Relevant bibliographies by topics / India History Autonomy and independent movements

Academic literature on the topic 'India History Autonomy and independent movements'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "India History Autonomy and independent movements"

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LEAKE, ELISABETH. "AT THE NATION-STATE’S EDGE: CENTRE–PERIPHERY RELATIONS IN POST-1947 SOUTH ASIA." Historical Journal 59, no. 2 (February 26, 2016): 509–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000394.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines centre–periphery relations in post-colonial India and Pakistan, providing a specific comparative history of autonomy movements in Nagaland (1947–63) and Baluchistan (1973–7). It highlights the key role played by the central government – particularly by Jawaharlal Nehru and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto – in quelling both insurgencies and in taking further steps to integrate these regions. It argues that a shared colonial history of political autonomy shaped local actors’ resistance to integration into the independent nation-states of India and Pakistan. This article also reveals that Indian and Pakistani officials used their shared colonial past in very different ways to mould their borderlands policies. India's central government under Nehru agreed to a modified Naga State within the Indian Union that allowed the Nagas a large degree of autonomy, continuing a colonial method of semi-integration. In contrast, Bhutto's government actively sought to abandon long-standing Baluch political and social structures to reaffirm the sovereignty of the Pakistani state. The article explains this divergence in terms of the different governing exigencies facing each country at the time of the insurgencies. It ultimately calls for an expansion in local histories and subnational comparisons to extend understanding of post-1947 South Asia, and the decolonizing world more broadly.
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Çelik, Hatice. "Kashmir after August 5th Decision and its Implications for South Asia." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-2-99-111.

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After World War II, Great Britain's loss of power in the international system had a great impact on the start of the decolonization process (the beginning of the independence movements in colonial geographies and the acquisition of peoples' independence) and expansion of it. India, one of the most important colonies of the British Empire which is known as the empire on which the sun never sets, was also the most important representative and perhaps even the trigger of this process. The Republic of India (hereafter referred to as India) which gained independence from Britain in 1947, also witnessed the birth of another state from its territory. The newly established state of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan (hereinafter referred to as Pakistan) has maintained a high-tension relationship with India since the foundation. The main cause of this tension has been the dispute over the Jammu and Kashmir region. The controversial region has again become a conflictual geography with the decision of the Indian Parliament on the 5th of August 2019. By this, the autonomous status of the J&K was abolished and Pakistan and India came to the edge of confrontation. The measures and precautions of the Indian government regarding the region has increased the tension not only in J&K but also in India and in Pakistan. This study tries to analyze the Kashmir dispute in line with the recent developments and how the issue effects the regional political dynamics. In the first part of the paper; there will be a short history of the dispute, the claims of the parties, and the place of this dispute in the international system. In the second part, the current situation will be tried to investigate from the foreign policy and regional policies aspect. The general conclusion of the author is that the recent decision on autonomy of Kashmir will have cumulative negative impacts on the stability of the region in coming years.
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Vuyk, Beb, Brian Russell Roberts, and Keith Foulcher. "A Weekend with Richard Wright." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 126, no. 3 (May 2011): 798–812. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2011.126.3.798.

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In 1955 the famous African American writer Richard Wright traveled to Southeast Asia to observe and report on the Asian-African Conference in Bandung, Indonesia. A watershed moment in the history of decolonization, the meeting, also known as the Bandung Conference, drew representatives from twenty-nine newly independent Asian and African countries, including the conference's sponsors: Burma, Ceylon, India, and Indonesia. At the conference's conclusion, as part of a “final communique,” participating countries issued their Declaration on the Promotion of World Peace and Cooperation, which advanced ten principles, ranging from “[r]espect for fundamental human rights” to “[r]ecognition of the equality of all races and of the equality of all nations” to abstention from “serv[ing] the particular interests of any big powers” (Kahin 84). As an important precursor of the Nonaligned Movement, which was officially organized in 1961, the Bandung Conference set the stage for newly independent states to assert and strengthen their autonomy in a world often polarized by the United States and the Soviet Union.
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Walker, Lydia. "Jayaprakash Narayan and the politics of reconciliation for the postcolonial state and its imperial fragments." Indian Economic & Social History Review 56, no. 2 (April 2019): 147–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464619835659.

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Jayaprakash (JP) Narayan was an activist, politician and political thinker who attempted to use peace negotiations on India’s borders to renegotiate the postcolonial Indian state. This article tracks JP’s efforts to find non-national vehicles for regional nationalist demands through his positions on the contentious political questions of a Nagaland in India, and a Tibet in China. It locates JP within the Anglophone international peace movement that transitioned from support of Indian independence to a critique of the state violence of the Indian government, and traces JP’s thinking and work in support of some degree of autonomy for Tibet and Nagaland. Finally, this article connects these projects to JP’s non-statist critique of Indian state sovereignty, arguing that through a more decentralised and inclusively organised India, JP sought to re-organise what decolonisation had wrought.
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Koteswari, Dr S., and B. Nandan Kumar. "Unknown Soldier of Fortune for the Professional Development of Students: Sri Dantuluri Narayana Raju." International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology 10, no. 3 (March 31, 2022): 1874–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2022.41003.

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Abstract: Dantuluri Narayana Raju College (DNR) was founded in 1945, before Indian independence, and was an offshoot of the national movement and Renaissance thought. Being agrarian, the Godavari region had been kept away from higher academic activities during the pre-independence period. Sri Dantuluri Narayana Raju, a freedom fighter, activist and visionary wanted to provide the uneducated rural masses with the hitherto unthinkable and inaccessible source for their general development and welfare, namely higher education. This visionary, with the help of a limited number of lieutenants and committed philanthropists, worked hard with missionary zeal and brought about the establishment of a boarding school in Bhimavaram, known as West Godavari Bhimavaram (W.G.B) College in 1945.In 1964 it was renamed as Dantuluri Narayana Raju (D.N.R) College in memory of its founder. The introduction of post graduate courses in 1971 is a milestone in the history of the college. The infrastructure available in the college became an impetus for starting an Engineering College in 1980. In view of the outstanding academic excellence maintained by the college since its inception, the college was conferred autonomy in the year 1987, by the University grants commission, India. Consequently, the college has academic freedom to introduce new courses. Keyword: Dantuluri Narayana Raju College (DNR), Bhimavaram, Higher Education, West Godavari Bhimavaram (W.G.B)
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Desai, Manali. "Indirect British Rule, State Formation, and Welfarism in Kerala, India, 1860–1957." Social Science History 29, no. 3 (2005): 457–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200013018.

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This article examines the relationship between a strong nineteenth-century welfarist expansion between the 1860s and early 1940s, in Kerala, India, under indirect British rule, and the “exceptional” antipoverty regime that democratically elected Communists implemented during the postcolonial (post 1947) era in the state. While much attention has focused on Kerala as a model of social development and on postindependence state policies in creating it, no single work has attempted to understand the significance of its prior legacy of welfare. This article uses methods of comparative historical sociology to trace the historical making of Kerala's “exceptionalism.” It argues that the early welfare policies in Kerala were implemented in a dependent colonial context and aimed at warding off annexation by the British, but their unintended consequences were to stimulate what they were precisely designed to avoid—radical caste and class movements. The analysis suggests that the form and content of welfare policies are shaped by the exigencies of state formation, as state autonomy theorists would argue; however, it shows that political struggles are the decisive determining factors of the former.
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Wang, Yang. "Envisioning the Third World: Modern Art and Diplomacy in Maoist China." ARTMargins 8, no. 2 (June 2019): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00234.

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In the mid-1950s, China conducted robust cultural exchange with the Third World in tandem with a parallel political program to influence non-aligned nations in contestation to the Soviet Union and Western powers. This article examines this underrecognized facet of Maoist-era art through the international engagements of two Xi'an artists, Shi Lu (1919–1982) and Zhao Wangyun (1907–1977), who traveled to India and Egypt as cultural attaché of the Chinese state. By tracing the travels of the two artists in light of their artistic and theoretical formulations, this article argues that contact with decolonizing spheres of the Third World inspired Chinese artists to embrace forms of indigenous Chinese art like ink painting in rejection of Euro-American modernism. In solidarity with other non-Western art spheres that developed similar nativist responses to the hegemony of Western modernism, Chinese artists belonged to a global postwar movement to assert political independence through artistic autonomy and national style.
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Khan, Muhammad Haziq, Hassan Khan, and Danish Hanif. "Implementation of Kashmir as an independent state in South Asia." Indonesian Journal of Social Sciences 14, no. 2 (July 25, 2022): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/ijss.v14i2.35683.

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The study investigates the conflict between India and Pakistan over Kashmir as a manifestation of a disagreement between the two countries and emphasizes the factors that are required for the state to act independently, including international law perspective, economic history, natural resource production, geography, and culture. According to the findings of the study, India and Pakistan have rejected the first two options of formal partition and autonomy, but the third option, an independent state, will remain the most viable option for the foreseeable future because neither India nor Pakistan can rule the entire region of Kashmir. As a result, the emergence of an independent state in Asia is considered a legitimate, negotiated solution to the Kashmir dispute. It is asserted here that as long as both India and Pakistan maintain their historically defensive positions, there is little hope for long-term peace in Kashmir. The study further contends that Kashmir's independence is the only way to ensure a long-term settlement to the Kashmir dispute as well as regional peace in Southeast Asia.
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Reetz, Dietrich. "In Search of the Collective Self: How Ethnic Group Concepts were Cast through Conflict in Colonial India." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 2 (May 1997): 285–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00014311.

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When the concept of Western nationalism travelled to India in the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century it was carried by British officialdom and an increasingly mobile and articulate Indian élite that was educated in English and in the tradition of British society. Not only did it inspire the all-India nationalist movement, but it encouraged regional politics as well, mainly in ethnic and religious terms. Most of today's ethnic and religious movements in South Asia could be traced back to their antecedents before independence. Looking closer at the three major regional movements of pre-independence India, the Pathans, the Sikhs and the Tamils, one finds a striking similarity in patterns of mobilization, conflict and concept irrespective of their association with the national movement (Red Shirt movement of the Pathans, Sikh movement of the Akalis) or independent existence in opposition to Congress (non-Brahmin/Tamil movement)
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Saleemi, Sundus. "Kamran Asdar Ali. Communism in Pakistan: Politics and Class Activism 1947- 1972. London, U.K.: I. B. Tauris & Co. Ltd./Philip Wilson Publishers Ltd. 2015. 304 pages. £ 59.00." Pakistan Development Review 55, no. 2 (June 1, 2016): 151–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v55i2pp.151-154.

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The book is divided into two parts consisting of eight chapters, including the introductory and concluding chapters, and an epilogue. It is a 304 page book including notes and references, which are not only interesting but are very helpful for any reader interested in the topic. The introductory chapter sets the stage for the reader, introducing her to the diversity of nations living in the geographical boundaries of Pakistan and points to the failure of their integration in the state project. The author also touches upon the ethnic and nationalistic struggles played out in Pakistan throughout history and their relationship with the politics of the left. Furthermore, he reiterates that mainstream discourse on Pakistan’s history presents the struggle for separate nation in unified India as a struggle of a monolith Muslim nation in the sub-continent largely ignoring the ethnic, cultural and linguistic diversity of these Muslims, thereby undermining their aspirations for freedom, self-determination and autonomy. The Bengali and the Baloch freedom movements have been cited as examples of what he calls the “collective amnesia” of the nation and notes that resistance, or left-leaning, movements have also been largely ignored in mainstream discourses on the history of Pakistan.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "India History Autonomy and independent movements"

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Rodríguez, Alvaro Joseph. "Political bargaining and the Punjab crisis : the Punjab Accord of 1985." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28273.

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Since the early 1980's, the Punjab state of India has been in turmoil as a result of a separatist movement that developed among elements of the Sikh community. Political tensions not only characterized the relationship between the Punjab and New Delhi/ but also between Sikhs and Hindus and among different segments within the Sikh community itself. The most important attempt to end the conflict in the state has been the Rajiv Gandhi-Sant Longowal Accord signed on July 24, 1985. However, the Accord failed and by mid-1987 the Punjab was once again racked by political violence. This thesis focuses on the events that led to the signing of the Accord and the forces that caused its demise. Bargaining theory provides the general theoretical framework against which the data are analyzed. This thesis highlights the fact that political bargains in Third World weakly-institutionalized states are often the result of particular configurations of political power which are short lived. The corollary of this is that once the configuration of political forces changes, the chances of success for the previously reached political bargain are weakened. In the particular case of the Punjab Accord, there was a change, beginning in late 1985, in the relative political power of the participants in the bargain. Also, the terms of the bargained Accord unleashed forces on both sides which undermined its implementation. Third World leaders should draw two major lessons from this. First, they should be careful not to have exaggerated perceptions of their power since this may be counterproductive in the future if they cannot deliver what they have promised. Second, these leaders should attempt to consult all interests with a stake in the bargained settlement as a way to prevent opposition to it.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Bedi, Tarini. "Ethnonationalism and the politics of identity : the cases of Punjab and Assam." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28244.

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This analysis addresses the relationship between pre-political cultural identity and political outcomes. It posits that the political mobilization of sub-national groups cannot be understood without an examination of the cultural processes of identity formation. The analysis engages cultural discourse and its organization as an explanatory factor in the examination of the variation in ethnic political outcomes. Hence, important questions about ethnonational conflict can be answered by engaging the levels at which identity is constructed and reshaped through cultural discourse. It shifts the arena of analysis from the state to the ethnic groups themselves. The two empirical cases analyzed are that of Sikh nationalism in Punjab and 'ethnic' Assamese nationalism in Assam.
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Gunawardena, Therese Suhashini. "Contesting Khalistan the Sikh diaspora and the politics of separatism /." 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/6181.

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Webb, Matthew John. "The right to secede and the case of Kashmir : a critical evaluation of contemporary normative theories of secession." Phd thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148091.

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Books on the topic "India History Autonomy and independent movements"

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Autonomy movements and federal India. Jaipur: Rawat Publications, 2002.

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India: British-Indian campaigns in Britain for Indian reforms, justice & freedom, 1831-1947. London: Banyan Tree, 1997.

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Communalism and separatism in pre-independent India. 2nd ed. Patna: Janaki Prakashan, 1990.

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Rāmadayāla, Muṇḍā, Bosu Mullick S, International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs., and Bindrai Institute for Research, Study, and Action., eds. The Jharkhand movement: Indigenous people's struggle for autonomy in India. Copenhagen: International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs in collaboration with Bindrai Institute for Research Study and Action, 2003.

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Dilagīra, Harajindara Siṅgha. India kills the Sikhs. 2nd ed. Edmonton, Alberta, Canada: Sikh Educational Trust, 1994.

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Seminar, on Autonomy Movements in North East India (1991 Shillong India). Seminar on Autonomy Movements in North East India, Shillong, November 4, 1991. Shillong: North-Eastern Hill University, 1991.

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Independence of India and Pakistan. Chicago: World Book, 2011.

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Kashi Prasad Jayaswal Research Institute., ed. Colonial Bihar, independence, and thereafter: A history of the Searchlight. Patna: Kashi Prasad Jayaswal Research Institute, 1998.

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Cauhdrī, Shabbīr. Kashmir and the partition of India: The politicians and the personalities involved in the partiion of India ... Mirpur: National Institute of Kashmir Studies, 2012.

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The autobiography of a revolutionary in British India. New Delhi: Social Science Press, 2013.

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Book chapters on the topic "India History Autonomy and independent movements"

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"SOCIAL HISTORY AT THE CROSSROADS OF LOCAL, NATIONAL AND GLOBAL MOVEMENTS." In Independent India, 1947-2000, 133–55. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315838212-19.

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Campney, Brent M. S. "“Canadians Are Not Proficient in the Art of Lynching”." In Global Lynching and Collective Violence. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041389.003.0006.

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In this chapter, Nandana Dutta examines the turn to collective violence, especially lynching, in postcolonial India, tracing it to “the forms of agency that emerged in the peculiar understanding of issues of modernity, the rule of law, and the indigenous Gandhian form of self rule known famously as swaraj during and after the Independence movement.” Dutta reflects on the connotations of the word lynching as it has been used in recent years in India to refer both to the taking of life by a mob or group, and to also refer to occasions of mob fury/action where death may not actually occur but the dynamics of the individual/mob victim-perpetrator relationship are similar. Noting the influence of American culture in the spread of the term lynching in India, Dutta argues that Indian collective violence “has emerged alongside or in the wake of movements for autonomy, identity, and territory that have become independent India’s most significant problem because these provide both occasion and site for the exercise of agency in the form of extralegal violence.”
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Jha, Mithilesh Kumar. "British Rule and Classifications of Indian Languages." In Language Politics and Public Sphere in North India, 39–65. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199479344.003.0002.

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This chapter examines the ways through which Christian missionaries and British officials attempted to classify Indian languages. How these exercises turned out to be the basis for different groups in India to forge various identities? How that led to competing claims and counter claims by various communities and groups? In particular, language turns out to be a powerful marker of group identity. The question of ‘chaste’ versus ‘standard’, written versus oral, and language with or without grammar and literature became politically and emotionally charged issue since the beginning of the nineteenth century. It also led to the politics of linguistic dominations and subordinations as well as resistances to such processes. For the British, it was an arduous task to classify and categorize various languages and knowledge systems of ‘natives’ in India into one single hegemonic narrative. They did not follow a consistent linguistic policy which remains a daunting task for the post Independent governments in India as well. And, we continue to witness various forms of identity movements based on language, religion and caste with varying degree of intensities. In these movements, their numerical strength became one of the most important signifier. Their engagement with modernity and their own ‘pre-modern’ selves are also important conjuncture in such mobilizations. I have argued in this chapter that more serious explorations of these movements will enrich not only the effective history and politics of modern India but also the understanding of unfolding and adaptations to modernity in India.
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Satyavrata, Ivan. "Pentecostals and Charismatics." In Christianity in South and Central Asia, 287–300. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474439824.003.0026.

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The Pentecostal/Charismatic movement is not a monolithic church ‘tradition’ with a centralized organization. After a May 1860 revival in Tamil Nadu, revivals swept across India that included figures such as Pandita Ramabai and Minnie Abrams. Pentecostalism in Iran had an early start in the work of Andrew Urshan, who received the baptism in the Holy Spirit in 1908 in Chicago. There are several sociological factors unique to the region that have influenced the wide range of Pentecostal expressions. Some church movements have closely guarded their indigenous identity, while others have welcomed outside relationships. Independent local churches have become Charismatic as the result of a spiritual revival or of embracing Pentecostal teachings and constitute the largest segment of Pentecostals/Charismatics in the region. Pentecostal movements take on indigenous contexts fairly easily due to its autonomy, its spontaneity, and the arousal of cultural identity emerging from colonial experience. A personal experience of the Spirit and the emphasis on Charismatic gifts are central. Despite hostility in the region, Pentecostal and Charismatic churches are growing exponentially, aided by the creative use of media. The varied populations of South and Central Asia represent the most formidable challenge to Christian missions in the twenty-first century.
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