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Harikrishnan, S. "Communicating Communism: Social Spaces and the Creation of a “Progressive” Public Sphere in Kerala, India." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 18, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 268–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v18i1.1134.
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Communism arrived in the south Indian state of Kerala in the early twentieth century at a time when the matrilineal systems that governed caste-Hindu relations were crumbling quickly. For a large part of the twentieth century, the Communist Party – specifically the Communist Party of India (Marxist) – played a major role in navigating Kerala society through a developmental path based on equality, justice and solidarity. Following Lefebvre’s conceptualisation of (social) space, this paper explores how informal social spaces played an important role in communicating ideas of communism and socialism to the masses. Early communists used rural libraries and reading rooms, tea-shops, public grounds and wall-art to engage with and communicate communism to the masses. What can the efforts of the early communists in Kerala tell us about the potential for communicative socialism? How can we adapt these experiences in the twenty-first century? Using autobiographies, memoirs, and personal interviews, this paper addresses these questions.
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Roy, Purabi. "Indian National Army: Netaji’s Secret Service." Indian Historical Review 49, no. 1_suppl (June 2022): S168—S192. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03769836221115896.
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Netaji’s Secret Service ‘Indian National Army’ essentially revolutionary organisation. It is well known the leftist played a crucial role in Subhas Bose getting elected as the President of the Tripuri Congress. In 1939 found the Left Consolidation Committee (LCC), but the tenuous coalition of the leftists in the Committee soon broke but CPI remained with Bose. However, after the Second World War broke out, Bose decided to leave India. The Communists helped Subhas in his escape; the main operator was Achhar Singh Chhina, who was best known by the Soviets as Larkin, Akbar Mia of Forward Bloc and Ajoy Ghosh of CPI. Bose’s after the escape to contact the Soviet leaders for enlisting them as India’s ally, was also helped by the communists. In the War theatre, Subhas Bose Was in favour of Link. Before his departure, All India Revolutionary Committee code-named ‘MARY’ in Delhi communicated with Kabul link station codenamed ‘OlIVER’ and with German link codenamed ‘TOM’. T. Holt Writes ‘channel “SILVER” was one of the great deception double agent channels of the war, real name Bhagat Ram Talwar’. 1 ‘SILVER’ the game Master, one of the closest person of Bose, was a communist, a Master of disguise, Knowledgeable about the various revolutionaries Movements in India. Silver kept the soviet posted on his work as the Link between the Axis legation in Kabul and Bose sympathisers in India. Silver’s intelligence system as a high-grade source. But Silver remained a Communist first and foremost, and whenever he entered Afghanistan, practical control passed to the Soviets. Eventually Bose could make his way to Rangoon where a new arrangement was made by the Axis. Subhas codenamed ‘RHINO’ sponsored by the Japanese and codename ‘ELEPHANT’ sponsored by the Germans to remain in touch with ‘MARY’ in Delhi. Netaji set up a pro-Axis Provisional Government of Free India in Andaman and Nicobar Islands. PG operated successfully military deception plans with military intelligent tactics. Netaji began to broadcast anti-British Propaganda as the Voice of Azad Hind. He made it clear that neither his armed forces nor his Azad Hind Radio Service could be used for anti-Soviet purposes. Unfortunately, the strategic deception role of Netaji remained secret for decades.
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Gupta, Charu. "‘Hindu Communism’: Satyabhakta, apocalypses and utopian Ram Rajya." Indian Economic & Social History Review 58, no. 2 (April 2021): 213–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464621997877.
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In the north India of 1920s–30s, many first-generation anticolonial communists and Left intellectuals did not see any contradiction in reliance upon religion, ethical traditions and morality in a search for vocabularies of dignity, equality, just polity and social liberation. Through select writings in Hindi of Satyabhakta (1897–85), an almost forgotten figure in histories of communism in India, this article focuses on the entanglement between religion and communism as a way of thinking about the Left in India, and the problems and possibilities of such imaginings. Steeped in a north Indian Hindi literary print public sphere, such figures illuminated a distinctly Hindu and Indian path towards communism, making it more relatable to a Hindi–Hindu audience. The article draws attention to Satyabhakta’s layered engagements with utopian political desires, which, in envisaging an egalitarian future, wove Hindu faith-based ethical morality, apocalyptic predictions and notions of a romantic Ram Rajya, with decolonisation, anti-capitalism and aesthetic communist visions of equality. Even while precarious and problematic, such imaginations underline hidden plural histories of communism and, at the same time, trouble atheist, secular communists as well as the proponents of Hindutva.
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Bhattacharya, Malini. "The Russian Revolution and the Freedom Struggle in India: Rabindranath Tagore’s Letters from Russia." Agrarian South: Journal of Political Economy: A triannual Journal of Agrarian South Network and CARES 6, no. 2 (August 2017): 237–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2277976017731847.
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The Russian Revolution and its experiments with socialism impacted the Indian Freedom Struggle in many different ways. Not only did it play a catalytic role in the formation of the Indian Communist Party and eventually helped the transformation of a good number of freedom fighters into communists, but it also initiated debates and discussions within the public domain regarding the relevance of this great political upheaval to the Indian situation even among thinkers and intellectuals who had not been converted to socialist thinking. This essay documents the impact of the Russian revolution on the Bengali intelligentsia who were involved in the freedom struggle. In particular, it chooses one episode, in this complex intellectual history which evolved in many different ways in different parts of India, that is, Rabindranath Tagore’s visit to Soviet Russia in 1930 and assesses the impact of the ideas unleashed by the revolution on the intellectuals in Bengal.
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Spektor, Ilya. "Transformation of the Soviet Ties with Indian Communist Movement in the1960s: from the Struggle with “Pro-Chinese Sectarians” towards the Left Unification Politics." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 1 (2022): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080016330-0.
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The history of the Communist party of India is important due to the party’s activities during the struggle for the country’s independence and in virtue of its leading position in Indian politics during the period when the government of J. Nehru was in power. Differences between so-called “leftists” and “rightists” in the party lead to the split in the CPI and to the formation of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) which was founded by the leaders of the “leftist” faction. The main reasons of the split were the differences in the attitude of different groups of Indian communists towards the Indian National Congress and the politics of Indian government. At the same time the spit related to the foreign politics of India and with the international communist movement. At the first stage of the conflict within the party, the sympathies of the USSR were entirely on the side of the “rightist” faction and the current leadership of the CPI. The “leftist” and the CPI (M) were considered as anti-Soviet group and potential political allies of China. However, the electoral success of the CPI(M) and the neutral position of the party during the Sino-Soviet split changed the attitude of the Soviet government towards this political force. Since the second half of the 1960s the USSR tried to maintain relations with the two main communist parties in India. The key sources are the documents of the Soviet Embassy in Delhi, which are being introduced into scientific circulation for the first time.
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Törnquist, Olle. "Communists and democracy: Two Indian cases and one debate." Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 23, no. 2 (June 1991): 63–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14672715.1991.10413152.
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SHARMA, SHALINI. "‘Yeh azaadi jhooti hai!’: The shaping of the opposition in the first year of the Congress raj." Modern Asian Studies 48, no. 5 (December 5, 2013): 1358–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000693.
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AbstractWithin a year of Indian independence, the Communist Party of India declared independence to be a false dawn and the whole Socialist bloc within the ruling Indian National Congress cut its ties with the national government. The speed with which the left disengaged from what had been a patriotic alliance under colonialism surprised many at the time and has perplexed historians ever since. Some have looked to the wider context of the Cold War to explain the onset of dissent within the Indian left. This paper points instead to the neglected domestic context, examining the lines of inclusion and exclusion that were drawn up in the process of the making of the new Indian constitution. Once in power, Congress leaders recalibrated their relationship with their former friends at the radical end of the political spectrum. Despite some of the well-known differences among leading Congress personalities, they spoke as one on industrial labour and the illegitimacy of strikes as a political weapon in the first year of national rule and declared advocates of class politics to be enemies of the Indian state. Congress thus attempted to sideline the Socialists and Communists and brand them as unacceptable in the new regime. This paper focuses on this first year of independence, emphasizing how rapidly the limits of Indian democracy were set in place.
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Baruah, Sanjib. "Turmoil on the left: The soviet reforms and Indian communists." Socialism and Democracy 5, no. 1 (January 1989): 11–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08854309108428026.
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Pant, Bhuwaneswor. "Socio economic impact of undeclared blockade of India on Nepal." Research Nepal Journal of Development Studies 1, no. 1 (October 5, 2018): 18–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/rnjds.v1i1.21270.
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Indian unofficial or undeclared blocked was a terrible move. It was a move on the part of Indian diplomacy. India imposed it, it was very transparent but not acceptable. Diplomacy is getting thing done without speaking or telling nastiest words in nicest manner. What had happened in southern border of Nepal? What was Indian's role? The study attempts to find out the reason of undeclared blocked of 2015 and identify the socio economic impact of this blocked imposed during the dark days of great earthquake in Nepal. Can a neighbor do so? India did it but did not speak a single word. The study has been conducted to analyze the impacts of the issue. Library method and comparative review methods were applied to analyze the impacts it had on Nepal. They tried to minimize the Chinese Communists influences but the move was wrong. So, Nepalese citizens cast their vote to elect communist parties with full majority. Indian policy was concentrated on causing instability in Nepal. Nepalese diplomacy proved to be ineffective to put pressure on Indian government for amending the Sugauli Treaty and the Treaty of 1950 as well as addressing controversy over Kalapani, Susta and Lipulek. At the time of election, all the political parties raised the issue against India as KP Oli did and successfully won the election. The pain of blockade is not forgotten in the name of improving bilateral relations.Research Nepal Journal of Development Studies Vol.1(1) 2018 18-27
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Singh, Ranjit, and Hakim Singh. "Sino -Indian Political Relations: An Overview." Research Review Journal of Social Science 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): 17–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrjss.2023.v03.n01.003.
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While discussing the political systems as well as the political leadership of both countries, an effort was made to understand the political and strategic relations between both neighbors e.g. India and China. This paper examined the historical peaceful coexistence between the both, which has undergone a decline since the Chinese Communists won the Chinese Civil War and the annexation of Tibet. This has led to border disputes and economic nationalism. Both countries worked hard to re-establish their cultural, social, and economic ties, and eventually, China became India's most important trading partner. Currently, the two nations have established a strategic and collaborative alliance aimed at promoting peace and prosperity. This partnership is characterized by a significant level of involvement and enhanced comprehension in the areas of political, cultural, economic, and military cooperation. The foundation of their enhanced relationship is predicated upon a mutual comprehension of their respective concerns.
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Bajpai, Vikas. "The Continuing Debate on the ‘Annihilation of Caste’: Understanding Tensions Between Ambedkarites and Communists." Social Change 47, no. 2 (April 25, 2017): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085717696383.
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‘Annihilating Caste’ is perhaps the most eminent and desirable social and political objective that has confronted progressive forces in Indian society, especially since the country’s independence in 1947.1 Among all political forces, Ambedkarites and communists have played a prominent role in seeking an end to caste-based oppression in the country and yet these two forces have failed to see eye to eye on most issues that fall in their political trajectories. The author uses a recent conversation that he had with an Ambedkarite friend on identity politics as a pretext to tease out tensions that exist between Ambedkarites and communists. Issues thrown up by the conversation have been elaborated upon in order to attain some understanding of the path that can be used to achieve the unfulfilled task of ‘annihilating caste’ to paraphrase Amedkar’s immortal phrase.
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Yin, Cao. "Kill Buddha Singh." Indian Historical Review 43, no. 2 (December 2016): 270–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983616663408.
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On the morning of 6 April 1927, the Jemadar of the Sikh branch in the Shanghai Municipal Police, Buddha Singh, had been shot dead by an Indian nationalist. This incident has not drawn much attention from scholars studying modern Chinese history. This article argues that the narrative framework of the Chinese national history fails to provide a space for subjects such as Sikh migrants and nationalists that can hardly be appropriated. By exploring how the Ghadar Party, the Comintern and the Chinese communists cooperated with each other to shatter the British hegemony in Shanghai and how the British colonial authorities forged a coordinative network to check the ever-flowing dissidents, this article reconstructs the dramatic case of Buddha Singh not only in the milieu of the Chinese nationalist revolution, but also in the context of the global anti-imperial and communist movements. In so doing, it challenges the established national narrative and champions an approach that incorporates modern Chinese history into the global history.
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Saha, Tularam, and Goutam Dakua. "The Changing Trends of Coalition Politics of Kerala from its Origin to 2016 in India." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 9, no. 3 (March 15, 2024): 124–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2024.v09.n03.012.
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The Constitution of India provide for a federal system of government though the term ‘federalism’ which is nowhere been used in the constitution. But the article 1 of the constitution describes that India, that is Bharat, shall be a Union of States. K.C. where describes Indian federalism as “Quasi-federal”. Granville Austin called it ‘co-operative federalism.’ And Ivor Jennings describes it as ‘federation with strong centralizing tendency’. This nature of Indian federalism has leads India towards coalition. The coalition politics at the central level has been relatively a recent phenomenon but at the state level it has been in operation right after the first general election (1952). The growth of regional parties and dominant leadership at state level has federalized the polity and the state government has stretched their arms. The first coalition at state level formed in Kerala in 1954. The coalition politics is a time-tested thing in contemporary democracy. The concept of coalition politics occurred when the states used to ally with each other in order to defect of a common enemy. In 1954 the Congress created a coalition government in Kerala. Since this time Kerala has been living with coalition rule after regular intervals. The politics in Kerala is dominated by two coalition fronts: the communist party of India (Marxist)- led left Democratic front (LDF) and the Indian National Congress – led United Democratic Front (UDF) since late 1970s. Kerala was the first Indian state where the communists were chosen to power. Since the early 1980s these two coalitions have alternate in government. They are unable to gain re- election for a second term. These two-alliance coalition have occurred periodically and ruled continued to 2016 election. In May 2016, the LDF win election and now in power. This LDF coalition occurred with CPI (M)-58, CPI-19, TDS-3, NCP-2, KCB-1, CPM(L)-1, CS-1 and Independents-5.
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Kishore, Nand, and Abhaya Kumar Singh. "THE ROLE OF REMOTE SENSING TECHNOLOGY IN COUNTERNAXALITE OPERATIONS: PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS." Scientific Temper 1, no. 01 (February 4, 2010): 199–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.58414/scientifictemper.2010.01.1.36.
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The internal challenges to Indian securityare growing serious day by day. India has longhistory of separatist and secessionist violence, beit in North-East, Punjab or Kashmir. The nation,presently, is facing not one but two wars withinits own borders. The first, as we all know, is therising threat of Islamic terrorism, but the secondoften overlooked dimension to this internal war,is that of the naxalite terrorists, who are bred andsustained by the Communists Party of India(Marxist-Leninist) CPI (ML). In April 2006, IndianPrime Minister Manmohan Singh called thenaxalite threat the “biggest internal securitychallenge ever faced by our country”
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Lunev, S. I. "Embarking on Friendship: Exploring Early Soviet-Indian Relations." MGIMO Review of International Relations 17, no. 2 (April 22, 2024): 54–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2024-2-95-54-72.
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By the onset of the Second World War, the USSR had virtually no experience or established traditions of interaction with South Asian countries. Initially, Soviet-Indian relations could be characterized as tepid, largely due to a lack of accurate information about each other. During the wartime, the USSR underestimated the advantages of forging close ties with Indian left-wing centrists, favoring instead communists who provided the Kremlin with falsified data on the national liberation movement in the country.The article examines how bilateral relations evolved and strengthened as mutual knowledge grew. The second stage of Soviet-Indian relations (1955-1971) can be termed as a period of "birth of friendship," as the image of partnership is consolidated in the eyes of Soviet and Indian politicians and the public. Soviet diplomacy played a pivotal role in shaping policy changes: diplomats sought to gather crucial information about events in the country, transmit it to the USSR, and promote bilateral rapprochement, sometimes even acting in violation of instructions.The article pays particular attention to the activities of Subhas Chandra Bose, the leader of the left wing of the Indian National Congress, who according to Indian sociological surveys on the most prominent politicians of the 20th century, ranks second only to Mahatma Gandhi. During the Second World War, he was an uncompromising fighter against British colonialists. The Soviet Union did not pay sufficient attention to S.C. Bose, although he potentially could have been a valuable partner for Moscow.At present, the problem of mutual lack of awareness has resurfaced, hindering the development of closer political, economic, and cultural-humanitarian ties between Russia and India.
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Pokhrel, Rajkumar. "Naxalbari and Jhapa Revolt: Historical Study." Tribhuvan University Journal 32, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/tuj.v32i2.24707.
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Naxalbari is a small village in West Bengal, India, where a section of the Communist Party of India (CPM) led by Kanu Sanyal,and Jangal Santhal initiated a violent uprising in 1967. On 18 May 1967, the Siliguri Kishan Sabha, of which Jangal was the president, declared their support for the movement initiated by Kanu Sanyal and readiness to adopt armed struggle to redistribute land to the landless. But before it, as a consequence of the debate in international communist movement, Indian communist Party split and a faction choose the path of Mao Thought to go ahead. The party was led by Charu Majumdar, Kanu Sanyal and Jangal Santhal revolted against the existing political system. The uprising was started from Naxalbari village by using the policy of “annihilation of class enemy”. It is known as Naxalbari Revolt. But the neither could gain achievement nor run for long last. Top leader of the party, Charu Majumdar, was arrested and killed. After his murder, the party split into more than one dozen factions. On the other side, in Nepal, the neighboring district Jhapa came into influence of Naxalbari Revolt and the youth communists of Jhapa started the revolt using the same path of Naxalbari. Jhapa Revolt also runs for only 30 months. Both the movements became failure to achieve the aim. But due to the differences of ruling structure, existing political system, and geo political condition between two countries, the revolt of India split into several divisions and the movement of Nepal, even being unsuccessful to achieve the aim achieved to unify the divided movement. The impact of Naxalbari movement in India seems remain still now in some parts of India but in Nepal, Jhapa revolt has become a history. Whatsoever, both revolts have left impact in both countries till now.
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Raza, Ali, and Benjamin Zachariah. "To Take Arms Across a Sea of Trouble: The “Lascar System,” Politics, and Agency in the 1920s." Itinerario 36, no. 3 (December 2012): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s016511531300003x.
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In the interwar period, a system for the movement of men, arms, and printed matter developed into a political network that in imperial sources came to be called the “lascar system.” Lascars were Indian seamen who worked for British and international merchant shipping companies and had contacts with trade unionists, communists, anarchists, and other politically active parties across the world—in particular in port towns such as Hamburg, Antwerp and Marseilles. They became key players in the politics of the interwar world, and especially in a still-colonised India, which was subject to various censorship regulations and a panoply of repressive legislation. A number of lascars became crucial in the emerging communist movement and in trade union politics. In a world of increasingly stringent border controls, restrictions on the movement of people, and paranoia about political radicalism and its ability to “infect” new areas, the lascars' mobility became an asset to political movements and a source of anxiety for states.Given this, it is surprising that the literature on lascars seldom, if ever, addresses the question of their political activities. This essay takes some steps in that direction, focusing on the 1920s, when the “lascar system” took shape. “Lascar” is of course a name given to a profession, not an identity or a political ideology; and yet the importance of this profession in the politics of the early twentieth century, and of the interwar period in particular, is far too important to ignore or treat as mere coincidence.
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Mariani, Giorgio. "The Red and the Black: Images of American Indians in the Italian Political Landscape." Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 53, s1 (December 1, 2018): 327–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/stap-2018-0016.
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Abstract In Italy, over the last decades, both the Left and the Right have repeatedly employed American Indians as political icons. The Left and the Right, that is, both adopted and adapted certain real or often outright invented features of American Indian culture and history to promote their own ideas, values, and political campaigns. The essay explores how well-established stereotypes such as those of the ecological Indian, the Indian as victim, and the Indian as fearless warrior, have often surfaced in Italian political discourse. The “Indiani Metropolitani” student movement resorted to “Indian” imagery and concepts to rejuvenate the languages of the old socialist and communist left, whereas the Right has for the most part preferred to brandish the Indian as an image of a bygone past, threatened by modernization and, especially, by immigration. Indians are thus compared to contemporary Europeans, struggling to resist being invaded by “foreign” peoples. While both the Left and the Right reinvent American Indians for their own purposes, and could be said to practice a form of cultural imperialism, the essay argues that the Leftist appropriations of the image of the Indian were always marked by irony. Moreover, while the Right’s Indians can be seen as instances of what Walter Benjamin (1969) described as Fascism’s aestheticization of politics, groups like the Indiani Metropolitani tried to politicize the aesthetics.
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Espósito, Guillermina, and Ludmila Silva Catela. "Indians, Communists, and Guerrillas." Anthropos 115, no. 2 (2020): 469–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2020-2-469.
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In this article we address the ways in which the land struggles in the Andean province of Jujuy, Argentina, were interpreted, since the end of the 19th century, in terms of a “communist threat.” The accusation of being a “communist” was applied to arrendatarios (tenants) in the highlands of the region, along with the “Indigenous” and “Indians labels, in situations of land demands. On the other hand, the accusation of being communist was integrated and reinterpreted by the arrenderos in various ways. We examine how this complex trajectory of labels, accusations and stigmatization intervened, in the long run, with the process of ethnic revival experienced in the region, particularly toward the 1990s.
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Kerswell, Timothy. "Studies of the Indian communist movement." Journal of Labor and Society 21, no. 3 (September 2018): 415–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/wusa.12355.
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Banerjee, Sumanta. "Mao and the Indian Communist Movement." China Report 31, no. 1 (February 1995): 37–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944559503100103.
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Mohanty, Manoranjan. "Chinese Revolution and the Indian Communist Movement." China Report 27, no. 1 (February 1991): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944559102700103.
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Edmonds, Daniel. "Shapurji Saklatvala, the Workers' Welfare League of India, and transnational anti-colonial labour organising in the inter-war period." Twentieth Century Communism 18, no. 18 (March 30, 2020): 14–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864320829334843.
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This article focuses on the transnational organising of Shapurji Saklatvala, the communist MP for Battersea North during the 1920s. It examines his role in popularising the cause of Indian independence and the Indian labour movement within the heart of the metropole, demonstrating that he was capable of developing solidarity efforts through drawing together a border-spanning network of students, lawyers, journalists, and labour activists into his organisation, the Workers Welfare League of India. His independent practice, which relied more on Battersea's radical milieu and his own personal connections than communist party members, is demonstrated to have prompted rivals within both the social-democratic and communist camps to approach anti-colonial activism on the subcontinent with greater vigour, and facilitated connections that were forged between the wider British and Indian labour movements. As the Third Period unfolded, Saklatvala's organisation gained greater support within the Comintern, but conversely lost the autonomy which had defined its early years. The ecumenical network he had developed splintered owing to the proscription of key figures by the Comintern, and the Labour Party's invigorated attempts to build alliances with labour activists on the subcontinent, ultimately undermining the basis of the Workers Welfare League and leading to its demise.
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Raza, Ali. "Provincializing the International: Communist Print Worlds in Colonial India." History Workshop Journal 89 (2020): 140–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbaa011.
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Abstract This paper charts communist print worlds in colonial India during the interwar period. Beginning in the early 1920s, self-declared ‘Communist’ and ‘Bolshevik’ publications began surfacing across India. Through the example of the Kirti Kisan Sabha (Workers and Peasants Party: a communist group in the north-western province of Punjab), and its associated publications, this paper will provide a glimpse into the rich, diverse and imaginative print worlds of Indian communism. From 1926 onwards, Kirti publications became a part of a thriving print culture in which a dizzying variety of revolutionary, socialist and communist publications competed and conversed with the equally prolific and rich print worlds of their political and ideological rivals. Removed on the one hand from the ivory towers of party intellectuals, dense treatises and officious theses, and on the other hand from the framing of sedition, rebellion and fanaticism in the colonial archive, Kirti publications show how the global project of communist internationalism became distinctly provincialized and vernacularized in British India.
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Saha, S. C. "United States-India Relations 1947–1962: Stresses and Strains Over Communist China." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 44, no. 1-2 (January 1988): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848804400106.
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The United States had an inbuilt constituency in India, a constituency that had its origins in the pre-independent period. Although the British were under fire, they enjoyed a certain amount of respect for their commitment to justice and law. The Indian elites were the products of English education. All these resulted in a love-hate relationship between the Indians and the Anglo-Saxon groups in general. Besides, the amount of importance the Indian nationalist leaders gave to the mediatory role of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the liberal American Press in bringing about India's independence bears testimony to this formulation. Thus in 1941 when India won independence, the United States enjoyed considerable goodwill in India. The United States was willing and far abler than Stalin's Soviet Union to help in the economic betterment of India. The US launched the Point Four Programme, a politico-humanitarian package.1 Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India, was consciously warm towards it because, apart from other reasons, he found it good tactics to use against domestic communism, and the collapse of the Telengana rebellion in Southern India proved him right. During his first visit to the United States in 1949, Nehru and President Truman seemed to have achieved a reasonable desire of mutual sympathy in genera! outlook on. world affairs. What alienated India's diplomacy from that of the United States most was the difference in their views of the nature of Chinese Communist threat and what approaches could be made about it. The United States had not yet given in to Dulles's pactomania, nor had the dreadful McCarthy era started. Yet guided by their different experiences, the two countries began to choose their different paths which did not converge until the Communist Chinese massive invasion of India's north-eastern border in October 1962. So conflicting were the approaches of India and the United States that they found themselves ranged on opposite sides on many issues regarding China. This worked clearly to the disadvantage of both. The differences discouraged economic assistance to India while the United States lost the sympathy of the emerging Asian nations. My paper examines the various aspects of these Indo-American differences over Communist China in order to define the impact on their political relations. It establishes that the ‘China Question’—the non-recognition by the United States, non-admission to the United Nations, the status of Formosa, etc., created bitter differences between India and the United States till the China War of 1962. This provided cause for an unparalleled deepening of the Indo-US involvement.
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Purushothaman, Uma . "Indian Perceptions of the US: A Study of Indian Surveys and Public Opinion." Journal of Contemporary Politics 1, no. 2 (December 15, 2022): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.53989/jcp.v1i2.8.
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The Indian public has traditionally had very little say in the making of foreign policy. However, they do have views on foreign policy and the media and elites play an important role in influencing them. What do Indians think about the US, the most important power in the world and about the bilateral relations between New Delhi and Washington? Have the views of Indians on the US evolved over the years and what do Indians think about India’s future ties with the US? This article examines these questions and traces historically Indian views of the US and how they have evolved over the years. The article uses available data from opinion polls and studies based on opinion polls. A descriptive analytical approach is used for the study. Keywords: Perception, Public opinion, USA, India, Survey
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Czekalska, Renata. "‘Instigators,’ ‘Hooligans,’ ‘Sex Maniacs,’ ‘Drug Addicts’‚ Alcoholics…’." Politeja 16, no. 2(59) (December 31, 2019): 73–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.59.05.
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In February 2016, the students of Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi began to protest against the violation of basic democratic freedoms by Narendra Modi’s government. The protest was quickly supported by other Indian universities, and the campaigns organized by students happened in all the important academic centres in India. The purpose of this paper is to show selected examples of language expressions employed by the Indian authorities against the studentprotesters and used in the official Indian media, to describe the actions taken by protests’ participants, as well as to compare the language of the Indian authorities and media used against protesting students in the second decade of the 21st century with some official statements about student protests in Poland under the communist regime.
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Biswas, Maharaj, and Chanchal Kumar Manna. "Biochemical parameters-wise hypertension in an Indian community." Asian Pacific Journal of Health Sciences 2, no. 3 (July 2015): 86–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.21276/apjhs.2015.2.3.18.
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FRAMKE, MARIA. "‘We Must Send a Gift Worthy of India and the Congress!’ War and political humanitarianism in late colonial South Asia." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 6 (November 2017): 1969–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000950.
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AbstractThe interwar period has recently been described as a highly internationalist one in South Asia, as a series of distinct internationalisms—communist, anarchist, social scientific, socialist, literary, and aesthetic1—took shape. At the same time, it has been argued that the Second Sino-Japanese War of 1937 drew to a close various opportunities for international association (at least, temporarily). Taking into account both these contradistinctive developments, this article deals with another—and thus far largely overlooked—South Asian internationalism in the form of wartime Indian humanitarianism. In 1938, the Indian National Congress helped organize an Indian medical mission to China to bring relief to Chinese victims of the Second Sino-Japanese War. By focusing on this initiative, this article traces the ideas, the practices, and the motives of Indian political humanitarianism. It argues that such initiatives, as they became part of much wider global networks of humanitarianism in the late 1930s and early 1940s, created new openings for Indian nationalists to establish international alliances. This article also examines the way in which political humanitarianism enabled these same nationalists to perform as independent leaders on an international stage, and argues that humanitarianism served as a tool of anti-colonial emancipation.
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Garver, John. "The Unresolved Sino–Indian Border Dispute." China Report 47, no. 2 (May 2011): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104700204.
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This paper posits that China’s insistence on the ‘return’ to China of the territory constituting Arunachal Pradesh, and even China’s insistence on Indian cession of a salient of territory in the Tawang area of that region, is a form of Chinese deterrence of what Beijing takes to be potentially dangerous ‘anti-China’ behaviour by India. Deep divergence of Chinese and Indian perceptions of Tibet, plus the history of Indian support for unarmed and armed Tibetan resistance to Chinese Communist rule of Tibet, makes Beijing fearful that India might again, someday, work to undermine Chinese rule in Tibet. An open territorial dispute serves as a standing threat to ‘teach India a lesson’, underlining for New Delhi the need for great circumspection in dealing with China. Indian strategic alignment with the United States exacerbates Chinese fears. The intensity of China’s implicit threat can be turned up or down by Beijing as the perversity of Indian policy indicates. Keeping the border issue open dovetails with China’s continuing entente with Pakistan and may even be based on an understanding between Beijing and Islamabad. A premise of this argument is that mainstream Indian opinion is willing to translate the line of actual control into an international border.
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V.Guruprasad, V. Guruprasad, Sebestina A D’Souza, and KR Banumathe KR.Banumathe. "Modified Falls Behavioral Scale for Indian Community Dwelling Older Adults." International Journal of Scientific Research 1, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 152–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/22778179/jul2012/53.
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Affan, Syed. "Jericho Rocket: A Community - Driven Endeavor in Indian Amateur Rocketry." International Journal of Science and Research (IJSR) 13, no. 1 (January 5, 2024): 644–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.21275/sr24104110501.
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Nisar, Rana Danish. "India-US Relations Through the Lens of Cold War: The Time of Estranged Relations (Brief Overview)." RUDN Journal of Public Administration 6, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 286–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8313-2019-6-4-286-295.
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This paper provides a brief description of the estranged relations, ideological differences, divergences in national interests, initial misunderstandings and ups & down in the relations between two democracies - India and the US - during the Cold War period. After the WWII, an ideological clash dubbed “Cold War” started between two competing powers: the US and the USSR. During the Cold War era, both states went at great lengths to expand their ideologies into the Asian region and its periphery. The US formed security blocs and provided substantial financial aid to Asian countries in an attempt to contain the expansion of communist ideology of its main rival (the USSR) in the Asian region. After India gained independence, the US pressured the Indian leadership into joining the US bloc against the communist Soviet Union. On the other side, the USSR built Warsaw Pact and tried to enroll the newly born states, such as India and Pakistan, in its bloc to counter the US course of action. However, India was not disposed to join any blocs, the US bloc above all, and entered the Non-Alignment Movement. The Indian leadership supported the catchphrase “Asia for Asians” and condemned the involvement of extra-regional powers, such as the US, in Asian regional matters.
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Palmer, Bryan D. "The Essential E.P. Thompson, edited by Dorothy Thompson. New Press: New York, 2001. x + 498 pp. $45.00 cloth; $21.95 paper." International Labor and Working-Class History 66 (October 2004): 183–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754790423023x.
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E.P. Thompson was nursed on a mother's milk of transatlantic missionary work and writings on the Middle East that reached back to the last half of the nineteenth century. Fathered on Bengali literature, the poetry of the Great War, cricket with the likes of Nehru, and the struggle for Indian independence, Thompson was born into a highly literate and deeply politicized global village. Small wonder that at seventeen he was an anti-fascist and a soldier. But he took a wide Left turn, following in a brother's footsteps, to become a Marxist and a Communist in his twenties, only to find himself, by 1956, donning dissident dress, leading an exodus from the Communist Party of Great Britain, building a revolutionary New Left in the seemingly unpropitious climate of the late 1950s.
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Sharma, Balram, and Jagroop Kaur. "Community Development and Panchayati Raj in India." Journal of Advances and Scholarly Researches in Allied Education 15, no. 4 (June 1, 2018): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.29070/15/57102.
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Bose, Neilesh. "Muslim Modernism and Trans-regional Consciousness in Bengal, 1911–1925." South Asia Research 31, no. 3 (November 2011): 231–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026272801103100303.
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Histories of Marxism in South Asia often focus on the great men of colonial Indian politics, such as M. N. Roy, who imagined political futures away from nation or identity, or narrowly on activists like Muzaffar Ahmad, the founder of the Communist Party of India, without consideration of the regional-historical and intellectual contexts out of which such activism and imaginations sprang. Using the Bengali Muslim context of the early twentieth century, this article examines how Muslim activists imagined their identity outside of and beyond normative frameworks such as nation or religious community. This article specifically analyses Samyabadi, a left-oriented journal published in Calcutta from 1922 to 1925, in the larger context of communist developments in Bengal and throughout India. The findings offer exciting support for new research approaches to regional and religious identity in late colonial South Asia.
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Korotkova, Lia G. "The Rise and Fall of the Communist Party of Indonesia." Oriental Courier, no. 1-2 (2021): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310012670-5.
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This article examines a rather extensive period in the history of Indonesia — from the beginning of the rise of the national liberation movement until the coup of September 30, 1965. The primary attention is paid to the formation, development, and crises of the Communist Party of Indonesia (CPI)— one of the leading forces of the national liberation movement in Dutch India. The work highlights the crisis of Dutch colonial rule during the First World War and the gradual radicalization of the protest movement, the formation in 1920 of the Indian Communist Association (CPI since 1924), its opposition to the colonial authorities, as well as interaction and contradictions with other national forces. The reasons for the rapid growth in the popularity of the party in 1925–1927 and the equally rapid decline in the 1930s are explained. The second part of the article is devoted to the activities of the CPI during the Japanese occupation of Indonesia and its place in the political system of independent Indonesia, as well as the position of the party in 1965–1966, the moment of the beginning of repressions against its members and the official ban of the communist organization on March 12, 1966.
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Banerjee, Sandeep. "Forms of Translation, Translation of Forms: From Gorky’s Mother to Mahasweta Devi’s Mother of 1084." Comparative Literature Studies 61, no. 2 (May 2024): 306–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/complitstudies.61.2.0306.
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ABSTRACT This article focuses on the Bengali novel হাজার চুরাশির মা (Mother of 1084) by Mahasweta Devi to read it as a rewriting of Maxim Gorky’s The Mother. It contends that Mother of 1084 recasts Gorky’s radical and gendered bildungsroman for the context of India where it not only documents the development of the radical consciousness of Sujata, the mother of the revolutionary Brati killed by the Indian state, but also the patriarchal structure of the Indian/Bengali family. Furthermore, it argues that the Bengali novel recasts the socialist realism of the Russian novel into modernist Bengali prose. It examines Mahasweta’s deployment of the modernist aesthetic while locating Mother of 1084 in a broader tradition of actually existing communist artistic praxis in South Asia to illuminate the tradition of committed modernism.
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Pathak, Banajit. "Bishnu Prasad Rabha from an Indian Perspective: A Revolutionary and Cultural Icon of Assam." Journal of Humanities,Music and Dance, no. 31 (January 8, 2023): 20–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jhmd.31.20.26.
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On January 31, 1909, Bishnu Prasad Rabha was born in Dhaka, which is now in Bangladesh, but was a part of pre-independence India. Gopal Chandra Rabha was Bishnu Prasad Rabha's father, and Gethi Das was his mother. During his time in college, Rabha actively participated in the Indian independence struggle. His active involvement in the fight against the British meant that, although attending several colleges, including Karmail Academic in Rongpur, Victoria College in Cooch Behar, and St. Paul's Cathedral Mission College in Kolkata, his academic education was never fully completed. In 1930, he took part in Gandhiji's Non-Cooperation Movement. Following India's independence in 1947, Rabha began to rebel against the wealthy landowners, known as Jamindars, who were abusing the common people. As a result, he became animosity with the government and had to hide from the watchful eyes. He joined the Communist Party in support of the freedom of the underprivileged and oppressed ordinary people. He carried a pen in one hand and a stein-gun in the other, both dedicated to the people's liberty. An equitable society was Bishnu Rabha's utopian vision. This research paper aims to examine Bishnu Prasad Rabha's involvement in the fight for India's independence, as well as his activism as a Communist Party member for the emancipation of the impoverished and oppressed common people. A legendary figure's life story and historiography can accurately reflect the social progress of a given era. Bishnu Prasad Rabha was a true bohemian and artist in arms who, against the backdrop of the eastern Indian subcontinent's liberation movement, emphasised a crucial role in the development of revolutionary ideas of a society. Rabha was recognised as the Assamese people's symbol, "Kalaguru.". In this paper, Bishnu Prasad Rabha a revolutionary and cultural icon from Assam is seen from an Indian perspective.
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Rund, Arild Engelsen. "Land and Power: The Marxist Conquest of Rural Bengal." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 2 (May 1994): 357–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012440.
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The Indian state of West Bengal is governed and politically dominated by the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M) for short) which has been in Government there since 1977 as the largest constituent party to the ruling Left Front. The CPI(M)'s position in West Bengal is unique both in India and in the world in the sense that it is the only Communist party to be popularly elected and reelected to power for such a long period. Today it draws most of its electoral support from the rural areas where the party is supported by peasants of practically all socio-economic sections. It is to an interesting period in the history of Communism in Bengal that this article will turn, namely to the creation of a particular alliance of Marxists and peasants in the restlessness in that state in the late 1960s and the virtual elimination of non-Marxist forces in large areas.
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Bangha, Imre. "From 82-year-old Musicologist to Anti-imperialist Hero: Metamorphoses of the Hungarian Tagore in East Central Europe." Asian Studies, no. 1 (December 1, 2010): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2010.-14.1.57-70.
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Tagore's reception in various countries in East Central Europe has long been the subject of academic studies. Making an attempt to observe the similarities and dissimilarities of Rabindranath's reception in these culturally very rich countries the paper investigates two understudied phases of Tagore's reception in the region, namely the initial puzzlement at the announcement of the Nobel Prize in 1913 and the repercussions of world politics on Tagore's image in the early years of Indian independence, which coincide with the early years of Communist rule in East Central Europe.
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Hinds, Donald. "The West Indian Gazette: Claudia Jones and the black press in Britain." Race & Class 50, no. 1 (July 2008): 88–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03063968080500010602.
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The West Indian Gazette, edited by Claudia Jones, and on which Donald Hinds was a writer, was one of the most influential pioneers of a genuinely independent black press in Britain. To say that Claudia herself was a communist, feminist and anti-imperialist does not express the dynamism and humanity of her politics, or their innovative nature — including the introduction of the first black carnival in Britain. She, and the Gazette, were immensely important in the creation of the black community in Britain from the late 1950s onwards, as it was beset by an ongoing and crude racism, including the riots of Notting Hill and Nottingham.
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Rivera-Hernandez, Maricruz, Amit Kumar, Indrakshi Roy, Shekinah Fashaw-Walters, and Julie A. Baldwin. "Quality of Care and Outcomes Among a Diverse Group of Long-Term Care Residents With Alzheimer’s Disease and Related Dementias." Journal of Aging and Health 34, no. 2 (October 11, 2021): 283–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08982643211043319.
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Objectives This article assessed whether disparities among ADRD Medicare beneficiaries existed in five different long-stay quality measures. Methods: We linked individual-level data and facility-level characteristics. The main quality outcomes included whether residents: 1) were assessed/appropriately given the seasonal influenza vaccine; 2) received an antipsychotic medication; 3) experienced one/more falls with major injury; 4) were physically restrained; and 5) lost too much weight. Results: In 2016, there were 1,005,781 Medicare Advantage and fee-for-service long-term residents. About 78% were White, 13% Black, 2% Asian/Pacific Islander (Asian/PI), 6% Hispanic, and 0.4% American Indian/Alaska Native (AI/AN). Whites reported higher use of antipsychotic medications along with Hispanics and AI/AN (28%, 28%, and 27%, respectively). Similarly, Whites and AIs/ANs reported having one/more falls compared to the other groups (9% and 8%, respectively). Discussion: Efforts to understand disparities in access and quality of care among American Indians/Alaska Natives are needed, especially post-pandemic.
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Tewari, Saagar. "Framing the Fifth Schedule: Tribal agency and the making of the Indian Constitution (1937–1950)." Modern Asian Studies 56, no. 5 (September 2022): 1556–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x21000779.
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AbstractAs a means to resolve the Tribal Question in India, the centrality of the Fifth and Sixth Schedules of the Indian Constitution is widely acknowledged. However, their final incorporation, despite intense nationalist opposition in the run-up to Indian Independence, remains historically unexplained. This article addresses this lacuna by reconstructing the circumstances under which the Indian National Congress came to accept scheduling as a viable method of providing protection to tribal communities. This strategic shift can be explained as a result of combined political pressures generated by communist-led tribal movements and a steadily mounting challenge heralded by a new stream of educated middle-class tribal activists in eastern India. Foremost among the latter was Jaipal Singh Munda who mobilized a large constituency of supporters demanding a separate province of Jharkhand. Taken together, there is enough evidence to prove that in the period 1937–1950, the tribes were not silent and their collective agency had a deep impact on the constitution-making process. Finally, the article argues that this period witnessed a significant change in the character of the Congress as erstwhile freedom-fighters turned into ruling elites.
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Lamichhane, Yog Raj. "Incredible Contradiction between Liminality and Communitas in Nehru’s An Autobiography." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 12, no. 1 (December 31, 2023): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jis.v12i1.65445.
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This paper examines An Autobiography of Jawaharlal Nehru focusing on the performativity of his liminality at Harrow and Cambridge in England from 1905 to 1912. Being separated from his family and nation, he got a higher education there. The concepts of liminality and communitas by Turner and the idea of the ‘rites of passage’ by van Gennep are used as theoretical bases for analyzing the autobiographical narrative. The analysis of the textual evidence responds to how Nehru, the icon of Indian political and economic modernity, performs in a liminal space of a foreign land and explores how and why the organicity between liminality and communitas as theoretically claimed does not work in the cases of his life-writing. The discussion then finally identifies the distinct economic status, multiple references to politics, diverse family legacy, and lack of ‘we feeling’ among the group members responsible for breaking the organic union between liminality and communitas and promoting an incredible contradiction. Fundamentally, this study supports perceiving the notions regarding the performance of the person in a liminal space. At the same time, it also assists in spotting the obstructive aspects behind the organic relation between the generally inseparable concepts of liminality and communitas in the customary rites of passage.
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Ching, Eric. "In Search of the Party: The Communist Party, the Comintern, and the Peasant Rebellion of 1932 in El Salvador." Americas 55, no. 2 (October 1998): 204–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008053.
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ABSTRACTThe rebellion of 1932 in El Salvador is commonly described in the context of communism and the leadship role of the Communist Party of El Salvador (PCS). Relying on previously unavailable archive materials from Russia and El Salvador, the present article demonstrates that the PCS played a limited role in the rebellion. Factional infighting and a strategy that collided with social realities in western El Salvador combined to inhibit PCS influence among western peasants. The evidence suggests that Indian communities were at the forefront of the rebellion, as an extention of their long history of political mobilization.
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Sharma, Ritu. "Nehru's World-View: An Alternative to the Superpowers' Model of International Relations." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 45, no. 4 (October 1989): 324–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848904500402.
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Jawaharlal Nehru's keen sense of history and his intense nationalism played a key role in the evolution of his world-view which pioneered to give new direction to international politics in the post-Indian independence period. This world-view had developed gradually but formidably over a span of half a century entailing and synchronising the turmoil at the national and global level and finally leaving a profound impact on Nehru's mind.1 The vulnerable Western colonial domination of the world; the gripping struggle between the fascist and the liberal forces within the West itself and the confrontational poise between the Communist Soviet Union and the non-Communist Western countries were all considered to be the basic issues by Nehru, on the outcome of which would emerge a new world order. Nehru was ambitious enough to envisage top grading of India in the comity of nations following elimination of its colonial subjugation as a part of the well construed basis of the new order and it rhymed perfectly with the broad contours of his world vision.
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Bhattarai, Gaurav. "Geopolitical Reflections of Sino-Indian Conflict and its Implication on Nepal’s Survival Strategy." Unity Journal 2 (August 11, 2021): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v2i0.38785.
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Border disputes between China and India in June 2020 almost lead South Asian countries to take a side. But, Nepal, situated between India and China, has always expressed a stern belief in neutrality and non-alignment. Even though New Delhi doubted Nepal’s neutrality and non-alignment citing China’s growing footprints in Nepal, Kathmandu reckoned such suspicion as the result of a new map row between two countries connected by open borders. While Nepal’s repeated calls to diplomatically resolve India-Nepal border problems remained unheeded by New Delhi, it provided room for the ruling communist party in Nepal to reap geopolitical benefits out of the Sino-Indian dispute. But, interestingly, such geopolitical benefits are usually targeted in tempering Indian influence in Nepal, by getting closer with China. Apprehending the same, this study aims to assess the geopolitical implication of Sino-Indian conflict on the survival strategy of Nepal. To fulfill the same objectives, the Chinese perception of Nepal-India relations, and Indian perception of Sino-Nepal ties have been critically assessed in this study. This study is methodologically based on the information collected from the secondary sources. In order to critically evaluate the geopolitical expression of Sino-Indian conflict in Nepal, this study reviews India’s perception of Nepal-China relations, and China’s perception of Nepal-India relations. Also, the reports and the press releases of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, historical facts, treaties, government reports and decisions have been studied and analyzed. Media sources are also reviewed to understand the diverse narratives produced on the geopolitical reflection of Sino-Indian conflict. The themes that emerged from the reviews are thematically analyzed and interpreted, to discover that cultivating relations with one country at the expense of the other may be counterproductive to Nepal’s survival strategies.
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Cooke, Martin, Eric Guimond, and Jennifer McWhirter. "The Changing Well-Being of Older Adult Registered Indians: An Analysis Using the Registered Indian Human Development Index." Canadian Journal on Aging / La Revue canadienne du vieillissement 27, no. 4 (2008): 385–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cja.27.4.385.
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RÉSUMÉLe vieillissement de la population des Indiens inscrits laisse croire que les conditions socioéconomiques et l'état de santé des aînés revêtiront une importance de plus en plus grande pour les collectivités et les responsables de l'élaboration des politiques. Nous avons adapté l'indice du développement humain du Programme des Nations Unies pour le développement à l'aide des données provenant du Recensement du Canada et du Registre des Indiens afin de voir si les améliorations observées au niveau des connaissances, du niveau de vie et de la santé de la population des Indiens inscrits entre 1981 et 2001 sont également observées au sein de la population des Indiens inscrits plus âgés. Nous constatons que les niveaux absolus de bien-être des Indiens inscrits plus âgés se sont améliorés, mais que les écarts avec les autres aînés canadiens se sont accentués, notamment en ce qui a trait au revenu et à l'espérance de vie des hommes.
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Alonso, Isabel Huacuja. "M.N. Roy and the Mexican Revolution: How a Militant Indian Nationalist Became an International Communist." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 40, no. 3 (May 22, 2017): 517–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2017.1323433.
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