Journal articles on the topic 'India, Northeastern Politics and government'
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Mehta, Brinda J. "Contesting Militarized Violence in “Northeast India”." Meridians 20, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 53–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-8913107.
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Abstract The northeastern states of India have been positioned as India’s postcolonial other in mainstream politics with the aim to create xenophobic binaries between insider and outsider groups. Comprising the eight “sister” states of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim, and Tripura, this region represents India’s amorphous shadowlands in arbitrary political markings between the mainland and the off-centered northeastern periphery. These satellite states have been subjected to the neocolonial governance of the Indian government and its implementation of political terror through abusive laws, militarized violence, protracted wars against civilians and insurgents alike, and gender abuse. Women poets from the region, such as Monalisa Changkija, Temsüla Ao, Mamang Dai, and others, have played a leading role in exposing and denouncing this violence. This essay examines the importance of women’s poetry as a gendered documentation of conflict, a peace narrative, a poet’s reading of history, and a site of memory. Can poetry express the particularized “sorrow of women” (Mamang Dai) without sentimentality and concession? How do these poetic contestations of conflict represent complex interrogations of identity, eco-devastation, and militarization to invalidate an elitist “poetry for poetry’s sake” ethic?
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Ningthoujam, Rameshchandra. "Disturbed valley: a case of protracted armed conflict situation in Northeast India." Deusto Journal of Human Rights, no. 11 (December 11, 2017): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/aahdh-11-2013pp185-205.
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<p>India’s northeastern region has been experiencing the least known but one of the longest-lasting armed conflict situation in South Asia. New Delhi government has been trying to control the situation through some restrictive or economic incentives such as the Armed Forces Special Power Act-1958 (AFSPA) or the Look East Policy (LEP) and others. However, these policies have been contested by many of the human rights activists, civil societies for their disruptive character, who have unmasked the disruptive substance of human rights violation and the militaristic developmentalism. The proposed paper will rather be a <em>tour d’ horizon </em>of India’s political dispensation at its northeastern frontier in general and Manipur in particular, that shapes the political affairs of this region since India’s Independence.</p><p><strong>Published online</strong>: 11 December 2017</p>
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Baruah, Atri. "Voices from the Ground Neo liberal statecraft and KMSS’s resistance movements in Assam." Psychology and Education Journal 58, no. 1 (January 25, 2021): 5473–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/pae.v58i1.1861.
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Over the years, people’s resistance movements in Assam have protested state policies and actions on the control, appropriation and ownerships of natural resources. Such movements are marked by an active ideological orientation from the time of colonial annexation of this northeastern region to that of the formation of the post-colonial independent Indian state and yet still continues. Resistance against power of the state occurred within a recognized public arena, which is well goes with what present days resistance movements are doing against the coercive role of the state in Assam. Voices are erupted from the grounds that have a direct connection with the neoliberal state policy of neo-extraction of resources by marginalizing local communities who are said to be the traditional right holders over it. Illustrative to this, the resistance movement spearheaded by a peasant-based organization called Krishak Mukti Sangram Samiti (KMSS)in Assam at the grass root level not only mobilizes the voices which are usually unheard, but build a strong counter force against the state power. In its decade long existence, the organization is offering its resistance politics by launching a serious of movements to resist anti-farmer and anti-people policies pursued by the government in the post-liberalization phase and has emerged as a powerful platform for representing voices of the economically-excluded, who fall behind the curtain of the neo-liberal economic paradigm.
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Malu, Bhasker, Santhosh Kareepadath Rajan, Nikhita Jindal, Aishwarya Thakur, and Tanvi Raghuram. "Perceived Discrimination of Old Settlers in Sikkim." Changing Societies & Personalities 6, no. 3 (October 10, 2022): 677. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/csp.2022.6.3.195.
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The old settlers in Sikkim are a community of mainland Indians whose ancestors had settled at least 15 years before the merger with India in 1975. At present, the total population of the community is less than three thousand individuals, comprising various ethnicities. This qualitative study focuses on the perceived discrimination of the old settlers, who form a demographic minority in the state. Data was collected using telephonic interviews from a sample of 11 old settlers. Thematic analysis indicated racial differences between the northeasterner indigenous community and mainland Indian old settlers as a major reason for perceived discrimination. The participants expressed the experience of negative emotional reactions, such as anger and disappointment, when they faced discrimination. The participants also felt betrayed by the government of India because they did not receive adequate protection for their rights when their identity in Sikkim changed from foreigners to citizens. Reactions to discrimination included migrating out of the state, experiencing negative emotions such as anger, disappointment and fear, and learned helplessness.
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Banerji, Debabar. "Politics of Rural Health in India." International Journal of Health Services 35, no. 4 (October 2005): 783–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/1g7y-kve3-b6yv-ane9.
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The setting up of the National Rural Health Mission is yet another political move by the present government of India to make yet another promise to the long-suffering rural populations to improve their health status. As has happened so often in the past, it is based on questionable premises. It adopts a simplistic approach to a highly complex problem. The Union Ministry of Health and Family Welfare and its advisors, because of ignorance or otherwise, have doggedly refused to learn from the many experiences of the past, either the earlier, somewhat sincere efforts to develop endogenous mechanisms to offer access to health services or the devastating impact on the painstakingly built rural health services of the imposition of prefabricated, ill-conceived, ill-formulated, technocentric vertical programs on the people of India. They also ignore some of the basic postulates of public health practice in a country such as India. That they did not substantiate the bases of some of their contentions with scientific data from health systems research reveals that they are not serious about their promise to rural populations. This is yet another instance of what Romesh Thaper called “Baba Log playing government government.”
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Deborah Daolapogy, Nazimur Rahman Talukdar, and Parthankar Choudhury. "Ethnozoological use of primates in northeastern India." Journal of Threatened Taxa 13, no. 11 (September 26, 2021): 19492–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.11609/jott.6873.13.11.19492-19499.
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Ethnozoological practices to cure various diseases have a long history. Communities that reside near the forest collect wild animals and their derivatives to prepare medicines and get relief from diseases. Northeastern India is home to many tribes with vast traditional ethnobiological knowledge, and there are many reports of zootherapeutic uses in the region. In an attempt to understand primate-based ethnozoologic use in the area a literature survey was carried out using different sources. The findings revealed that Hoolock hoolock was the most used species among the primates (48 %), followed by Macaca assamensis (20 %) and Macaca mulatta (10 %). Among the materials used, the flesh of primates was the most dominant (43 %), followed by the blood (20 %) and brain (14 %). This paper highlights the negative effects of ethno-medicinal uses of primates to draw the attention of conservationists and encourage conservation education to address the damage to primates in the name of health care. Government agencies are also requested to strengthen health care systems to discourage the killing of valuable primate species.
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Gonzales, Michael J. "Planters and Politics in Peru, 1895–1919." Journal of Latin American Studies 23, no. 3 (October 1991): 515–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00015832.
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Elite family networks with overlapping economic and political power have been a basic feature of Latin America. Their influence was characteristically strong during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as the export economies expanded and national governments, particularly in the larger nations, advocated order and progress at the expense of participatory democracy. Historically, the influence of the elites has been primarily a regional phenomenon underpinned by ownership of land, mines, or lucrative commercial enterprises. They formed economic, political, and blood alliances to control production of vital products, monopolise local government and, on occasion, initiate bold entrepreneurial initiatives. Examples include the thirty families who dominated henequen production and local government in nineteenth-century Yucatán, the Grupo Monterrey who ran the industrialising economy of northeastern Mexico during the Porfiriato, and the Paraíba oligarchy who controlled cotton production, municipal government, and local tax revenues during the Brazilian Old Republic (1889–1930).
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Purushothaman, Uma, and John S. Moolakkattu. "The Politics of the COVID-19 Pandemic in India." Social Sciences 10, no. 10 (October 12, 2021): 381. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10100381.
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India responded to the COVID-19 measures abruptly and in a tough manner during the early stages of the pandemic. Its response did not take into consideration the socio-economic life of the majority of people in India who work in the informal sector and the sheer diversity of the country. The imposition of a nationwide lockdown using the Disaster Management Act 2005 enabled the Union Government to impose its will on the whole country. India has a federal system, and health is a state subject. Such an overbearing role on the part of the Central Government did not, however, lead to coordinated action. Some states expressed their differences, but eventually all complied with the central guidelines. The COVID-19 pandemic struck at a time when an agitation was going on in the country, especially in New Delhi, against the Citizen Amendment Act. The lockdown was imposed all of a sudden and was extended until 31 May. This led to a humanitarian crisis involving a large number of domestic migrant workers, who were left stranded with no income for survival and no means of transport to go home. Indians abroad who were intending to return also found themselves trapped. Dissenting voices were silenced through arrests and detentions during this period, and the victims included rights activists, students, lawyers, and even some academics. Power tussles and elections continued as usual and the social distancing norms were often compromised. Since COVID-19 containment measures were carried out primarily at the state level, this paper will also selectively draw on their experiences. India also used the opportunity to burnish its credentials as the ‘pharmacy of the world’ by sending medical supplies to over a hundred countries. In the second wave, there were many deaths, but the government was accused of undercounting them and of not doing enough to deliver vaccines to Indians. This paper will deal with the conflicts, contestations and the foreign policy fallout following the onset of the pandemic and the measures adopted by the union government to cope with them, with less focus on the economic and epidemiological aspects of pandemic management. This paper looks at previous studies, press reports, and press releases by government agencies to collect the needed data. A descriptive and analytical approach is followed in the paper.
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Silitonga, Derina Faslig. "Meira Paibis Movement Roles in Creating Peace at Northeastern India." Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 14, no. 1 (June 25, 2021): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v14i1.24963.
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Starting from the aim of stopping the rebel movement, the enactment of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) of 1958 in practice became a boomerang for security stability in Northeastern India. The privileges granted by the government to soldiers are used as a pretext for discrimination and violations of human rights. The patriarchal tradition, which then considers women as property and weak creatures, causes women and children to suffer the most. Reports of sexual harassment cases, rape, and even murder unilaterally encouraged Meira Paibis as a grassroots women's movement to develop a strategy of resistance. Meira Paibis uses a non-violent approach through symbolic methods that are viewed as extreme and controversial in its mission. This research will describe the significant role of the Meira Paibis women's movement in organizing resistance to AFSPA policies and their efforts to achieve positive peace in Northeastern India. This paper will elaborate on the non-violence approach to see the strategies played by Meira Paibis and the obstacles faced in the process of achieving her goals.
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Kumar, Ashutosh. "Politics and government in the “Hindi heartland” India: reading Raag Darbari." India Review 20, no. 4 (August 8, 2021): 436–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14736489.2021.1958584.
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Jones, Timothy G. "Designing for India: Government Animation Education and the Politics of Identity." Animation 11, no. 1 (February 18, 2016): 75–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1746847715624580.
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Tummala, Krishna K. "Constitutional government and politics in India: The case of Uttar Pradesh." Asian Journal of Political Science 6, no. 2 (December 1998): 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02185379808434126.
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Asher, Sam, and Paul Novosad. "Politics and Local Economic Growth: Evidence from India." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 9, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 229–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.20150512.
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Political favoritism affects the allocation of government resources, but is it consequential for growth? Using a close election regression discontinuity design and data from India, we measure the local economic impact of being represented by a politician in the ruling party. Favoritism leads to higher private sector employment, higher share prices of firms, and increased output as measured by night lights; the three effects are similar and economically substantive. Finally, we present evidence that politicians influence firms primarily through control over the implementation of regulation. (JEL D72, L51, O17, O18, O43, R11)
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Sharma, Chandan Kumar. "Dam, ‘Development’ and Popular Resistance in Northeast India." Sociological Bulletin 67, no. 3 (September 24, 2018): 317–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038022918796942.
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The policy of the Government of India to turn its northeastern region, especially Arunachal Pradesh, into ‘India’s Future Powerhouse’ by generating massive hydel power from almost all its perennial rivers has led to widespread protests in the region. These protests are based on the apprehension that this new ‘development’ initiative of the government would spell disaster to the river ecosystem and the livelihood and cultural heritage of the people of the region. The protests are also informed by the fact that the region is seismically very active, geologically fragile and ecologically sensitive. The conflict between the government’s new logic of development in a region considered as a distant security frontier and the local people’s apprehensions and questions about the character of this development has unfolded a complex discourse entangled in the interplay of issues concerning development, environment, people’s rights and rule of law.
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Maiorano, Diego. "The Politics of Claim-Making in India." Pacific Affairs 94, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 567–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2021943567.
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How do Indian citizens access the state? While a standard answer would be "through patronage," three recent books show that clientelism, while important, is just part of the story. Not just passive clients at the mercy of their political patrons, Indian citizens actively engage the state and their representatives to make claims and secure what is due to them. Gabrielle Kruks-Wisner's Claiming the State—Active Citizenship and Social Welfare in Rural India shows how rural dwellers navigate the local government system to access social welfare. Adam Auerbach's Demanding Development: The Politics of Public Goods Provision in India's Urban Slums documents how local political workers make claims on behalf of their neighbours and provide their settlements with essential services. Jennifer Bussell's Clients and Constituents: Political Responsiveness in Patronage Democracies persuasively demonstrates the importance of higher-level representatives in providing assistance to their constituencies. Together, these books not only demonstrate how political the daily life of ordinary citizens is, but also how the Indian state, while far from its Weberian ideal, is much more inclusive than previously thought.
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Lambert, Helen. "Indian Therapeutic Hierarchies and the Politics of Recognition." Asian Medicine 13, no. 1-2 (September 10, 2018): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15734218-12341410.
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AbstractSocial science research on medicine in India has moved from village-based ethnographies to studies of the major medical traditions, and from a focus on indigenous folk practices to the influence of global biomedicine. This article shows how these academic trends have influenced the contemporary understanding of medical pluralism in India. The article then describes the socio-political structuring of medical plurality, by relating historical shifts in government policy on indigenous medicine to ethnographic material on “bone doctors” and other subaltern traditions in north India. It highlights the role of the state as constitutive of contemporary medical pluralism and suggests how current analytical frameworks for understanding the phenomenon of medical plurality might be reconceived to better characterise shifting relations of power among professional and vernacular therapeutic forms. It concludes that concerns over the decline of subaltern medical traditions, seen in government policies and vernacular explanations alike, can be understood as intracultural narratives that are replicated in academic scholarship.
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Chervin, Reed. "“Cartographic Aggression”: Media Politics, Propaganda, and the Sino-Indian Border Dispute." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 3 (August 2020): 225–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00911.
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The middle of the twentieth century witnessed a serious border dispute between China and India. This article explores how these countries used multiple media (e.g., historical documents and film) to support their respective territorial claims. The two countries pursued similar authoritarian approaches by expanding their archival holdings, banning books, and selectively redrawing maps. They regarded dissenting views not only as incorrect but as national security threats. China and India policed domestic media to legitimize government policies and to present their cases to the international community. The British government, for its part, demonstrated its support for India. Because British leaders sympathized with their former colony and because the borders of India were a product of the British Empire, leaders in the United Kingdom endorsed Indian propaganda. Nevertheless, democracy in India and the United Kingdom rendered complete control of the media difficult. The Sino-Indian conflict therefore represented a war over information as well as territory.
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Ganie, Mohd Tahir. "Siege, Resistance, and Politics in 'New Kashmir'." Making of Contemporary Maldives: Isolation, Dictatorship and Democracy 1, no. 1 (July 1, 2020): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.52823/daro7820.
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In August 2019, the populist Modi government, after getting re-elected in a massive landslide, rescinded the semi-autonomous status (constitutionally guaranteed under Article 370) of the disputed Muslim-majority region of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) by putting its 12 million residents under an unprecedented lockdown. This article will examine the ramifications of this decision, which earned praise in mainland India but generated anger and fear among the people of J&K, especially in the Kashmir Valley, the epicenter of the Kashmiri self-determination movement? It situates the prior measures Indian government took to impose its decision on the population which strongly opposed it and assesses the human cost of this imposition. It looks at the international community’s response to the political and human rights crisis obtained due to the siege imposed on the people of the contested Himalayan region. And, finally, the article indicates that the political future of Kashmir, which has been the main source of intense geopolitical rivalry between two nuclear-armed South Asian neighbors (India and Pakistan), and a site of protracted armed conflict and unarmed anti-India resistance, is likely to remain caught in a cycle o
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Chhibber, Pradeep, and Nirvikar Jassal. "India in 2017." Asian Survey 58, no. 1 (January 2018): 86–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2018.58.1.86.
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The year 2017 saw the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party extend its electoral dominance by winning major state elections. The BJP was less successful, however, in containing contentious politics and vigilantism by right-wing groups. It was also a tumultuous year for the Indian economy as it strove to recover from the shock of major reforms. The Supreme Court issued landmark verdicts likely to have weighty implications for Indian society in the years to come. The Indian government could also claim credit for foreign policy successes vis-à-vis China, Pakistan, Israel, and the ICJ.
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ROY, DAYABATI. "Caste and power: An ethnography in West Bengal, India." Modern Asian Studies 46, no. 4 (November 4, 2011): 947–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000680.
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AbstractThis paper explores the institution of caste and its operation in a micro-level village setting of West Bengal, an Indian state, where state politics at grass roots level is vibrant with functioning local self-government and entrenched political parties. This ethnographic study reveals that caste relations and caste identities have overarching dimensions in the day-to-day politics of the study villages. Though caste almost ceases to operate in relation to strict religious strictures, under economic compulsion the division of labour largely coincides with caste division. In the cultural–ideological field, the concept of caste-hierarchy seems to continue as an influencing factor, even in the operation of leftist politics.
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Chandhoke, Neera. "The politics of poverty reduction in India: the UPA government, 2004 to 2014." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 59, no. 3 (July 3, 2021): 334–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2021.1959844.
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Ramaul, Nalin Kumar, and Pinki Ramaul. "Industrial Location Policy in India." Indian Economic Journal 65, no. 1-4 (March 2017): 76–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019466217727847.
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The article provides a broad overview of the industrial location policy in India since Independence. In India, the glaring regional imbalances and inequalities have arisen through a complex set of historical, socio-economic, demographic and cultural factors. The pre-reform approach to industrial location policy involved top-down identification of lagging areas and targeting them with interventionist and regulatory measures. In the post-reform period, the process of liberalisation has curtailed the role of government as industrial owner and location regulator, and restricted policy space. Thus, the focus shifted to a targeted approach and subnational strategies. Package for industrial development are in operation for the special category states, namely northeastern states, Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand. In other regions, the development of industries adopted a cluster development approach. However, the peripheral lagging regions continue to stagnate despite the industrial location policy having tried virtually everything. The persistently growing regional disparity in post-reform period is a matter of grave concern. JEL Classification: R3, L5
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Williams, G. "State, Discourse, and Development in India: The Case of West Bengal's Panchayati Raj." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 29, no. 12 (December 1997): 2099–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a292099.
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In this paper, I use the example of West Bengal's Panchayati Raj (local government reform) to address a number of wider issues of concern for geographers commentating on India's politics and development. Taking the work of Kaviraj as a point of entry, I examine the impact that the decentralisation of government has had on people's access to the state and on the internal politics of three rural communities in West Bengal. The complexities of the processes involved suggest that, rather than there being the unidirectional penetration of society by an ‘alien’ developmental state, rural Bengalis are able to make knowing use of the language and structures of modern government for their own ends. I end the paper by suggesting the possible consequences of these findings for Kaviraj's thesis, for accounts of a ‘crisis' of India's developmental state, and for the discursive turn in development studies more broadly.
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Nag, Sajal. "Book Review: Sanghamitra Misra, Becoming a Borderland: The Politics of Space and Identity in Colonial Northeastern India." Indian Historical Review 41, no. 1 (June 2014): 117–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983614521655.
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Talukdar., DR Subhash. "CHAPTER: ROLE OF ALL INDIA UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT (AIUDF) IN ASSAM." International Journal of Modern Agriculture 9, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 357–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/ijma.v9i3.158.
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Party system is the important factor in the working of representative form of Government. India is a democratic state. In the democratic state, political parties are said to be the life – blood of democracies. Modern democracies are indirect in character. They can function with the help of political parties. In the absence of political parties democracy cannot deliver the goods. Well organized political parties constitute the best form of democracy. India has the largest democracy in the world. It introduced universal adult franchise as the basis of voting right in the country. Now the voting age has been lowered down to 18. Most of the Indian voters are not politically matured and they do not have the political education in the proper sense. Political parties in India are classified by the Election Commission of India. It was classified for the allocation of symbol. The Election Commission of India classified parties into three main heads: National parties, State parties and registered (unrecognized) parties.
The Regional Political Parties are playing a very significant role in Indian political system, particularly in the post Congress era and in coalition politics. As far as the national level politics is concerned, the regional political parties play a ‘king maker’ role. Whereas, the politics at state level is concerned, the regional political parties have been playing an effective role for working of government machinery. The Assam has also not lagging behind this context. Although the state has produces some small political parties before 1985, but formation of the AGP, BPPF, BPF and the AIUDF playing a very significant role in the politics of Assam. The AGP and the AIUDF not only emerge as an alternative of the Congress party at the state politics but also could able to participate in the national politics. Following are the reasons for the growth of regional parties in Assam -
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Bandyopadhyay, Ranjan. "Who owns the past? The politics of religious heritage in contemporary India." Tourism Review 71, no. 3 (August 15, 2016): 234–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/tr-09-2016-0035.
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Purpose This conceptual paper aims to contribute to the growing literature around the “politics of heritage” by focusing on India which has a multifaceted society with several layers of religious culture and history. Design/methodology/approach The work is based on an extensive review of the literature and philosophical discussions relating to the politics of heritage tourism and the political dimensions of nationalism and ethnicity from an interdisciplinary perspective. Findings The main purpose of this conceptual paper is to develop hypotheses. Hence, the study asks: How does postcolonial India reconstruct its past and how are religions represented as part of the national image and for the purpose of tourism promotion? How tourism and religious heritage support a broader secular dreamscape of harmonious cultural nationalism in India? Considering all allegations for supporting the Hindutva movement (who considers Hinduism to be the source of India’s “essential” identity and believes it alone can provide national cohesiveness) by the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government in India, it is worth examining if there are any subtle changes to the tourism agenda created by the new government and the ambivalence surrounding it. Is there any place for the “foreigners” (Muslims and Christians) in Hindutva political ideology? Future scholars can analyze how tourism promotional material represents three major religions in the country by the current Indian Government (i.e. BJP) in its official tourism website: www.incredibleindia.org. This will take “politics of heritage” studies to a different trajectory, as analysis of web media has emerged as a critical medium in understanding numerous social processes. Research limitations/implications The paper draws on a wide range of seminal work by scholars of nationalism and ethnicity over the past few decades, but it cannot be comprehensive. Originality/value The paper’s originality lies in its novel approach to an understudied aspect in tourism studies (i.e. politics of heritage) and providing suggestions for future research.
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Bhat, Prashanth. "Platform Politics: The Emergence of Alternative Social Media in India." Asia Pacific Media Educator 31, no. 2 (December 2021): 269–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1326365x211056699.
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Widespread dissemination of hate speech on corporate social media platforms such as Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube has necessitated technological companies to moderate content on their platforms. At the receiving end of these content moderation efforts are supporters of right-wing populist parties, who have gained notoriety for harassing journalists, spreading disinformation, and vilifying liberal activists. In recent months, several prominent right-wing figures across the world were removed from social media - a phenomenon also known as ‘deplatforming’- for violating platform policies. Prominent among such right-wing groups are online supporters of the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India, who have begun accusing corporate social media of pursuing a ‘liberal agenda’ and ‘curtailing free speech.’ In response to deplatforming, the BJP-led Government of India has aggressively promoted and embraced Koo, an indigenously developed social media platform. This commentary examines the implications of this alternative social platform for the online communicative environment in the Indian public sphere.
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Mannan, Md Abdul. "Islam’s role in Bangladesh–Pakistan Alignment against India under the BNP’s Rule." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 74, no. 2 (April 18, 2018): 138–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928418766685.
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This article engages with Bangladesh’s policy of seeking alignment with Pakistan, pursued by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) government in different tenures from the 1990s on. In this endeavour, the article takes into account the BNP’s politics of Islamic identity as a key variable of analysis. This identity factor tacitly presents Bangladesh, Pakistan and India as ‘Muslim Bangladesh’, ‘Muslim Pakistan’, and ‘Hindu India’, respectively. It frames ‘Muslim Pakistan’ as a mutual ally of ‘Muslim Bangladesh’ and shares with Pakistan a view of ‘Hindu India’ as the enemy-other. It operates in foreign policy through domestic politics in Bangladesh, wherein for the BNP, being anti-Indian is synonymous with being pro-Islam. It is claimed in this article that this politics of Islamic identity draws Bangladesh into an alignment with Pakistan, dragging Bangladesh into Pakistan’s own conflict with India.
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Bhavnani, Rikhil R., and Saloni Bhogale. "India in 2021." Asian Survey 62, no. 1 (January 2022): 161–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2022.62.1.16.
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A positive start to 2021 ended abruptly when the Delta variant of COVID-19 swept over India, killing millions. Since peaking in May, the pandemic has abated, and the government has vaccinated a large share of the population. The Bharatiya Janata Party continues to dominate the country’s politics, having centralized power further despite a lackluster performance in state elections. The economy recovered vigorously from its COVID-induced recession of 2020, but it is unclear whether growth will return to the 8–9% annual rates witnessed in the 2000s. India is more bogged down in its neighborhood than before: it has been unable to retrieve the territory it lost to China last year, and the fall of Afghanistan to the Taliban threatens an increase in terrorism in Kashmir. The country is at a crossroads, and much will depend on how the relatively unfettered senior leadership of the BJP responds to these challenges.
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Rai, Shirin M. "Deliberative Democracy and the Politics of Redistribution: The Case of the Indian Panchayats." Hypatia 22, no. 4 (2007): 64–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2007.tb01320.x.
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By examining evidence from India, where quotas for women in local government were introduced in 1993, this article argues that institutional reform can disturb hegemonic discourses sufficiently to open a window of opportunity where deliberative democratic norms take root and where, in addition to the politics of recognition, the politics of redistribution also operates.
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Spektor, Ilya. "Transformation of the Soviet Ties with Indian Communist Movement in the1960s: from the Struggle with “Pro-Chinese Sectarians” towards the Left Unification Politics." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 1 (2022): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080016330-0.
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The history of the Communist party of India is important due to the party’s activities during the struggle for the country’s independence and in virtue of its leading position in Indian politics during the period when the government of J. Nehru was in power. Differences between so-called “leftists” and “rightists” in the party lead to the split in the CPI and to the formation of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) which was founded by the leaders of the “leftist” faction. The main reasons of the split were the differences in the attitude of different groups of Indian communists towards the Indian National Congress and the politics of Indian government. At the same time the spit related to the foreign politics of India and with the international communist movement. At the first stage of the conflict within the party, the sympathies of the USSR were entirely on the side of the “rightist” faction and the current leadership of the CPI. The “leftist” and the CPI (M) were considered as anti-Soviet group and potential political allies of China. However, the electoral success of the CPI(M) and the neutral position of the party during the Sino-Soviet split changed the attitude of the Soviet government towards this political force. Since the second half of the 1960s the USSR tried to maintain relations with the two main communist parties in India. The key sources are the documents of the Soviet Embassy in Delhi, which are being introduced into scientific circulation for the first time.
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Siva, Sami. "India's Third Gender and Visual Politics." Journal of Illiberalism Studies 1, no. 1 (2021): 89–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.53483/vchx2528.
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Despite the Government of India’s official recognition of “third gender” in 2014, the right to gender self-determination remains contested. Over one million transgender women in the country face discrimination and continue to live on the fringes of society. Discrimination and stigma force them to resort to prostitution, begging on city streets, and performing at village festivals. While transgender women are venerated during religious rituals and festivals, they are excluded from employment and higher education. This article outlines the cultural and social conditions facing the trans community in India, as well as the illiberal attitudes of society toward it, through the prism of visual analysis.
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Nikolenyi, Csaba. "Positive Political Theory and Politics in Contemporary India: An Application of a Positive Political Model in Non-Western Politics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 35, no. 4 (December 2002): 881–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423902778487.
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This article argues against the apparent aversion to apply positive political models in the comparative literature on non-Western politics. To provide an example of the utility of such models, the article draws on Peter Van Roozendaal's game theoretical model of cabinet stability to account for the instability of coalition governments in India. It argues that government durability in this non-Western democracy can be modeled as the function of the motivations and incentives of two sets of key actors, the dominant and the central parties, the same way as it can in a Western context.
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Roy, Maitreyee Bardhan. "Politics of Demonetization: Its effect on the Village Economy in India." Sociology International Journal 6, no. 2 (April 28, 2022): 57–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15406/sij.2022.06.00264.
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The Government of India` s call for demonetization on 8th November 2016 banning Rs500/-and Rs1000/- notes was originally accepted as a positive step to discourage the black marketers and the rackets in hoarding to rule over the society. Unfortunately the long term effect of such a hurried decision became a boom to the agri-business based on soft cash. The agribusiness chain became the worst effected group. The chain included non-formal agricultural sector small earners in the agricultural field the farmers as the fragmented land holder and the producers thriving on the instant sale of their products and also those depending on middleman for the disbursement of funds and purchase of products for storage and dispersal of the same to the consumers` market for constant supply. Demonetization discouraged the middleman to put cash in the producing and disbursement. Thereby demonetization dismantled the overall economic chain of production and distribution resulting havoc in agro business market. The small farmers became the main victims of the circumstances. The banning of money economy on the one hand created scarcity in the families based on ancillary agro-production and it also hampered the family income of the rural farmers. Considering the boom in the village economy as an outcome of demonetization the present article makes an effort to gather firsthand information on the position of rural farmers and other non-formal rural occupation group as an outcome of demonetization announced by the Prime Minister of India. The focused area of the study include the selected villages in the northern part of West Bengal. They are rich in agro-based products run by the self-contended but marginal women farmers group thriving on export of their products to the Nepal Market. Their family males are involved in other ancillary employment like pendal making for marriages and other social gatherings running grocery shops and hawkers selling garments and cloths. The women in their families are involved in the varieties of occupation like working as Anganwari preparing mid-day mill working in the road side motels run by the Government (Pother Sathi ) and also working as a liaison of the Government Agriculture Department of the District through their Farmers` Club. The region marked as the second best agro-production area in West Bengal but their business thrives on cash transaction. Keeping in mind the PM`s speech on November 8th 2016 as a pro-poor program the present study focuses on the effect of demonetization on the poor women farmers by reaching out to the farmers families.The survey was done on December 2017 to observe the post demonetization effect in the reality scenario. Interestingly a similar survey was carried out by the researcher in 2015- 2016 and the field survey report was presented in the form of a research paper entitled ` the Role of Women in Agriculture ` in University of Vienna Austria under the International Sociological Forum in July 2016.This has enabled the researcher to gather knowledge on the economy of women community in the rural areas of North Bengal and a part of the West Bengal State. The life and living of these enthusiastic women community gave an impetus to the researcher to visit them and to learn the effect of demonetization in their life.2 The present paper is the outcome of the survey made by the researcher for the second phase in December 2017 during the post demonetization period.
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Faheem, Dr Mohd. "Grassroots Democracy and Local Governance Issues: Perspective from Rural India." Remittances Review 8, no. 1 (November 19, 2022): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.47059/rr.v8i1.rr80003.
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India is a country of vast villages where two-third of population of India resides. India is a largest, vibrant and functional democracy. The local self-government system of Panchayati Raj was introduced in the constitution of India through the 73rd Amendment in which the village life extensively runs in a democratic way through the decentralization approach. This 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act brings out a vital change in rural life holistically for the objective of ‘Empowering People for Prosperity’. India has nearly 3.1 million elected members through more than 250,000 local government units. Local government authorities have the authority to create development plans for the areas, with the aim of fostering social justice and local economic development. The implementation challenges of policies and programs before the local government and the also the role of local elites, politically powerful groups, bureaucratic society and private enterprises to become for providing good governance for the development of rural areas. By using the secondary based data to find out the local government system and governance in India. This paper reveals forward states provide good governance through the local government in the core areas of development with execution of plans in rural India and on the other hand, backward states are lack in governance due to nature the corruption laden politics exist in that states. This study sums up with the significance of grassroots democracy and its role in the development of rural India and at the same time to highlights the hurdle in the governance ecosystem of local governments in rural India.
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Malik, Bibhuti Bhushan. "Book review: James Chiriyankandath, Diego Maiorano, James Manor, and Louise Tillin, The Politics of Poverty Reduction in India: The UPA Government, 2004 to 2014." Sociological Bulletin 69, no. 3 (December 2020): 418–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038022920956771.
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James Chiriyankandath, Diego Maiorano, James Manor, and Louise Tillin, The Politics of Poverty Reduction in India: The UPA Government, 2004 to 2014. Hyderabad: Orient BlackSwan, 2020, 192 pp., ₹575 (Paperback). ISBN 978-93-5287-848-2
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Elinoff, Eli. "Subjects of politics: Between democracy and dictatorship in Thailand." Anthropological Theory 19, no. 1 (February 27, 2019): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499618782365.
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In May of 2014, the Thai military deposed elected Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra. Since the coup, the chief aim of the military government has been to bring order to the country by silencing politics. In this paper, I trace the drift from democracy to dictatorship as a set of disagreements about democracy and its redistribution of political capacity. Specifically, I show how debates revolving around the political capacities of the poor reflect both the emergence of a new subject of politics and the anxieties produced by shifting arrangements of the political.1 Working from the vantage point of urban railway squatter communities in northeastern Thailand, I show how disagreements between residents, non-governmental organization activists, state development agencies and the military reflect unresolved tensions between multiple orderings of the political and the unreconciled question of who is a legitimate political actor. Residents’ engagements with development projects preceding the coup expose the ways in which their emergent claims to political capacity provoked new governmental strategies to incorporate their voices but manage their political aspirations. Military rule has once again transformed the shape of the political, narrowing the horizons of political possibility for citizens such as those living along the railway tracks. Yet, even amidst such threats, the military government remains fragile precisely because the political is always contingent, composed of heterogeneous disagreements. By making these processes legible through an ethnography of disagreement, I argue that anthropology and ethnography are fundamental for understanding the emerging forms of the political in the 21st century.
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CHOUDHURY, D. K. LAHIRI. "Sinews of Panic and the Nerves of Empire: the Imagined State's Entanglement with Information Panic, India c.1880–1912." Modern Asian Studies 38, no. 4 (October 2004): 965–1002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0400126x.
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This is a narrative of events and panics in India in 1907: the fiftieth anniversary of 1857. After the East India Company's political ascendancy in 1757, the uprisings and insurrections of 1857 shook the very foundations of British rule in India. In the summer of 1907, several different strands of protest came together: the nearly all-India telegraph strike was barely over when a revolutionary terrorist network was unearthed, bringing the simmering political cauldron to the boil. The burgeoning swadeshi and boycott movement splintered, partly through the experience of Government repression, into political extremism within the Indian National Congress and revolutionary terrorism via secret societies. The growing radicalism within nationalist politics culminated in the split of the Congress at the meeting at Surat in 1907. Through this process the Indian National Congress changed from its constitutional and elite politics of reform into a more popular and mass-oriented organization. Though much has been written about this period of Indian politics, this paper delineates the larger international technological and informational entanglement through a case study of India, and in particular, Bengal.
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Baviskar, Amita. "Nation’s body, river’s pulse: Narratives of anti-dam politics in India." Thesis Eleven 150, no. 1 (January 17, 2019): 26–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513618822417.
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In the 1990s, social movements against large dams in India were celebrated for crafting a powerful challenge to dominant policies of development. These grounded struggles were acclaimed for their critique of capitalist industrialization and their advocacy for an alternative model of socially just and ecologically sustainable development. Twenty years later, as large dams continue to be built, their critics have shifted the battle off the streets to new arenas – to courts and government committees, in particular – and switched to a techno-managerial discourse of maintaining river health. What accounts for this change? This article traces the trajectory of cultural politics around Indian rivers within the larger imagination of the nation, the rise of economic liberalization and Hindu nationalism, and the emergence of environmental bureaucracies. It argues that, alongside being shaped by this context, current anti-dam campaigns also contend with the legacy of earlier social movements, their gains as well as losses. This political field has narrowed the potential for radical critique, large-scale collective mobilization and, ultimately, keeping rivers alive.
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Dahal, Gaurav Raja. "The Nepal’s Political Relationship with India: Under the Lens of Path Dependency Theory." Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 14 (December 30, 2020): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dsaj.v14i0.26207.
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The recent developments in Nepal’s politics from the abolition of autocratic monarchy, promulgation of a new constitution to successful completion of local, provincial, and federal level elections can be perceived as Nepal’s politics achieving miraculous success in forming democracy. Throughout the history, heavy reliance on the Indian economy has been considered as a major hurdle to Nepal’s sovereignty. This paper analyzes the Nepal-India relationship through path-dependent theory and argues that with series of above mentioned democratic success, the contemporary Nepali foreign policy towards India is at a critical juncture where Nepal can incorporate new changes to make its policies independent and uninfluenced by the Indian government. Analyzing the series of political and democratic events and foreign policies implemented to date, this paper aims to understand how the Nepali leadership can utilize these recent series of democratic successes as a turning point to break the traditional approach of forming policies to appease the Indian government and receive political and economic support and implement new policy changes leveraging on the multilateral organizations and developmental partners for its support economically and politically.
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Dahal, Gaurav Raja. "The Nepal’s Political Relationship with India: Under the Lens of Path Dependency Theory." Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 14 (December 30, 2020): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dsaj.v14i0.26207.
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The recent developments in Nepal’s politics from the abolition of autocratic monarchy, promulgation of a new constitution to successful completion of local, provincial, and federal level elections can be perceived as Nepal’s politics achieving miraculous success in forming democracy. Throughout the history, heavy reliance on the Indian economy has been considered as a major hurdle to Nepal’s sovereignty. This paper analyzes the Nepal-India relationship through path-dependent theory and argues that with series of above mentioned democratic success, the contemporary Nepali foreign policy towards India is at a critical juncture where Nepal can incorporate new changes to make its policies independent and uninfluenced by the Indian government. Analyzing the series of political and democratic events and foreign policies implemented to date, this paper aims to understand how the Nepali leadership can utilize these recent series of democratic successes as a turning point to break the traditional approach of forming policies to appease the Indian government and receive political and economic support and implement new policy changes leveraging on the multilateral organizations and developmental partners for its support economically and politically.
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Khalikova, Venera R. "Medicine and the Cultural Politics of National Belongings in Contemporary India." Asian Medicine 13, no. 1-2 (September 10, 2018): 198–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15734218-12341413.
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AbstractThe Government of India claims to promote plural medical traditions, currently institutionalized under the acronym AYUSH (Ayurveda, Yoga and Naturopathy, Unani, Siddha, and Homeopathy). Yet, one medical system—Ayurveda—receives most social and ideological support: Ayurveda is routinely constructed as the only truly Indian, homegrown, and national medicine, while the national belonging of other AYUSH traditions is challenged. This essay explores discourses surrounding the promotion of AYUSH and the privileged position of Ayurveda, situating them within two competing nationalist ideologies: the ideology of inclusive secularism anchored in the principle of India’s cultural diversity and the ideology of Hindu nationalism, which promotes a distinctive image of India as a country with a culturally monolithic foundation. By doing so, I show how a nation can be differently imagined through one medical tradition or through medical plurality. Furthermore, by analyzing media reports, official statements, and the narratives of AYUSH practitioners, I outline factors that contribute to Ayurvedic hegemony. In particular, I argue that the exceptionalism of Ayurveda rests on the fact that, unlike other alternative medical systems in India, it has been promoted as both cultural (“Indian”) and universal medicine—that is, medicine with global appeal.
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LUDDEN, DAVID. "Spatial Inequity and National Territory: Remapping 1905 in Bengal and Assam." Modern Asian Studies 46, no. 3 (June 20, 2011): 483–525. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000357.
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AbstractIn 1905, Viceroy Nathaniel Curzon applied well-worn principles of imperial order to reorganize northeastern regions of British India, bringing the entire Meghna-Brahmaputra river basin into one new administrative territory: the province of Eastern Bengal and Assam. He thereby launched modern territorial politics in South Asia by provoking an expansive and ultimately victorious nationalist agitation to unify Bengal and protect India's territorial integrity. This movement and its economic programme (swadeshi) expressed Indian nationalist opposition to imperial inequity. It established a permanent spatial frame for Indian national thought. It also expressed and naturalized spatial inequity inside India, which was increasing at the time under economic globalization. Spatial inequities in the political economy of uneven development have animated territorial politics in South Asia ever since. A century later, another acceleration of globalization is again increasing spatial inequity, again destabilizing territorial order, as nationalists naturalize spatial inequity in national territory and conflicts erupt from the experience of living in disadvantaged places. Remapping 1905 in the long twentieth century which connects these two periods of globalization, spanning eras of empire and nation, reveals spatial dynamics of modernity concealed by national maps and brings to light a transnational history of spatial inequity shared by Bangladesh and Northeast India.
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Bhuyan, Ratna. "Review Note on Shifting Cultivation in Northeast India amidst Changing Perceptions." Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 13 (December 29, 2019): 90–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dsaj.v13i0.24252.
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Historically, shifting cultivation has been traced back to the neolithic period. It has undergone transitions from being a subsistence agriculture to small surpluses. Despite the global changes intruding into the socio-economic sphere of the tribal communities across Northeastern region of India, shifting cultivation continues to play an important role in providing livelihoods and food security to the rural tribal households. It seems that shifting cultivation is closely tied to the cultural identity of the tribal people. Therefore, its importance lies beyond mere economic concerns. Though with government interventions and under innovative shifting cultivation, the farmers in the region have switched to newer methods of cultivation, shifting cultivation continues parallel to sedentary cultivation accommodating at the same time the value system and needs of the tribal society. Concurrently, the Jhumias – shifting cultivators are constantly incorporating new measures into shifting cultivation to make it ecologically less destructive. Amidst changing perceptions on shifting cultivation practices, the paper tries to analyse the continuance of shifting cultivation in the region.
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Lunev, Sergey I., and Ellina P. Shavlay. "India as a Global Power: The Strategic Culture Problems." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 77, no. 4 (November 7, 2021): 525–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09749284211047750.
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The article reviews India’s contested role of a great power in global politics. Although showing tangible results across all the aspects pertaining to the great power status, in international relations India is still largely underestimated and even overlooked. Politicians and scholars generally mention three main reasons behind that phenomenon: weak social and economic figures, the country’s relatively narrow global impact and the absence of strategic culture. We argue that the latter is key, and that it is in the process of being remedied. In fact, India already has all the prerequisites for being recognised as a ‘great power’, since it has political, military, economic and cultural capabilities corresponding to the status. It is simply a matter of time and coordinated efforts of the government to formulate and implement a consistent foreign policy and economic strategy as well as a change in Indian elite’s strategic thinking which will enable untapping India’s existing potential and successfully meeting the objective of increasing its influence in global politics.
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Muldoon, Andrew. "Politics, Intelligence and Elections in Late Colonial India: Congress and the Raj in 1937." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 20, no. 2 (September 15, 2010): 160–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/044403ar.
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This article addresses questions of political reform and colonial intelligence collection in 1930s India. It focuses on the expectations British colonial officials had of the impact of the 1935 Government of India Act reforms on Indian political behaviour, especially regarding the creation of largely autonomous provincial assemblies. The 1937 provincial elections put these colonial suppositions to the test, and found them wanting. The article outlines the flawed and blinkered nature of colonial information gathering, demonstrating how the election results, particularly the very strong showing by an organized Indian National Congress, came as a real surprise to colonial administrators. However, the article also shows that these results did not necessarily change colonial opinions about Indian politics overmuch, as administrators and governors sought to frame what had happened within their existing understanding of India. Overall, this piece argues for the persistence of certain ways of colonial thinking in India, driven by ideological or cultural biases, as well as by the real limitations on the capability of the colonial state.
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Singh, Neha S., Kerry Scott, Asha George, Amnesty Elizabeth LeFevre, and Rajani Ved. "A tale of ‘politics and stars aligning’: analysing the sustainability of scaled up digital tools for front-line health workers in India." BMJ Global Health 6, Suppl 5 (July 2021): e005041. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2021-005041.
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IntroductionIndia has become a lighthouse for large-scale digital innovation in the health sector, particularly for front-line health workers (FLHWs). However, among scaled digital health solutions, ensuring sustainability remains elusive. This study explores the factors underpinning scale-up of digital health solutions for FLHWs in India, and the potential implications of these factors for sustainability.MethodsWe assessed five FLHW digital tools scaled at the national and/or state level in India. We conducted in-depth interviews with implementers, technology and technical partners (n=11); senior government stakeholders (n=5); funders (n=1) and evaluators/academics (n=3). Emergent themes were grouped according to a broader framework that considered the (1) digital solution; (2) actors; (3) processes and (4) context.ResultsThe scale-up of digital solutions was facilitated by their perceived value, bounded adaptability, support from government champions, cultivation of networks, sustained leadership and formative research to support fit with the context and population. However, once scaled, embedding digital health solutions into the fabric of the health system was hampered by challenges related to transitioning management and ownership to government partners; overcoming government procurement hurdles; and establishing committed funding streams in government budgets. Strong data governance, continued engagement with FLHWs and building a robust evidence base, while identified in the literature as critical for sustainability, did not feature strongly among respondents. Sustainability may be less elusive once there is more consensus around the roles played between national and state government actors, implementing and technical partners and donors.ConclusionThe use of digital tools by FLHWs offers much promise for improving service delivery and health outcomes in India. However, the pathway to sustainability is bespoke to each programme and should be planned from the outset by investing in people, relationships and service delivery adjustments to navigate the challenges involved given the dynamic nature of digital tools in complex health systems.
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Ahmad, Peer Amir Ahmad. "Is Getting Into Student Politics In India A Waste Of Time?" Journal of Women Empowerment and Studies, no. 23 (May 18, 2022): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jwes.23.23.30.
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Anyone who says they are not interested in politics is like a drowning man who insists he is not interested in water,"Mahatma Gandhi.:The students of today will be the future stewards of our nation's destiny in the future. In order for future leaders of the nation to grow and develop a healthy public opinion, political consciousness must be instilled in them as early as possible as a matter of course. But these young men and women must never be allowed to become the pawns of selfish and self-centred shoddy politicians who have no regard for the general public. As one of the first and most important requirements of democracy, students must cultivate a sublime sense of discipline in themselves. Should students participate in politics or not has long been one of the most perplexing questions facing governments around the world. The Lok Sabha had recommended several years ago that the voting age be lowered to 18 years in order to provide students with an opportunity to participate actively in politics and, later, in activities involving the entire nation. The recommendation was accepted by the government. This issue, on the other hand, has been debated in the parliament for quite some time now. The purpose of this research is to examine the role of student politics in India and to discuss the pinnacles of student activism in the country.
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Gogoi, Biswadeep. "Capsicum chinense Jacq. (Bhut Jolokia) – rich source of capsaicin with wide application and economic potential." Annals of Plant Sciences 6, no. 8 (August 6, 2017): 1664. http://dx.doi.org/10.21746/aps.2017.8.3.
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Bhut jolokia, which is a cultivar of Capsicum chinense Jacq. is known to the world for its high capsaicinoids content. While wild C. chinense forms may be found in eastern lowland of South America, bhut jolokia is grown in the northeastern states of India. Evidences show that bhut jolokia has interspecific origin with introgression of genes of C. frutecens into C. chinense a natural hybridisation. The fruit of the plant and its leaves has been used as ethnobotanical medicine in different parts of the world. Phytochemical analysis has shown that the fruit is rich in capsaicinoids, which is the reason for its high pungency. Capsaicin and dihydrocapsaicin are the two major capsaicinoids adding pungency to chilli. Higher the capsaicin higher is the pungency. Recent studies has shown wide medicinal applications of capsaicin such as pain relief, anti-obesity treatment, as an antioxidant, antimicrobial agent and even as anticancer molecule. The government of Nagaland has patent rights and geographical indications for naga chilli, which will certainly help in the economic prospect of the region from its cultivation. Thus, this review is an attempt to highlight the latest research and developments in bhut jolokia, which has a huge economic potential to prosper the northeastern region of India.
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Ostermann, Susan. "Nepal in 2016." Asian Survey 57, no. 1 (January 2017): 60–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.1.60.
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Despite general government stagnation and exceedingly slow earthquake recovery efforts, Nepal in 2016 made some important and long-overdue advances in terms of securing a role for women in politics. The country also maintained its independence from its closest ally, India, and, in so doing, improved relations with China.