasies and flaws—who we have grown to admire and trust. There is also the language that all writers, regardless of genre, depend upon to tell their tales. In crime fiction, even the most basic task of describing where the murder victim was found can range from words that convey the genteel—“The room of the tragedy” (Christie 62)—to the absurd: “There it was, jammed between a pallet load of best export boneless beef and half a tonne of spring lamb” (Maloney 1). These appeal factors indicate why readers might choose crime fiction over another genre, or choose one type of crime fiction over another. Yet such factors fail to explain what crime fiction is or adequately answer why the genre is devoured in such vast quantities. Firstly, crime fiction stories are those in which there is the committing of a crime, or at least the suspicion of a crime (Cole), and the story that unfolds revolves around the efforts of an amateur or professional detective to solve that crime (Scaggs). Secondly, crime fiction offers the reassurance of resolution, a guarantee that from “previous experience and from certain cultural conventions associated with this genre that ultimately the mystery will be fully explained” (Zunshine 122). For Auden, the definition of the crime novel was quite specific, and he argued that referring to the genre by “the vulgar definition, ‘a Whodunit’ is correct” (407). Auden went on to offer a basic formula stating that: “a murder occurs; many are suspected; all but one suspect, who is the murderer, are eliminated; the murderer is arrested or dies” (407). The idea of a formula is certainly a useful one, particularly when production demands—in terms of both quality and quantity—are so high, because the formula facilitates creators in the “rapid and efficient production of new works” (Cawelti 9). For contemporary crime fiction readers, the doorways to reading, discussed briefly above, have been cast wide open. Stories relying upon the basic crime fiction formula as a foundation can be gothic tales, clue puzzles, forensic procedurals, spy thrillers, hardboiled narratives, or violent crime narratives, amongst many others. The settings can be quiet villages or busy metropolises, landscapes that readers actually inhabit or that provide a form of affordable tourism. These stories can be set in the past, the here and now, or the future. Characters can range from Edgar Allan Poe’s C. Auguste Dupin to Dashiell Hammett’s Sam Spade, from Agatha Christie’s Miss Jane Marple to Kerry Greenwood’s Honourable Phryne Fisher. Similarly, language can come in numerous styles from the direct (even rough) words of Carter Brown to the literary prose of Peter Temple. Anything is possible, meaning everything is available to readers. For Auden—although he required a crime to be committed and expected that crime to be resolved—these doorways were only slightly ajar. For him, the story had to be a Whodunit; the setting had to be rural England, though a college setting was also considered suitable; the characters had to be “eccentric (aesthetically interesting individuals) and good (instinctively ethical)” and there needed to be a “completely satisfactory detective” (Sherlock Holmes, Inspector French, and Father Brown were identified as “satisfactory”); and the language descriptive and detailed (406, 409, 408). To illustrate this point, Auden’s concept of crime fiction has been plotted on a taxonomy, below, that traces the genre’s main developments over a period of three centuries. As can be seen, much of what is, today, taken for granted as being classified as crime fiction is completely excluded from Auden’s ideal. Figure 1: Taxonomy of Crime Fiction (Adapted from Franks, Murder 136) Crime Fiction: A Personal Journey I discovered crime fiction the summer before I started high school when I saw the film version of The Big Sleep starring Humphrey Bogart and Lauren Bacall. A few days after I had seen the film I started reading the Raymond Chandler novel of the same title, featuring his famous detective Philip Marlowe, and was transfixed by the second paragraph: The main hallway of the Sternwood place was two stories high. Over the entrance doors, which would have let in a troop of Indian elephants, there was a broad stained-glass panel showing a knight in dark armour rescuing a lady who was tied to a tree and didn’t have any clothes on but some very long and convenient hair. The knight had pushed the visor of his helmet back to be sociable, and he was fiddling with the knots on the ropes that tied the lady to the tree and not getting anywhere. I stood there and thought that if I lived in the house, I would sooner or later have to climb up there and help him. He didn’t seem to be really trying (9). John Scaggs has written that this passage indicates Marlowe is an idealised figure, a knight of romance rewritten onto the mean streets of mid-20th century Los Angeles (62); a relocation Susan Roland calls a “secular form of the divinely sanctioned knight errant on a quest for metaphysical justice” (139): my kind of guy. Like many young people I looked for adventure and escape in books, a search that was realised with Raymond Chandler and his contemporaries. On the escapism scale, these men with their stories of tough-talking detectives taking on murderers and other criminals, law enforcement officers, and the occasional femme fatale, were certainly a sharp upgrade from C.S. Lewis and the Chronicles of Narnia. After reading the works written by the pioneers of the hardboiled and roman noir traditions, I looked to other American authors such as Edgar Allan Poe who, in the mid-1800s, became the father of the modern detective story, and Thorne Smith who, in the 1920s and 1930s, produced magical realist tales with characters who often chose to dabble on the wrong side of the law. This led me to the works of British crime writers including Arthur Conan Doyle, Agatha Christie, and Dorothy L. Sayers. My personal library then became dominated by Australian writers of crime fiction, from the stories of bushrangers and convicts of the Colonial era to contemporary tales of police and private investigators. There have been various attempts to “improve” or “refine” my tastes: to convince me that serious literature is real reading and frivolous fiction is merely a distraction. Certainly, the reading of those novels, often described as classics, provide perfect combinations of beauty and brilliance. Their narratives, however, do not often result in satisfactory endings. This routinely frustrates me because, while I understand the philosophical frameworks that many writers operate within, I believe the characters of such works are too often treated unfairly in the final pages. For example, at the end of Ernest Hemingway’s A Farewell to Arms, Frederick Henry “left the hospital and walked back to the hotel in the rain” after his son is stillborn and “Mrs Henry” becomes “very ill” and dies (292–93). Another example can be found on the last page of George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four when Winston Smith “gazed up at the enormous face” and he realised that he “loved Big Brother” (311). Endings such as these provide a space for reflection about the world around us but rarely spark an immediate response of how great that world is to live in (Franks Motive). The subject matter of crime fiction does not easily facilitate fairy-tale finishes, yet, people continue to read the genre because, generally, the concluding chapter will show that justice, of some form, will be done. Punishment will be meted out to the ‘bad characters’ that have broken society’s moral or legal laws; the ‘good characters’ may experience hardships and may suffer but they will, generally, prevail. Crime Fiction: A Taste For Justice Superimposed upon Auden’s parameters around crime fiction, are his ideas of the law in the real world and how such laws are interwoven with the Christian-based system of ethics. This can be seen in Auden’s listing of three classes of crime: “(a) offenses against God and one’s neighbor or neighbors; (b) offenses against God and society; (c) offenses against God” (407). Murder, in Auden’s opinion, is a class (b) offense: for the crime fiction novel, the society reflected within the story should be one in “a state of grace, i.e., a society where there is no need of the law, no contradiction between the aesthetic individual and the ethical universal, and where murder, therefore, is the unheard-of act which precipitates a crisis” (408). Additionally, in the crime novel “as in its mirror image, the Quest for the Grail, maps (the ritual of space) and timetables (the ritual of time) are desirable. Nature should reflect its human inhabitants, i.e., it should be the Great Good Place; for the more Eden-like it is, the greater the contradiction of murder” (408). Thus, as Charles J. Rzepka notes, “according to W.H. Auden, the ‘classical’ English detective story typically re-enacts rites of scapegoating and expulsion that affirm the innocence of a community of good people supposedly ignorant of evil” (12). This premise—of good versus evil—supports Auden’s claim that the punishment of wrongdoers, particularly those who claim the “right to be omnipotent” and commit murder (409), should be swift and final: As to the murderer’s end, of the three alternatives—execution, suicide, and madness—the first is preferable; for if he commits suicide he refuses to repent, and if he goes mad he cannot repent, but if he does not repent society cannot forgive. Execution, on the other hand, is the act of atonement by which the murderer is forgiven by society (409). The unilateral endorsement of state-sanctioned murder is problematic, however, because—of the main justifications for punishment: retribution; deterrence; incapacitation; and rehabilitation (Carter Snead 1245)—punishment, in this context, focuses exclusively upon retribution and deterrence, incapacitation is achieved by default, but the idea of rehabilitation is completely ignored. This, in turn, ignores how the reading of crime fiction can be incorporated into a broader popular discourse on punishment and how a taste for crime fiction and a taste for justice are inextricably intertwined. One of the ways to explore the connection between crime fiction and justice is through the lens of Emile Durkheim’s thesis on the conscience collective which proposes punishment is a process allowing for the demonstration of group norms and the strengthening of moral boundaries. David Garland, in summarising this thesis, states: So although the modern state has a near monopoly of penal violence and controls the administration of penalties, a much wider population feels itself to be involved in the process of punishment, and supplies the context of social support and valorization within which state punishment takes place (32). It is claimed here that this “much wider population” connecting with the task of punishment can be taken further. Crime fiction, above all other forms of literary production, which, for those who do not directly contribute to the maintenance of their respective legal systems, facilitates a feeling of active participation in the penalising of a variety of perpetrators: from the issuing of fines to incarceration (Franks Punishment). Crime fiction readers are therefore, temporarily at least, direct contributors to a more stable society: one that is clearly based upon right and wrong and reliant upon the conscience collective to maintain and reaffirm order. In this context, the reader is no longer alone, with only their crime fiction novel for company, but has become an active member of “a moral framework which binds individuals to each other and to its conventions and institutions” (Garland 51). This allows crime fiction, once viewed as a “vice” (Wilson 395) or an “addiction” (Auden 406), to be seen as playing a crucial role in the preservation of social mores. It has been argued “only the most literal of literary minds would dispute the claim that fictional characters help shape the way we think of ourselves, and hence help us articulate more clearly what it means to be human” (Galgut 190). Crime fiction focuses on what it means to be human, and how complex humans are, because stories of murders, and the men and women who perpetrate and solve them, comment on what drives some people to take a life and others to avenge that life which is lost and, by extension, engages with a broad community of readers around ideas of justice and punishment. It is, furthermore, argued here that the idea of the story is one of the more important doorways for crime fiction and, more specifically, the conclusions that these stories, traditionally, offer. For Auden, the ending should be one of restoration of the spirit, as he suspected that “the typical reader of detective stories is, like myself, a person who suffers from a sense of sin” (411). In this way, the “phantasy, then, which the detective story addict indulges is the phantasy of being restored to the Garden of Eden, to a state of innocence, where he may know love as love and not as the law” (412), indicating that it was not necessarily an accident that “the detective story has flourished most in predominantly Protestant countries” (408). Today, modern crime fiction is a “broad church, where talented authors raise questions and cast light on a variety of societal and other issues through the prism of an exciting, page-turning story” (Sisterson). Moreover, our tastes in crime fiction have been tempered by a growing fear of real crime, particularly murder, “a crime of unique horror” (Hitchens 200). This has seen some readers develop a taste for crime fiction that is not produced within a framework of ecclesiastical faith but is rather grounded in reliance upon those who enact punishment in both the fictional and real worlds. As P.D. James has written: [N]ot by luck or divine intervention, but by human ingenuity, human intelligence and human courage. It confirms our hope that, despite some evidence to the contrary, we live in a beneficent and moral universe in which problems can be solved by rational means and peace and order restored from communal or personal disruption and chaos (174). Dorothy L. Sayers, despite her work to legitimise crime fiction, wrote that there: “certainly does seem a possibility that the detective story will some time come to an end, simply because the public will have learnt all the tricks” (108). Of course, many readers have “learnt all the tricks”, or most of them. This does not, however, detract from the genre’s overall appeal. We have not grown bored with, or become tired of, the formula that revolves around good and evil, and justice and punishment. Quite the opposite. Our knowledge of, as well as our faith in, the genre’s “tricks” gives a level of confidence to readers who are looking for endings that punish murderers and other wrongdoers, allowing for more satisfactory conclusions than the, rather depressing, ends given to Mr. Henry and Mr. Smith by Ernest Hemingway and George Orwell noted above. Conclusion For some, the popularity of crime fiction is a curious case indeed. When Penguin and Collins published the Marsh Million—100,000 copies each of 10 Ngaio Marsh titles in 1949—the author’s relief at the success of the project was palpable when she commented that “it was pleasant to find detective fiction being discussed as a tolerable form of reading by people whose opinion one valued” (172). More recently, upon the announcement that a Miles Franklin Award would be given to Peter Temple for his crime novel Truth, John Sutherland, a former chairman of the judges for one of the world’s most famous literary awards, suggested that submitting a crime novel for the Booker Prize would be: “like putting a donkey into the Grand National”. Much like art, fashion, food, and home furnishings or any one of the innumerable fields of activity and endeavour that are subject to opinion, there will always be those within the world of fiction who claim positions as arbiters of taste. Yet reading is intensely personal. I like a strong, well-plotted story, appreciate a carefully researched setting, and can admire elegant language, but if a character is too difficult to embrace—if I find I cannot make an emotional connection, if I find myself ambivalent about their fate—then a book is discarded as not being to my taste. It is also important to recognise that some tastes are transient. Crime fiction stories that are popular today could be forgotten tomorrow. Some stories appeal to such a broad range of tastes they are immediately included in the crime fiction canon. Yet others evolve over time to accommodate widespread changes in taste (an excellent example of this can be seen in the continual re-imagining of the stories of Sherlock Holmes). Personal tastes also adapt to our experiences and our surroundings. A book that someone adores in their 20s might be dismissed in their 40s. A storyline that was meaningful when read abroad may lose some of its magic when read at home. Personal events, from a change in employment to the loss of a loved one, can also impact upon what we want to read. Similarly, world events, such as economic crises and military conflicts, can also influence our reading preferences. Auden professed an almost insatiable appetite for crime fiction, describing the reading of detective stories as an addiction, and listed a very specific set of criteria to define the Whodunit. Today, such self-imposed restrictions are rare as, while there are many rules for writing crime fiction, there are no rules for reading this (or any other) genre. People are, generally, free to choose what, where, when, why, and how they read crime fiction, and to follow the deliberate or whimsical paths that their tastes may lay down for them. Crime fiction writers, past and present, offer: an incredible array of detective stories from the locked room to the clue puzzle; settings that range from the English country estate to city skyscrapers in glamorous locations around the world; numerous characters from cerebral sleuths who can solve a crime in their living room over a nice, hot cup of tea to weapon wielding heroes who track down villains on foot in darkened alleyways; and, language that ranges from the cultured conversations from the novels of the genre’s Golden Age to the hard-hitting terminology of forensic and legal procedurals. Overlaid on these appeal factors is the capacity of crime fiction to feed a taste for justice: to engage, vicariously at least, in the establishment of a more stable society. Of course, there are those who turn to the genre for a temporary distraction, an occasional guilty pleasure. There are those who stumble across the genre by accident or deliberately seek it out. There are also those, like Auden, who are addicted to crime fiction. So there are corpses for the conservative and dead bodies for the bloodthirsty. There is, indeed, a murder victim, and a murder story, to suit every reader’s taste. References Auden, W.H. “The Guilty Vicarage: Notes on The Detective Story, By an Addict.” Harper’s Magazine May (1948): 406–12. 1 Dec. 2013 ‹http://www.harpers.org/archive/1948/05/0033206›. Carter Snead, O. “Memory and Punishment.” Vanderbilt Law Review 64.4 (2011): 1195–264. Cawelti, John G. Adventure, Mystery and Romance: Formula Stories as Art and Popular Culture. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1976/1977. Chandler, Raymond. The Big Sleep. London: Penguin, 1939/1970. ––. The Simple Art of Murder. New York: Vintage Books, 1950/1988. Christie, Agatha. The Mysterious Affair at Styles. London: HarperCollins, 1920/2007. Cole, Cathy. Private Dicks and Feisty Chicks: An Interrogation of Crime Fiction. Fremantle: Curtin UP, 2004. 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London: Random House, 1929/2004. ––. in R. Chandler. The Simple Art of Murder. New York: Vintage Books, 1950/1988. Hitchens, P. A Brief History of Crime: The Decline of Order, Justice and Liberty in England. London: Atlantic Books, 2003. James, P.D. Talking About Detective Fiction. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2009. Knight, Stephen. Crime Fiction since 1800: Death, Detection, Diversity, 2nd ed. New York: Palgrave Macmillian, 2010. Knox, Ronald A. “Club Rules: The 10 Commandments for Detective Novelists, 1928.” Ronald Knox Society of North America. 1 Dec. 2013 ‹http://www.ronaldknoxsociety.com/detective.html›. Malmgren, C.D. “Anatomy of Murder: Mystery, Detective and Crime Fiction.” Journal of Popular Culture Spring (1997): 115–21. Maloney, Shane. The Murray Whelan Trilogy: Stiff, The Brush-Off and Nice Try. Melbourne: Text Publishing, 1994/2008. Marsh, Ngaio in J. Drayton. Ngaio Marsh: Her Life in Crime. Auckland: Harper Collins, 2008. Orwell, George. Nineteen Eighty-Four. London: Penguin Books, 1949/1989. Roland, Susan. From Agatha Christie to Ruth Rendell: British Women Writers in Detective and Crime Fiction. London: Palgrave, 2001. Rzepka, Charles J. Detective Fiction. Cambridge: Polity, 2005. Sayers, Dorothy L. “The Omnibus of Crime.” The Art of the Mystery Story: A Collection of Critical Essays. Ed. Howard Haycraft. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1928/1947. 71–109. Scaggs, John. Crime Fiction: The New Critical Idiom. London: Routledge, 2005. Sisterson, C. “Battle for the Marsh: Awards 2013.” Black Mask: Pulps, Noir and News of Same. 1 Jan. 2014 http://www.blackmask.com/category/awards-2013/ Sutherland, John. in A. Flood. “Could Miles Franklin turn the Booker Prize to Crime?” The Guardian. 1 Jan. 2014 ‹http://www.guardian.co.uk/books/2010/jun/25/miles-franklin-booker-prize-crime›. Van Dine, S.S. “Twenty Rules for Writing Detective Stories.” The Art of the Mystery Story: A Collection of Critical Essays. Ed. Howard Haycraft. 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Probably the most (in)famous Australian teenager of recent times, now-17-year-old Kim Duthie—better known as the “St Kilda Schoolgirl”—first came to public attention when she posted naked pictures of two prominent St Kilda Australian Football League (AFL) players on Facebook. She claimed to be seeking revenge on the players’ teammate for getting her pregnant. This turned out to be a lie. Duthie also claimed that 47-year-old football manager Ricky Nixon gave her drugs and had sex with her. She then said this was a lie, then that she lied about lying. That she lied at least twice is clear, and in doing so, she arguably reinforced the pervasive myth that women are prone to lie about rape and sexual abuse. Precisely what occurred, and why Duthie posted the naked photographs will probably never be known. However, it seems clear that Duthie felt herself wronged. Can she therefore be held entirely to blame for the way she went about seeking redress from a group of men with infinitely more power than she—socially, financially and (in terms of the priority given to elite football in Australian society) culturally? The many judgements passed on Duthie’s behaviour in the media highlight the crucial, seldom-discussed issue of how problematic behaviour on the part of women might reinforce patriarchal norms. This is a particularly sensitive issue in the context of a spate of alleged sexual assaults committed by elite Australian footballers over the past decade. Given that representations of alleged rape cases in the media and elsewhere so often position women as blameworthy for their own mistreatment and abuse, the question of whether or not women can and should be held accountable in certain situations is particularly fraught. By exploring media representations of one of these complex scenarios, we consider how the issue of “complicity” might be understood in a rape culture. In doing so, we employ Auschwitz survivor Primo Levi’s highly influential concept of the “grey zone,” which signifies a complex and ambiguous realm that challenges both judgement and representation. Primo Levi’s “Grey Zone,” Patriarchy and the Problem of Judgement In his essay titled “The Grey Zone” (published in 1986), Levi is chiefly concerned with Jewish prisoners in the Nazi-controlled camps and ghettos who obtained “privileged” positions in order to prolong their survival. Reflecting on the inherently complex power relations in such extreme settings, Levi positions the “grey zone” as a metaphor for moral ambiguity: a realm with “ill-defined outlines which both separate and join the two camps of masters and servants. [The ‘grey zone’] possesses an incredibly complicated internal structure, and contains within itself enough to confuse our need to judge” (27). According to Levi, an examination of the scenarios and experiences that gave rise to the “grey zone” requires a rejection of the black-and-white binary opposition(s) of “friend” and “enemy,” “good” and “evil.” While Levi unequivocally holds the perpetrators of the Holocaust responsible for their actions, he warns that one should suspend judgement of victims who were entrapped in situations of moral ambiguity and “compromise.” However, recent scholarship on the representation of “privileged” Jews in Levi’s writings and elsewhere has identified a “paradox of judgement”: namely, that even if moral judgements of victims in extreme situations should be suspended, such judgements are inherent in the act of representation, and are therefore inevitable (see Brown). While the historical specificity of Levi’s reflections must be kept in mind, the corruptive influences of power at the core of the “grey zone”—along with the associated problems of judgement and representation—are clearly far more prevalent in human nature and experience than the Holocaust alone. Levi’s “grey zone” has been appropriated by scholars in the fields of Holocaust studies (Petropoulos and Roth xv-xviii), philosophy (Todorov 262), law (Luban 161–76), history (Cole 248–49), theology (Roth 53–54), and popular culture (Cheyette 226–38). Significantly, Claudia Card (The Atrocity Paradigm, “Groping through Gray Zones” 3–26) has recently applied Levi’s concept to the field of feminist philosophy. Indeed, Levi’s questioning of whether or not one can—or should—pass judgement on the behaviour of Holocaust victims has considerable relevance to the divisive issue of how women’s involvement in/with patriarchy is represented in the media. Expanding or intentionally departing from Levi’s ideas, many recent interpretations of the “grey zone” often misunderstand the historical specificity of Levi’s reflections. For instance, while applying Levi’s concept to the effects of patriarchy and domestic violence on women, Lynne Arnault makes the problematic statement that “in order to establish the cruelty and seriousness of male violence against women as women, feminists must demonstrate that the experiences of victims of incest, rape, and battering are comparable to those of war veterans, prisoners of war, political prisoners, and concentration camp inmates” (183, n.9). It is important to stress here that it is not our intention to make direct parallels between the Holocaust and patriarchy, or between “privileged” Jews and women (potentially) implicated in a rape culture, but to explore the complexity of power relations in society, what behaviour eventuates from these, and—most crucial to our discussion here—how such behaviour is handled in the mass media. Aware of the problem of making controversial (and unnecessary) comparisons, Card (“Women, Evil, and Gray Zones” 515) rightly stresses that her aim is “not to compare suffering or even degrees of evil but to note patterns in the moral complexity of choices and judgments of responsibility.” Card uses the notion of the “Stockholm Syndrome,” citing numerous examples of women identifying with their torturers after having been abused or held hostage over a prolonged period of time—most (in)famously, Patricia Hearst. While the medical establishment has responded to cases of women “suffering” from “Stockholm Syndrome” by absolving them from any moral responsibility, Card writes that “we may have a morally gray area in some cases, where there is real danger of becoming complicit in evildoing and where the captive’s responsibility is better described as problematic than as nonexistent” (“Women, Evil, and Gray Zones” 511). Like Levi, Card emphasises that issues of individual agency and moral responsibility are far from clear-cut. At the same time, a full awareness of the oppressive environment—in the context that this paper is concerned with, a patriarchal social system—must be accounted for. Importantly, the examples Card uses differ significantly from the issue of whether or not some women can be considered “complicit” in a rape culture; nevertheless, similar obstacles to understanding problematic situations exist here, too. In the context of a rape culture, can women become, to use Card’s phrase, “instruments of oppression”? And if so, how is their controversial behaviour to be understood and represented? Crucially, Levi’s reflections on the “grey zone” were primarily motivated by his concern that most historical and filmic representations “trivialised” the complexity of victim experiences by passing simplistic judgements. Likewise, the representation of sexual assault cases in the Australian mass media has often left much to be desired. Representing Sexual Assault: Australian Football and the Media A growing literature has critiqued the sexual culture of elite football in Australia—one in which women are reportedly treated with disdain, positioned as objects to be used and discarded. At least 20 distinct cases, involving more than 55 players and staff, have been reported in the media, with the majority of these incidents involving multiple players. Reports indicate that such group sexual encounters are commonplace for footballers, and the women who participate in sexual practices are commonly judged, even in the sports scholarship, as “groupies” and “sluts” who are therefore responsible for anything that happens to them, including rape (Waterhouse-Watson, “Playing Defence” 114–15; “(Un)reasonable Doubt”). When the issue of footballers and sexual assault was first debated in the Australian media in 2004, football insiders from both Australian rules and rugby league told the media of a culture of group sex and sexual behaviour that is degrading to women, even when consensual (Barry; Khadem and Nancarrow 4; Smith 1; Weidler 4). The sexual “culture” is marked by a discourse of abuse and objectification, in which women are cast as “meat” or a “bun.” Group sex is also increasingly referred to as “chop up,” which codes the practice itself as an act of violence. It has been argued elsewhere that footballers treating women as sexual objects is effectively condoned through the mass media (Waterhouse-Watson, “All Women Are Sluts” passim). The “Code of Silence” episode of ABC television program Four Corners, which reignited the debate in 2009, was even more explicit in portraying footballers’ sexual practices as abusive, presenting rape testimony from three women, including “Clare,” who remains traumatised following a “group sex” incident with rugby league players in 2002. Clare testifies that she went to a hotel room with prominent National Rugby League (NRL) players Matthew Johns and Brett Firman. She says that she had sex with Johns and Firman, although the experience was unpleasant and they treated her “like a piece of meat.” Subsequently, a dozen players and staff members from the team then entered the room, uninvited, some through the bathroom window, expecting sex with Clare. Neither Johns nor Firman has denied that this was the case. Clare went to the police five days later, saying that professional rugby players had raped her, although no charges were ever laid. The program further includes psychiatrists’ reports, and statements from the police officer in charge of the case, detailing the severe trauma that Clare suffered as a result of what the footballers called “sex.” If, as “Code of Silence” suggests, footballers’ practices of group sex are abusive, whether the woman consents or not, then it follows that such a “gang-bang culture” may in turn foster a rape culture, in which rape is more likely than in other contexts. And yet, many women insist that they enjoy group sex with footballers (Barry; Drill 86), complicating issues of consent and the degradation of women. Feminist rape scholarship documents the repetitive way in which complainants are deemed to have “invited” or “caused” the rape through their behaviour towards the accused or the way they were dressed: defence lawyers, judges (Larcombe 100; Lees 85; Young 442–65) and even talk show hosts, ostensibly aiming to expose the problem of rape (Alcoff and Gray 261–64), employ these tactics to undermine a victim’s credibility and excuse the accused perpetrator. Nevertheless, although no woman can be in any way held responsible for any man committing sexual assault, or other abuse, it must be acknowledged that women who become in some way implicated in a rape culture also assist in maintaining that culture, highlighting a “grey zone” of moral ambiguity. How, then, should these women, who in some cases even actively promote behaviour that is intrinsic to this culture, be perceived and represented? Charmyne Palavi, who appeared on “Code of Silence,” is a prime example of such a “grey zone” figure. While she stated that she was raped by a prominent footballer, Palavi also described her continuing practice of setting up footballers and women for casual sex through her Facebook page, and pursuing such encounters herself. This raises several problems of judgement and representation, and the issue of women’s sexual freedom. On the one hand, Palavi (and all other women) should be entitled to engage in any consensual (legal) sexual behaviour that they choose. But on the other, when footballers’ frequent casual sex is part of a culture of sexual abuse, there is a danger of them becoming complicit in, to use Card’s term, “evildoing.” Further, when telling her story on “Code of Silence,” Palavi hints that there is an element of increased risk in these situations. When describing her sexual encounters with footballers, which she states are “on her terms,” she begins, “It’s consensual for a start. I’m not drunk or on drugs and it’s in, [it] has an element of class to it. Do you know what I mean?” (emphasis added). If it is necessary to define sex “on her terms” as consensual, this implies that sometimes casual “sex” with footballers is not consensual, or that there is an increased likelihood of rape. She also claims to have heard about several incidents in which footballers she knows sexually abused and denigrated, if not actually raped, other women. Such an awareness of what may happen clearly does not make Palavi a perpetrator of abuse, but neither can her actions (such as “setting up” women with footballers using Facebook) be considered entirely separate. While one may argue, following Levi’s reflections, that judgement of a “grey zone” figure such as Palavi should be suspended, it is significant that Four Corners’s representation of Palavi makes implicit and simplistic moral judgements. The introduction to Palavi follows the story of “Caroline,” who states that first-grade rugby player Dane Tilse broke into her university dormitory room and sexually assaulted her while she slept. Caroline indicates that Tilse left when he “picked up that [she] was really stressed.” Following this story, the program’s reporter and narrator Sarah Ferguson introduces Palavi with, “If some young footballers mistakenly think all women want to have sex with them, Charmyne Palavi is one who doesn’t necessarily discourage the idea.” As has been argued elsewhere (Waterhouse-Watson, “Framing the Victim”), this implies that Palavi is partly responsible for players holding this mistaken view. By implication, she therefore encouraged Tilse to assume that Caroline would want to have sex with him. Footage is then shown of Palavi and her friends “applying the finishing touches”—bronzing their legs—before going to meet footballers at a local hotel. The lighting is dim and the hand-held camerawork rough. These techniques portray the women as artificial and “cheap,” techniques that are also employed in a remarkably similar fashion in the documentary Footy Chicks (Barry), which follows three women who seek out sex with footballers. In response to Ferguson’s question, “What’s the appeal of those boys though?” Palavi repeats several times that she likes footballers mainly because of their bodies. This, along with the program’s focus on the women as instigators of sex, positions Palavi as something of a predator (she was widely referred to as a “cougar” following the program). In judging her “promiscuity” as immoral, the program implies she is partly responsible for her own rape, as well as acts of what can be termed, at the very least, sexual abuse of other women. The problematic representation of Palavi raises the complex question of how her “grey zone” behaviour should be depicted without passing trivialising judgements. This issue is particularly fraught when Four Corners follows the representation of Palavi’s “nightlife” with her accounts of footballers’ acts of sexual assault and abuse, including testimony that a well-known player raped Palavi herself. While Ferguson does not explicitly question the veracity of Palavi’s claim of rape, her portrayal is nevertheless largely unsympathetic, and the way the segment is edited appears to imply that she is blameworthy. Ferguson recounts that Palavi “says she was able to put [being raped] out of her mind, and it certainly didn’t stop her pursuing other football players.” This might be interpreted a positive statement about Palavi’s ability to move on from a rape; however, the tone of Ferguson’s authoritative voiceover is disapproving, which instead implies negative judgement. As the program makes clear, Palavi continues to organise sexual encounters between women and players, despite her knowledge of the “dangers,” both to herself and other women. Palavi’s awareness of the prevalence of incidents of sexual assault or abuse makes her position a problematic one. Yet her controversial role within the sexual culture of elite Australian football is complicated even further by the fact that she herself is disempowered (and her own allegation of being raped delegitimised) by the simplistic ideas about “assault” and “consent” that dominate social discourse. Despite this ambiguity, Four Corners constructs Palavi as more of a perpetrator of abuse than a victim—not even a victim who is “morally compromised.” Although we argue that careful consideration must be given to the issue of whether moral judgements should be applied to “grey zone” figures like Palavi, the “solution” is far from simple. No language (or image) is neutral or value-free, and judgements are inevitable in any act of representation. In his essay on the “grey zone,” Levi raises the crucial point that the many (mis)understandings of figures of moral ambiguity and “compromise” partly arise from the fact that the testimony and perspectives of these figures themselves is often the last to be heard—if at all (50). Nevertheless, an article Palavi published in Sydney tabloid The Daily Telegraph (19) demonstrates that such testimony can also be problematic and only complicate matters further. Palavi’s account begins: If you believed Four Corners, I’m supposed to be the NRL’s biggest groupie, a wannabe WAG who dresses up, heads out to clubs and hunts down players to have sex with… what annoys me about these tags and the way I was portrayed on that show is the idea I prey on them like some of the starstruck women I’ve seen out there. (emphasis added) Palavi clearly rejects the way Four Corners constructed her as a predator; however, rather than rejecting this stereotype outright, she reinscribes it, projecting it onto other “starstruck” women. Throughout her article, Palavi reiterates (other) women’s allegedly predatory behaviour, continually portraying the footballers as passive and the women as active. For example, she claims that players “like being contacted by girls,” whereas “the girls use the information the players put on their [social media profiles] to track them down.” Palavi’s narrative confirms this construction of men as victims of women’s predatory actions, lamenting the sacking of Johns following “Code of Silence” as “disgusting.” In the context of alleged sexual assault, the “predatory woman” stereotype is used in place of the raped woman in order to imply that sexual assault did not occur; hence Palavi’s problematic discourse arguably reinforces sexist attitudes. But can Palavi be considered complicit in validating this damaging stereotype? Can she be blamed for working within patriarchal systems of representation, of which she has also been a victim? The preceding analysis shows judgement to be inherent in the act of representation. The paucity of language is particularly acute when dealing with such extreme situations. Indeed, the language used to explore this issue in the present article cannot escape terminology that is loaded with meaning(s), which quotation marks can perhaps only qualify so far. Conclusion This paper does not claim to provide definitive answers to such complex dilemmas, but rather to highlight problems in addressing the sensitive issues of ambiguity and “complicity” in women’s interactions with patriarchal systems, and how these are represented in the mass media. Like the controversial behaviour of teenager Kim Duthie described earlier, Palavi’s position throws the problems of judgement and representation into disarray. There is no simple solution to these problems, though we do propose that these “grey zone” figures be represented in a self-reflexive, nuanced manner by explicitly articulating questions of responsibility rather than making simplistic judgements that implicitly lessen perpetrators’ culpability. Levi’s concept of the “grey zone” helps elucidate the fraught issue of women’s potential complicity in a rape culture, a subject that challenges both understanding and representation. Despite participating in a culture that promotes the abuse, denigration, and humiliation of women, the roles of women like Palavi cannot in any way be conflated with the roles of the perpetrators of sexual assault. These and other “grey zones” need to be constantly rethought and renegotiated in order to develop a fuller understanding of human behaviour. References Alcoff, Linda Martin, and Laura Gray. “Survivor Discourse: Transgression or Recuperation.” Signs 18.2 (1993): 260–90. 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In 2019, Mattel introduced a series of Barbie dolls in connection with National Geographic which included a Polar Marine Biologist, an Entomologist, a Wildlife Photojournalist, and a mostly "made from recycled ocean-bound plastic" Barbie ("Mattel Launches Barbie Loves the Ocean") followed in 2021. One year later, the company issued an "Eco-Leadership Team" composed of a Conservation Scientist, a Renewable Energy Engineer, Chief Sustainability Officer, and Environmental Advocate. This can be understood as an attempt to introduce children to the urgency of ecological issues and communicating to them the importance of research into climate change in an age-appropriate manner. Yet, despite the pedagogical opportunities the dolls might offer, I argue that their introduction and presentation primarily represents an instance of greenwashing, "the act or practice of making a product, policy, activity, etc. appear to be more environmentally friendly or less environmentally damaging than it really is" (Merriam-Webster). In order to support my thesis, I will analyse four issues: first, I will have a closer look at the way in which the four "Eco-Leadership" dolls express ecological concerns. I will then turn to the material Barbie is made of, plastic, and examine its environmental impact together with Mattel's "The Future of Pink Is Green" campaign. Next, I will discuss the conspicuous consumption Barbie models, focussing on the Malibu Dream House. I will address how this is entangled with settler colonialism in the fourth and final part. Eco-Leadership Barbie? The "Eco-Leadership" set, billed as "2022 Career of the Year" collection, consists of four dolls. They come in a cardboard box so that the toys are not immediately visible, and their accessories are stored in a paper bag inside. On the one hand, this makes the dolls less appealing, depriving the potential consumers of visual pleasure. On the other hand, this generates an element of suspense, much like a wrapped present. In keeping with Mattel's slogan "The Future of Pink Is Green", the colour pink is toned down, even though each doll sports at least one accessory in this colour. The toys are sold as a team, thus perhaps suggesting that "eco-leadership" is a collaborative project, which departs from the emphasis on individualism otherwise suggested by Barbie packaging. In their promotional material, Mattel mentions that all of the professional fields the dolls represent are male-dominated ("Barbie Eco-Leadership Team"). The combination of the careers featured makes a telling statement about Mattel's framing of ecological issues. First, there is a Conservation Scientist with binoculars and a notebook, implying that she is undertaking research on larger animals, presumably endangered species. Such a focus on mammals tends to downplay structural issues and the "slow violence" that affects ecological systems, as Arno Hölzer has argued (65). She is joined by a Renewable Energy Engineer with a solar panel, referencing the least controversial form of "green energy". Significantly, this is the classic blond Barbie. Together, these two dolls suggest that science and technology will find solutions to current ecological crises, global warming, et cetera (not that such issues are explicitly mentioned). The third doll is advertised as Chief Sustainability Officer. "She works with a company or organization to make sure their actions and products are economically, environmentally and socially sustainable", as Mattel puts it ("Barbie Eco-Leadership Team"). Here, businesses are portrayed not as the source of environmental pollution, but as part of the solution to the problem. While this is not entirely false, this particular approach to environmental issues is severely limited, firmly remaining within a neoliberal, capitalist ideology. It reflects what Dan Brockington and Rosaleen Duffy, following Sklair, term "mainstream conservation", which "proposes resolutions to environmental problems that hinge on heightened commodity production and consumption" (4). In this context, a company's promotion of "ethical consumption" "achieves its ethically positive results by not counting various aspects of the production and consumption of its commodities" (9). Finally, there's the Environmental Advocate – not activist (the term was probably too controversial). She is always mentioned last. Her poster reads: "Barbie loves the earth", possibly the most inane ecological slogan ever devised. It is made of plastic. Acquainting children with ecological issues in an age-appropriate manner is an important task. Playing environmental advocate, or scientist, might certainly be more educational in terms of ecological issues than many of the other career options the "I can be anything" series features. But the absence of a politician in the set, for instance, speaks volumes. The "recipe" for sustainability the dolls embody only requires a heavy dose of science and technology, whipped up by well-meaning entrepreneurship, with a little love for the planet sprinkled on top. One gets a prettier picture if one looks at the toys from different perspectives. The group is rather diverse, with a Black Conservation Scientist, an Environmental Advocate of Asian descent, and a Chief Sustainability Officer that might be Latinx, and "curvy". Again, though, there is a glaring omission. Indigenous people are not included, despite the fact that, due to environmental racism, they are among the communities most dramatically affected by environmental pollution. Benjamin F. Chavis Jr., who coined the term "environmental racism," defined it as racial discrimination in environmental policy-making, enforcement of regulations and laws, the deliberate targeting of communities of color for toxic waste disposal and the siting of polluting industries … , [and] the history of excluding people of color from the mainstream environmental groups, decision-making boards, commissions, and regulatory bodies. (Chavis 3) The consequences for Native Americans were and are severe. By 1999, Winona LaDuke notes, 317 reservations … [were] threatened by environmental hazards … . Reservations have been targeted as sites for 16 proposed nuclear waste dumps [and] [o]ver 100 … toxic waste [sites] … . There have been 1,000 atomic explosions on Western Shoshone land in Nevada, making the Western Shoshone the most bombed nation on earth. (LaDuke 2-3) The absence of an Indigenous doll in the Barbie "Eco-Leadership Team" is also noteworthy considering the long history of Native American and First Nations resistance to habitat destruction and environmental degradation, from nineteenth-century Lakota Little Thunder and Anishnaabe leader Wabunoquod (LaDuke 3, 5) to the #NoDAPL movement (Gilio-Whitaker 1-13). Following Robin Wall Kimmerer, one could even argue that sustainability, or "beneficial relations between people and the environment", are integral to Native (here: Potawatomi) culture (Kimmerer 6). On a very different note, any ecological consideration of Barbie dolls must also address their material properties. According to Mattel, the four dolls "are made from recycled plastic … , wear clothing made from recycled fabric and are certified CarbonNeutral® products" ("Barbie Eco-Leadership Team"). This does not apply to the heads and the hair, however – arguably the most distinctive parts of the toys. This had already been the case with the "Barbie Loves the Ocean" series ("Mattel Launches Barbie Loves the Ocean") – apparently, this is not an issue that can easily be fixed. In other words, only some components of the dolls are manufactured from recycled plastic. Further, in 2022, over 175 different Barbie dolls circulated, of which at least 166 were not made from recycled plastic (Google). To speak of "eco-leadership" is thus rather misleading. To further examine this, I want to have a closer look at the materials the dolls consist of. Life in Plastic… For a while now, it has become common knowledge that "life in plastic" might not be so "fantastic" after all, Aqua's song notwithstanding. Plastic pollution of the oceans is a huge problem, killing birds, whales, and other seaborne animals; so are non-biodegradable plastic landfill, neo-colonial waste export, the detrimental health effects of phthalates in plastic, and so on (Moore, Freinkel). But what James Marriott and Mika Minio-Paluello call the uneven "distribution of violence" during the transformation of fossil fuel into plastic is less well known. Oil production and transport are frequently militarised, they show, with company interests taking precedence over human rights (173-74, 176). Heavily guarded pipelines cut through traditional grazing and farming areas, endangering people's livelihoods as well as local ecosystems (Marriott and Minio-Paluello 176, 178-79). To the consumers who buy the plastic produced from this oil, such violence is invisible, not least because production processes and their environmental consequences are actively screened from view by fossil fuel companies and local governments (173-74). "Although these social and environmental impacts are inherent within its constitution, the plastic product in its uniformity is seemingly wiped clean of all that violence and disruption", the authors conclude (181). Where these matters have rarely been discussed in academic research on Barbie, they garnered significant public interest around the time the movie was released in 2023. That the film itself received the Environmental Media Association (EMA) gold seal (Plastic Pollution Coalition) did not lay such concerns to rest. "After the movie frenzy fades, how do we avoid tonnes of Barbie dolls going to landfill?", Alan Pears asked in The Conversation. Waste Online highlighted the "Not-So-Pretty Side of Plastic Toys", Tatler headlined "How Barbie is making climate change worse", and in Medium, Eric Young even aimed to show "How To Save The World from the Toxicity of Barbie!" (with an exclamation rather than a question mark). Based on a 2022 study by Sarah Levesque, Madeline Robertson, and Christie Klimas, Pears noted that "every 182 gram doll caused about 660 grams of carbon emissions, including plastic production, manufacture and transport" (Pears 2). According to Duke Ines, CEO of Lonely Whale, a campaign devoted to protecting the oceans, "80% of all toys end up in a landfill, incinerators, or the ocean" (Mendez 3). Discarded toys make up around 6% of all plastic in landfills (Levesque et al. 777). There are estimates that, by 2030, in the US emissions from plastic production will supersede those from coal (Pears 2). Mattel seems to have recognised the problem. In 2021, the company announced its "The Future of Pink Is Green" campaign as part of its "goal to use 100% recycled, recyclable or bio-based plastic materials and packaging by 2030" ("Mattel Launches" 2). The efforts include educational vlogger episodes and Mattel PlayBack, a toy return program aimed at recycling materials in toy production. With Barbie, this is difficult, though. As Dorothea Ruffin and others have noted, the dolls are composed of different kinds of plastics. The heads consist of hard vinyl, with water-based spray paint used for the eyes; the torso is manufactured from ABS (acrylonitrile butadiene-styrene), the arms of EVA (ethylene-vinyl acetate), and the legs of polypropylene and PVC (polyvinyl chloride) (Ruffin 2). This makes recycling difficult, perhaps even unfeasible. So in effect, I agree with environmental educator Kristy Drutman that Mattel's eco-friendly self-presentation currently qualifies as greenwashing (Mendez 2). With Lyon's and Maxwell's description of the practice as "selective disclosure of positive information about a company's environmental or social performance, without full disclosure of negative information on these dimensions, so as to create an overly positive corporate image" (9) as reference point, it becomes clear that Mattel's strategy perfectly fits this pattern. Their recycling efforts concern only a small number of the Barbie dolls they produce, and even those are only partly fashioned from salvaged material. Both the release of the "Eco-Leadership" set and the "The Future of Pink Is Green" campaign seem designed primarily to bolster the company's reputation. Conspicuous Consumption and the Malibu Dream House A central component of the problem is the scale of plastic toy consumption, as Levesque et al. observe. Mattel sells around 60 million Barbies annually (Ruffin 2). This amounts to over one billion dolls since 1959 (ETX Daily UP 2). What the scientists call "the overproduction and purchase of toys" (Levesque et al. 791) testifies to the continued centrality of "conspicuous consumption", the demonstrative, wasteful squandering of resources which, as Thorstein Veblen already noted in 1899, signifies and produces social distinction (Veblen 53; cf. 43-72). As he argued, "an unremitting demonstration of ability to pay" (Veblen 54) was and is central for upholding not only one's social standing, but also one's self-esteem. This is at the core of Mattel's business model: stimulating repeated purchases by issuing and marketing ever-new, "must-have" dolls, clothing, and other accessories. These tend to normalise an upper-class lifestyle, as Barbie's sports car, horse, and dream house attest. The Malibu Dream House, part of the Barbie universe since 1962, plays a specific role in this context. It symbolises fun, conspicuous leisure, and glamour. With its spectacular beaches, its exclusiveness, and its proximity to Hollywood celebrity culture, Malibu represents the apex of social aspiration for many people. Houses are also sexy, as Marjorie Garber observes in Sex and Real Estate. "Real estate today has become a form of yuppie pornography. … Buyers are entering the housing market with more celerity (and more salaciousness?) than they once entered the marriage market" (Garber 3, 4). The prominence of the house in the Barbie movie is thus not incidental. Malibu is among the most expensive locations in the US. The median property value is US$4.25m. Due to its beachfront location, its "iconic design" and "cultural value", local brokerage Ruby Home estimated that "the price of the doll's DreamHouse [could be] an eye-watering $10 million" (McPherson). With the understatement typical of the profession, the author of the article writes: "unsurprisingly, Barbie’s home would only be available to high-net-worth buyers". This does more than reinforce classism. The richest segment of the global population also has an inordinately large carbon footprint and overall negative impact on climate change. According to Oxfam, the richest 1% produced 16% of global consumption emissions in 2019. The propagation of Malibu Dream House living thus does not exactly rhyme with "eco- leadership". Barbie and Settler Colonialism The wasteful, environmentally detrimental lifestyle of the very wealthy is part and parcel of US settler colonialism. Unlike other forms of colonialism, settler colonialism attempts to replace the Indigenous population. The term does not only signify a devastating past but names an ongoing process, since Native people have not in fact "disappeared". Lorenzo Veracini puts it succinctly: "settler colonialism is not finished" (Veracini 68-94). As Patrick Wolfe famously wrote, "'settler-colonial state' is Australian [and US] society's primary structural characteristic rather than merely a statement about its origins… . Invasion is a structure not an event" (163). Malibu is traditional Chumash territory. The name derives from the Ventureño Chumash word Humaliwo, meaning "where the surf sounds loudly" (Sampson). The Chumash were forcibly deprived of their land by the Spanish Mission system in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Deborah A. Miranda has movingly detailed the traumatic effects of this violence in her memoir Bad Indians. But the Chumash are not gone. In fact, the Wishtoyo Chumach Foundation, whose mission it is to "protect and preserve the culture, history, and lifeways of Chumash and Indigenous peoples, and the environment everyone depends on", runs Chumash Village, "with a goal of raising awareness of Chumash people's historical relationship and dependence upon the natural environment as a maritime people", right in Malibu (Wishtoyo Chumach Foundation). None of this is mentioned by Mattel or the Greta Gerwig movie, which does not only signal a missed opportunity to demonstrate "eco-leadership". Rather, such an omission is typical for settler colonial culture. In order to buttress their claim to the land, settlers try to write Indigenous people out of North American history through a strategy White Earth Ojibwe scholar Jean O'Brien has called "firsting", that is, claiming the European settlers were there first, they "discovered" something, etc. The opening of the movie is a classic example. To the voiceover of "since the beginning of time – since the first little girl ever existed", it shows not Native inhabitants, but European American children in vaguely historical, possibly nineteenth century settler clothing. At other points, Barbie's and Ken's cowboy outfits, their glaring whiteness, references to Davy Crockett and, as Stentor Danielson mentioned in their presentation on "Barbieland's Fantasy Ecology: Terra Nullius on the Pink Beach" at the conference "'You Can Be Anything': Imagining and Interrogating Barbie in Popular Culture", to the Black Hills aka Mount Rushmore, clearly mark them as settlers. J.M. Bacon has coined the term "colonial ecological violence" to reference the ways in which environmental degradation and settler colonialism are inextricably intertwined (59). Effectively combatting environmental pollution thus also requires addressing settler colonial economic, social, and cultural structures. As Dina Gilio-Whitaker has forcefully argued, the success of environmental justice movements in the US, especially vis-à-vis the fossil fuel industry, may depend on building coalitions with Indigenous activists. Some of the most promising examples actually come from California, where beaches have been protected from corporate development because sacred Native sites would have been negatively affected (148). "It may well be that organizing around Native land rights holds the key to successfully transitioning from a fossil-fuel energy infrastructure to one based on sustainable energy", Gilio-Whitaker concludes (149). "Effective partnerships with allies in the environmental movement will provide the best defence for the collective well-being of the environment and future generations of all Americans, Native and non-Native alike" (162). This is a far cry from any policy Mattel has so far advertised, not to mention implemented. Conclusion In different respects, the promise of "Eco-Leadership" Barbies rings hollow. Not only do they suggest an extremely limited understanding of environmental concerns and challenges, Mattel's breezy pronouncements are clearly at odds with its simultaneous boosting of conspicuous consumption, let alone the focus on financial profit generally characteristic for its managerial decisions. In light of the enormous environmental problems generated by the manufacturing and disposal of the dolls, the waste-intensive upper-class lifestyle Barbie outfits and accessories promote, and finally the de-thematising of capitalism and settler colonialism both in Mattel's Barbie discourses and the 2023 Barbie movie, the company's attempts to project an ecologically conscious image seem primarily designed to capitalise on an increasing awareness of ecological problems in Mattel's target audience, rather than constituting a serious reconsideration of its unsustainable corporate strategies. References Bacon, J.M. "Settler Colonialism as an Eco-Social Structure and the Production of Colonial Ecological Violence." Environmental Sociology 5.1 (2019): 59-69. Brockington, Dan, and Rosaleen Duffy. "Introduction: Capitalism and Conservation: The Production and Reproduction of Biodiversity Conservation." In Capitalism and Conservation, eds. Dan Brockington and Rosaleen Duffy. 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Boxing is a purely masculine activity and it inhabits a purely masculine world. […] Boxing is for men, and it is about men, and is men. (Joyce Carol Oates) IntroductionWriting about boxing is an intimate, private, and unusual activity. Although a decade has passed since I first “stepped into the ring” (sparring or fighting), I have not engaged with boxing in academic terms. I undertook a doctoral degree from 2012 to 2016, during which I competed and won amateur titles in three different countries. Boxing, in a sense, shadowed my research. My fieldwork, researching heritage foods networks, brought me to various locales, situating my body in reference to participants and academics as well as my textual analysis. My daily interactions and reflections in the boxing gym, though, were marginalised to give priority to my doctorate. In a mirrored journey to Wacquant’s “carnal ethnography of the skilled body” (Habitus 87), I boxed as a hobby. It was a means to escape my life as a doctoral student, my thesis, and the library. Research belonged to the realm of academia; boxing, to the realm of the physical. In this paper, I seek to implode this self-imposed distinction.Practising the “noble art,” as boxing is commonly called, profoundly altered not only my body but also my way of seeing the world, myself, and others. I explore these themes through an autoethnographic account of my experience in the ring. Focusing on sparring, rather than competing, I explore conceptualisations of my face as a material, as well as part of my body, and also as a surface for violence and apprenticeship. Reflecting upon a decade of sparring, the analysis presented in this paper is grounded in the phenomenological tradition whereby knowledge is not an abstract notion that exists over and above felt experience: it is sensed and embodied through practice.I delve into the narratives of my personal “social logic of a bodily craft” of boxing (Wacquant, Habitus 85). More specifically, I reflect upon my experiences of getting hit in the face by men in the ring, and the acclimatisation required, evolving from feelings of intrusion, betrayal, and physical pain to habit, and at times, excitement. As a surface for punching, my face became both material and immaterial. It was a tool that had to be tuned to varying degrees of pain to inform me of my performance as well as my opponent’s. Simultaneously, it was a surface that was abstracted and side-lined in order to put myself purposefully in harm’s way as one does when stepping into the ring. Through reflecting on my face, I consider how the sport offered new embodied experiences through which I became keenly aware of my body as a delineated target for—as well as the source of—violence. In particular, my body boundaries were profoundly reconfigured in the ring: sparring partners demonstrated their respect by hitting me, validating both my body and my skill as a boxer. In this manner, I discuss the spatiality of the ring as eliciting transitions of felt and abstracted pain as well as shaping my self-image as a re-gendered boxer in the ring and out. Throughout my account, I briefly engage with Wacquant’s discussion of “pugilistic habitus” (Body 99) and his claims that boxing is the epitome of masculine valour. In the final section, I conclude with deliberations upon the new bodily awareness(es) I gained through the sport, and the re-materiality I experienced as a strong woman.Methodological and Conceptual FrameworksThe analysis in this paper is based on the hybrid narrative of ethnography and autobiography: autoethnography. In the words of Tami Spry, autoethnography is “a self-narrative that critiques the situatedness of self and others in social context” (710). As such, I take stock in hindsight (Bruner; Denzin) of the evolution of my thoughts on boxing, my stance as a boxer, and the ways the ring has affected my sense of self and my body.Unlike Wacquant's “carnal ethnography” (Habitus 83) whose involvement with boxing was foregrounded in an academic context where he wrote detailed field-notes and conducted participant observation, my involvement was deliberately non-academic until I began to write this paper. Based on hindsight, the data collected through this autoethnography are value-inflected in ways that differ from other modes of data collection. But I have sought to recreate a dialectic between perceptual experience and cultural practices and patterns, in a manner aligned with Csordas’s paradigm of embodiment. My method is to “retrospectively and selectively write about epiphanies that stem from, or are made possible by, being part of a culture” (Ellis et al. 276) of boxing. These epiphanies, as sensed and embodied knowledge, were not solely conceptual moments but also physical realisations that my body performed, such as understanding—and executing—a well-timed slip to the side to avoid a punch.Focusing on my embodied experiences in the ring and out, I have sought to uncover “somatic modes of attention:” the “culturally elaborated ways of attending to and with one’s body in surroundings that include the embodied presence of others” (Csordas 138). The aim of this engagement is to convey my self-representation as a boxer in the ring, which emerged in part through the inter-subjectivity of interacting with other boxers whilst prioritising representations of my face. As such, my personal narrative is enmeshed with insights gleaned during embodied epiphanies I had in the ring, interweaving storytelling with theory.I have chosen to use the conventions of storytelling (Ellis and Ellingson) to explore the defining moments that shaped the image I hold of myself as a boxer. My personal narrative—where I view myself as the phenomenon—seeks “to produce aesthetic and evocative thick descriptions of personal and interpersonal experience” (Ellis et al. 287) whilst striving to remain accessible to a broader audience than within academia (Bochner). Personal narratives offer an understanding of the “self or aspect of a life as it intersects with a cultural context, connect to other participants as co-researchers, and invite readers to enter the author's world and to use what they learn there to reflect on, understand, and cope with their own lives” (Ellis 14; see also Ellis et al. 289).As the focus of my narrative is my face, I used my body, in Longhurst et al.’s words, as the “primary tool through which all interactions and emotions filter in accessing subjects and their geographies” (208). As “the foundation of the entire pugilistic regimen”, the body is the site of an intimate self-awareness, of the “body-sense” (Heiskanen 26). Taking my body as the starting point of my analysis, my conceptual framework is heavily informed by Thrift’s non-representational theory, enabling me to inquire into the “skills and knowledges [people] get from being embodied beings” (127), and specifically, embodied boxers. The analysis presented here is thus based on an “epistemic reflexivity” (Wacquant, Habitus 89) and responds to what Wacquant coins the “pugilistic habitus” (Body 99): a set of acquired dispositions of the boxer. Bourdieu believes that people are social agents who actively construct social reality through “categories of perception, appreciation and action” (30). The boxing habitus needs to be grasped with one’s body: it intermingles “cognitive categories, bodily skills and desires which together define the competence and appetence specific to the boxer” (Wacquant, Habitus 87). Through this habitus, I construct an image of myself not only as a boxer, but also as a re-gendered being, directly critiquing Wacquant’s arguments of the “pugilist” as fundamentally male.Resistance to Female BoxingMischa Merz’s manuscript on her boxing experience is the most accurate narrative I have yet read on female boxing, as a visceral as well as incorporeal experience, which led Merz to question and reconsider her own identity. When Merz published her manuscript in 2000, six years before I put the gloves on, the boxing world was still resisting the presence of women in the ring. In the UK, licenses for boxing were refused to women until 1998, and in New South Wales, Australia, it was illegal for women to compete until December 2008. It was not until 2012 that female boxing became internationally recognised as a sport in its own right. During the London Olympics, after a sulphurous debate on whether women should be made to box in skirts to “differentiate” them from men, women were finally allowed to compete in three weight categories, compared to ten for men.When I first started training in 2006 at the age of 21, I was unaware of the long list of determined and courageous women who had carved their way—and facilitated mine—into the ring, fighting for their right to practise a sport considered men’s exclusive domain. By the time I started learning the “sweet science” (another popular term used for boxing), my presence was accepted, albeit still unusual. My university had decreed boxing a violent sport that could not be allowed on campus. As a result, I only started boxing when I obtained a driving licence, and could attend training sessions off-campus. My desire to box had been sparked five years before, when I viewed Girlfight, a film depicting a young woman’s journey into the ring. Until then, I had never imagined a woman could box, let alone be inspirational in the use of her strength, aggression, and violence; to be strong was, for me, to be manly—which, as a woman, translated as monstrous or a perversion. I suddenly recognised in boxing a possibility to rid myself of the burden of what I saw as my bulk, and transform my body into a graceful pugilist—a fighter.First Sparring SessionTwo months after I had first thrown a punch in my coach’s pad—the gear coaches wear to protect their hands when a boxer is punching them to train—I was allowed into the ring to spar. Building up to this moment, I had anticipated and dreaded my first steps in the ring as the test of my skill and worthiness as a boxer. This moment would show my physical conditioning: whether I had trained and dieted correctly, if I was strong or resilient enough to fight. More crucially, it would lay bare my personality, the strength of my character, the extent of my willpower and belief in myself: it would reveal, in boxing terminology, if I had “heart.” Needless to say I had fantasised often about this moment. It was my initiation into the art of being punched and I hoped I would prove myself a hardened individual, capable of withstanding pain without flinching or retreating.The memory of the first punch to my face—my nose, to be exact—remains clear and vivid. My sparring partner was my coach, a retired boxer who hit me repeatedly in the head during the entirety of my first round. Getting hit in the face for the first time is a profound moment of rupture. Until then, my face had been a bodily surface reserved for affective gestures by individuals of trust: kisses of greeting on the cheeks or caresses from lovers. Only once had I been slapped, in an act of aggression that had left me paralysed with shock and feeling violated. Now in the ring, being punched in the face by a man I trusted, vastly more experienced and stronger than I, provoked a violent reaction of indignation and betrayal. Feelings of deceit, physical intrusion, and confusion overwhelmed me; pain was an entirely secondary concern. I had, without realising, assumed my coach would “go easy” on me, softening his punches and giving me time to react adequately to his attacks as we had practised on the pads. A couple of endless minutes later, I stepped out of the ring, breathless and staring at the floor to hide my tears of humiliation and overwhelming frustration.It is a common experience amongst novices, when first stepping into the ring, to forget everything they have been taught: footwork, defence, combinations, chin down, guard up … etc. They often freeze, as I did, with the first physical contact. Suddenly and concretely, with the immediacy of pain, they become aware of the extent of the danger they have purposely placed themselves in. The disturbance I felt was matched in part by my belief that I was essentially a coward. In an act condemned by the boxing community, I had turned my face away from punches: I tried to escape the ring instead of dominating it. Merz succinctly describes this experience in the boxing realm: “aspects of my character were frequently tossed in my face for assessment. I saw gaping holes in my tenacity, my resilience, my courage, my athleticism” (49). That night, I felt an unfamiliar sting as I took my jumper off, noticing a slight yet painful bruise on the bridge of my nose. It reminded me of my inadequacy and, I believed at the time, a fundamental failure of character: I lacked heart.My Face: A Tool for Sensing and Ignoring PainTo get as accustomed as a punching bag to repeated hits without flinching I had to mould my face into a mask of impassivity, revealing little to my opponent. My face also became a calibrated tool to measure my opponent’s skill, strength, and intent through the levels of pain it would experience. If an opponent repeatedly targeted my nose, I knew the sparring session was not a “friendly encounter.” Most often though, we would nod at each other in acknowledgement of the other’s successful “contact,” such as when their punches hurt my body. The ring is the only space I know and inhabit where the display of physical violence can be interpreted as a “friendly gesture” (Merz 12).Boxers, like most athletes, are carefully attuned to measuring the degrees of pain they undergo during a fight and training, whilst accomplishing the paradoxical feat—when they are hit—of setting aside that pain lest it be a distraction. In other words, boxers’ bodies are both material and immaterial: they are sites for accessing sensory information, notably pain levels, as well as tools that—at times detrimentally—have learned to abstract pain in the effort to ignore physical limitations, impediments or fatigue. Boxers with “heart,” I believe, are those who inhabit this duality of material and immaterial bodies.I have systematically been questioned whether I fear bruising or scarring my face. It would seem illogical to many that a woman would voluntarily engage in an activity that could blemish her appearance. Beyond this concern lies the issue, as Merz puts it, that “physical prowess and femininity seem to be so fundamentally incompatible” (476). My face used to be solely a source of concern as a medium of beautification and the platform from which I believed the world judged my degree of attractiveness. It also served as a marker of distinction: those I trusted intimately could touch my face, others could not. Throughout my training, my face evolved and also became an instrument that I conditioned and used strategically in the ring. The bruises I received attested to my readiness to exchange punches, a mark of valour I came to relish more than looking “nice.”Boxing has taught me how to feel my body in new ways. I no longer inhabit an “absent body” (Leder). I intimately know the border between my skin and the world, aware of exactly how far my body extends into that world and how much “punishment” (getting hit) it can withstand: boxing—which Oates (26) observed as a spectator rather than boxer—“is an act of consummate self-determination—the constant re-establishment of the parameters of one’s being.” A strong initial allure of boxing was the strict discipline it gave to my eating habits, an anchor—and at times, a torture—for someone who suffered from decade-long eating disorders. Although boxing plagued me with the need to “make weight”—to fight in a designated weight category—I no longer sought to be as petite as I could manage. As a female boxer, I was reminded of my gender, and my “unusual” body, as I am uncommonly big, strong, and heavy compared to most female fighters. I still find it difficult to find women to spar with, let alone fight. Unlike in the world outside the gym, though, my size is something I continuously learn to value as an advantage in the ring, a tool for affirmation, and significantly, a means of acceptance by, and equality with, men.The Ring: A Place of Re-GenderingAs sparring became routine, I had an epiphany: what I had taken as an act of betrayal from my coach was actually one of respect. Opponents who threw “honest” (painful) punches esteemed me as a boxer. I have, to this day, very rarely sparred with women. I often get told that I punch “like a guy,” an ability with which I have sought to impress coaches and boxers alike. As such, I am usually partnered with men who believe, as they have told me, that hitting a “girl”—and even worse, hitting a girl in the face—is simply unacceptable. Many have admitted that they fear hurting me, though some have quickly wanted to after a couple of exchanges. I have found that their views of “acceptable” violence seem unchanged after a session, as I believe they have come to view me as a boxer first and as a woman second.It would be disingenuous to omit that boxing attracted me as much for the novelty status I have gained within and outside of it. I have often walked a thin line between revelling in the sense of belonging that boxing provides me—anchored in a feeling that gender no longer matters—and the acute sense of feeling special because I am a woman performing as a man in what is still considered a man’s world. I have wavered between feeling as though I am shrugging off the very notion of gender in the ring, to deeply reconsidering what my gender means to me and the world, embracing a more fluid and performative understanding of gender than I had before (Messner; Young).In a way, my sense of self is shaped conflictingly by the ways in which boxers behave towards me in the ring, and how others see me outside of the boxing gym. As de Bruin and de Haan suggest, my body, in its active dimension, is open to the other and grounds inter-subjectivity. This inter-subjectivity of embodiment—how other bodies constitute my own sensory and perceptual experience of being-in-the-world—remains ambivalent. It has led me to feel at times genderless—or rather, beyond gender—in the ring and, because of this feeling, I simultaneously question and continuously re-explore more vividly what can be understood as “female masculinity” (Halberstam). As training progressed, I increasingly felt that:If women are going to fight, we have to be reminded, at every chance available, time and again, that they are still feminine or capable, at least, of wearing the costume of femininity, being hobbled by high heels and constrained by tight dresses. All female athletes in a way are burdened with having to re-iterate this same public narrative. (Merz)As I learned to box, I also learned to delineate myself alongside the ring: as I questioned notions of gender inside, I consequently sought to reaffirm a specific and static idea of gender through overt femininity outside the ring, as other female athletes have also been seen to do (Duncan). During my first years of training, I was the only woman at the gyms I trained in. I believed I had to erase any physical reminders of femininity: my sport clothes were loose fitting, my hair short, and I never wore jewellery or make-up. I wanted to be seen as a boxer, not a woman: my physical attractiveness was, for once, irrelevant. Ironically, I could not conceive of myself as a woman in the ring, and did not believe I could be seen as a woman in the ring. Outside the gym, I increasingly sought to reassert a stereotypical feminine appearance, taking pleasure in subverting another set of beliefs. People are usually hesitant to visualise a woman in a skirt, without a broken nose, as a competitive fighter with a mouth guard and headgear. As Wacquant succinctly put it, “I led a sort of Dr. Jekyll-and-Mr. Hyde existence” (Habitus 86), which crystallised when one of my coaches failed to recognise me on three occasions outside the gym, in my “normal” clothes.I have now come to resent profoundly the marginal, sensationalised status that being a boxer denotes for a woman. This is premised on particular social norms surrounding gender, which dictate that if a woman boxes, she is not “your usual” woman. I have striven to re-gender my experience, especially in light of the recent explosion of interest in female boxing, where new norms are being established. As I have trained around the world, including in Cuba, France, and the USA, and competed in the UK, Mexico, and Belgium, I have valued the tacit connection between those who practice the “noble art.” Boxing fashions a particular habitus (Bourdieu), the “pugilistic habitus” (Wacquant, Body 12). Stepping into the ring, and being able to handle getting hit in the face, constitutes a common language that boxers around the world, male and female, understand, value, and share; a language that transcends the tacit everyday embodiments of gender and class. Boxing is habitually said to give access to an upward mobility (Wacquant, Habitus; Heiskanen). In my case, as a white, educated, middle-class woman, boxing has given me access to cross-class associations: I have trained alongside men who had been shot in Coventry, were jobless in Cuba, or dealt with drug gangs in Mexico. The ring is an equalising space, where social, gender—and in my experience, ethnic—divides can be smoothed down to leave the pugilistic valour, the property of boxing excellence, as the main metric of appreciation.The freedom I have found in the ring is one that has allowed my gendered identity to be thought of in new and creative ways that invite continuous revision. I have discovered myself not solely through the prism of a gendered lens, but as an emotive athlete, and as a person desperate to be accepted despite—or because of—her physical strength. I find myself returning to Merz’s eloquence: “boxing cannot help but make you question who you really are. You cannot hide from yourself in a boxing ring. It might seem a crazy path to self-knowledge, but to me it has been the most rich, rewarding, and perhaps, the only true one” (111). Using Wacquant’s own words to disprove his theory that boxing is fundamentally a virile activity that reaffirms specific notions of masculinity, to become a boxer is to “efface the distinction between the physical and the spiritual [...] to defy the border between reason and passion” (Body 20). In my view, it is to implode the oppositional definitions that have kept males inside the ring and females, out. The ring, in ways unrivalled elsewhere, has shown me that I am not reducible, as the world has at times convinced me, to my strength or my gender. I can, and indeed do, coalesce and transcend both.ConclusionAfter having pondered the significance of the ring to my life, I now begin to understand Merz’s journey as “so much more than a mere dalliance on the dark side of masculine culture” (21). When I box, I am always boxing against myself. The ring is the ultimate space of revelation, where one is starkly confronted with one’s own weaknesses and fears. As a naked mirror, the ring is also a place for redemption, where one can overcome flaws, and uncover facets of who one is. Having spent almost as much time at university as I have boxing, it was in the ring that I learned that “thinking otherwise entails being otherwise, relating to oneself, one’s body, and ambient beings in a new way” (Sharp 749). Through the “boxing habitus,” I have simultaneously developed a boxer’s body and habits as well as integrated new notions of gender. As an exercise in re-gendering, sparring has led me to reflect more purposefully on the multiplicity of meanings that gender can espouse, and on the possibilities of negotiating the world as both strong and female. Practising the “noble art” has given me new tools with which to carve out, within the structures of the society I inhabit, liberating possibilities of being a pugilistic woman. 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