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Journal articles on the topic 'India China relations'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Singh, Swaran. "India–China Relations." South Asian Survey 15, no. 1 (January 2008): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097152310801500106.

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2

Singh, Prashant Kumar. "China–Bangladesh Relations." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 267–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600308.

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This article argues that the so-called Chinese string of pearls policy needs to be examined from the perspectives of those small countries of this maritime region that are said to be supporting Chinese strategic interests in the region by providing naval bases to China. Bangladesh neither has compelling strategic reasons to be part of an anti-India policy nor is its economy dependent only on the Chinese economy—a situation which could have pushed it into such a strategy. Therefore, apprehensions of the Indian strategic community of Sino-Bangladeshi relations constituting a larger anti-India design are somewhat misplaced. Bangladesh is likely to continue to pursue a policy of making best of its relations with both countries, even though an anti-India bias in certain sections of Bangladeshi society and politics will persist. In the post-Cold War, countries are focused on how to reap the dividends of economic globalisation and such hostile policies are anachronistic and counterproductive especially from the point of view of countries like Bangladesh that are small in terms of overall national capabilities. It is, therefore, argued that China–Bangladesh relations are flourishing in their own right, by and large free from the Indian shadow.
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3

Sadibekova, Bibisora, and Muqaddas Turdieva. "FEATURES OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF CHINA-INDIAN TRADE RELATIONS." INNOVATIONS IN ECONOMY 4, no. 3 (April 30, 2020): 97–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9491-2020-4-12.

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The article devoted to study the trade relations between China and India,analyzing the foreign trade policy of two countries and their relationship. China -India relations also called Sino-Indian relations,refers to the bilateral relationship between the People's Republic of China and the Republic of India
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4

Rahman, Nida, and Sheena Rehman. "BRICS Diplomacy: India-China Relations." Management and Economics Research Journal 7, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.18639/merj.2021.9900059.

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The US-China Trade war followed by the global pandemic has reincarnated the diplomatic relations between countries. India-China relations have remained on a roller coaster ride with expectations for the unexpected future. India and China share a cooperative geo-political platform of BRICS and much needs to be assessed with India holding the chairmanship in 2021. The article touches upon the BRICS issues from the perspective of India-China relations as well as the expectations from the current regime. An attempt to decipher India’s stand on key issues such as pandemic cooperation, anti-terrorism, multilateral system reform et cetera is encapsulated in the article.
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5

Jha, Prem Shankar. "China–India Relations under Modi." China Report 53, no. 2 (April 21, 2017): 158–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517696630.

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The sweeping changes in the foreign policy of Narendra Modi’s government in India reflect several departures from previous year. Most prominent shift was from non alignment that was designed to steer India clear of involvements that could harm the country by diverting its resources from development and social consolidation into militarisation and war. Another shift is from the policy of equidistance which was not a refusal to get involved but an assertion that India would choose when, where and how to get involved, reflecting the rise of India’s soft power. These shifts have ramifications on bilateral relations of India and China and carry substantial impact on future trends of engagements between the two.
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6

Gancheng, Zhao. "China–Russia–India Trilateral Relations." China Report 45, no. 2 (May 2009): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944550904500203.

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7

Liu, Zongyi. "Boundary Standoff and China-India Relations: A Chinese Scholar’s Perspective." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 06, no. 02 (January 2020): 223–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740020500141.

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The China-Indian boundary and territorial dispute is one of the major issues affecting Sino-Indian bilateral relations. This issue was a legacy of the British colonialists, but unfortunately, it has been fully inherited by the Indian ruling class. Over the past 60 years, China and India have missed three opportunities to resolve this issue. The Indian ruling class wanted to achieve “absolute security” and therefore introduced a “forward policy”, which led to the 1962 conflict. After the war, India occupied almost all of the strategic commanding heights in the border area between the two countries by continuously encroaching on Chinese territory and pushing the Line of Actual Control (LAC) toward the Chinese side. After Prime Minister Modi came to power in 2014, he adopted the Doval Doctrine and “offensive defense” policy in the border area, with a view to continuing the encroachment on Chinese territory and occupying the strategic commanding heights. The aim was to force China to resolve the border issue in accordance with India’s intentions, so that India can then shift its strategic focus to the Indian Ocean. China-U.S. strategic rivalry and Hindu nationalism have fueled India’s behavior in the border region, and the peaceful resolution of the 2017 Donglang/Doklam standoff has emboldened India, making the bloodshed in Galwan Valley an inevitable incident. That India’s Home Minister Amit Shah categorically declared in August 2019 in Parliament that Aksai Chin was part of new Ladakh Union Territory shows that the Indian government has restored its position on the western sector boundary that the Vajpayee Administration had abandoned in 2003. India is using the Galwan conflict as an excuse to pursue its policy of economic de-Sinicization and strategic alliance with the U.S. and other Western countries. In the future, China-Indian border conflict is likely to become commonplace due to India’s expansionism.
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8

Sharma, Vishal, Marina G. Shilina, and Manish Kumar. "Reflection of India-China Relations in Indian Media: Problems and Perspectives." RUDN Journal of Studies in Literature and Journalism 26, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 142–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-9220-2021-26-1-142-148.

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China and India interactions are dominated by strategic and business concerns. Despite the massive growth of bilateral trade between China and India, tensions over territorial and political issues have also grown, particularly in the last years. These effects are mediated and often inflamed by media depictions and perceptions of these tensions. India and China are both aware that peace and cooperation are essential. But it seems some media are more intent on fanning the flames than focusing on the ties that bind the two ancient civilizations. The media can play a constructive role in promoting mutual understanding. This paper deals with different areas of bilateral competition and convergence covered by the media as well as discusses the key differences between the Indian medias coverage of China and the Chinese medias reporting on India of the last years and especially in 2020. The article proposes to discover the problems and perspectives of the Indian media in India-China relations today.
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9

Routray, Bibhu Prasad. "India-Myanmar Relations :." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 1 (October 1, 2011): 299–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i1.22.

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The article is an analysis of India-Myanmar foreign relations which are marked by both paranoia and bonhomie. Myanmar is strategically important for India, especially in achieving its objective of a Look-East Policy. India has to maintain a cordial relationship with Myanmar’s non-democratic military junta to extend its influence in Southeast Asia and due to internal security concerns of its north-eastern states which are under continuous threat from various insurgent groups. This article discusses the pragmatic shift of India’s stand on Myanmar where the growing presence of China in Myanmar and India’s quest for energy are the major drivers. In economic terms, China is a major investor in Myanmar and its military relations with Myanmar are causes for concern in India. The article also discusses concerns raised about India’s Myanmar policy, keeping in view widespread scepticism about its military junta.
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10

Jha, Gaurav Kumar, and Amrita Banerjee. "India–Myanmar Relations." South Asian Survey 19, no. 1 (March 2012): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971523114539583.

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Despite long historical ties, post-colonial relations between India and Myanmar have fluctuated between magnanimity and mistrust. While India often stood for high moral grounds and promotion of democracy, it did so at the cost of losing Myanmar to China. This affected both India and Myanmar adversely: while New Delhi’s economic, energy and security interests were hurt, isolated Yangon became more China-dependent. However, since the early 1990s, domestic developments in Myanmar and post-Cold War structural changes in the world order necessitated conditions for cooperation and mutual gains. It appears that blatant domestic suppression in, and international seclusion of, Myanmar is not desirable. Having witnessed two eras of magnanimity and mistrust, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s visit to Myanmar in 2012 heralds a prospective era of market interdependence while opening Pandora’s box: can India get a better share of Myanmar’s commercial possibilities without compromising its core interests in promoting democracy, development and diaspora protection?
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11

LOU, Chunhao, and Chong WANG. "The Reshaping of China-India Relations." East Asian Policy 14, no. 03 (July 2022): 86–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s179393052200023x.

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China-India relations are becoming increasingly competitive and volatile. The deep-rooted dynamic is the dysfunctioning of the previous interaction framework that had ensured relatively stable bilateral relationship for decades. This paper explores the main obstacles and dynamics of the current China-India relationship, including the border issue, economic relations and the Quad. It also shares some thoughts on what China and India should do to move forward the bilateral relationship.
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12

Bhattacharya, Sumanta, Jayanta Kumar Ray, Shakti Sinha, and Bhavneet Kaur Sachdev. "THE GROWING RELATION BETWEEN CHINA AND PAKISTAN AND ITS INFLUENCE ON INDIA AND ITS CHALLENGES AHEAD." International journal of multidisciplinary advanced scientific research and innovation 1, no. 9 (November 29, 2021): 184–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.53633/ijmasri.2021.1.9.04.

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China and Pakistan diplomatic relation started from 1951 which has grown over the years. China is providing humongous weapons, aircrafts and submarines to Pakistan in spite Pakistan being in debt and now Turkey has also started to provide military weapons to Pakistan, the ultimate aim to is attack India .The string of pearls is a geopolitical strategic to surround Indian peninsular from all sides by creating naval base in its neighbor countries .The economic corridor of China and Pakistan is also a weapon to keep a check on India and amplify Pakistan influence in the Indian Ocean region by providing them powerful submarines. However due to China’s belt and road initiative project which is one of the most financial risk projects has made china lost its appetite to provide money for large infrastructure projects especially in Pakistan, the disagreement between Pakistan and China on CPEC has stopped the work ahead. China is also supporting the Maoist, North- East insurgency and terrorist groups in India by providing those arms and has also attacked India through Cyber warfare. China through the string of pears, CPEC, Belt and Road initiative is trying to encircle India. Keyword: China, Pakistan, India, CPEC, String of pears, military, diplomatic relations, Indian Peninsula, Indian Ocean
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13

Rajagopalan, Rajeswari Pillai, and Arka Biswas. "India–China Relations under Xi Jinping: An Indian Perspective." China: An International Journal 15, no. 1 (2017): 120–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/chn.2017.0007.

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14

Kathet, Gunja. "Mutual Interdependency between China, India and Nepal." Interdisciplinary Journal of Management and Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 32–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijmss.v2i2.42598.

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Due to geographical proximity and historically long multi-faceted linkages between China, India and Nepal their foreign policy with each other is not distinctly independent but is mutually interdependent. This paper argues that Nepal's foreign policy has always prioritized maintaining balanced relation with these two nations for safeguarding its national interests, integrity and independence. While doing so it will also shed light upon how Nepal has age old and deep rooted relations between both China and India whereupon Nepal-China and Nepal-India relations have evolved through different circumstances, stages and periods till date.
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15

Mohanty, Manoranjan. "India-China Relations: A Positive Frame." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 41, no. 1 (January 1985): 17–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848504100103.

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16

Bhattacharya, Abanti. "Sixty Years of India–China Relations." Strategic Analysis 34, no. 5 (August 23, 2010): 678–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2010.501583.

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17

Salahuddin Ahmed, Abu Taher. "India-China relations in the 1990s." Journal of Contemporary Asia 26, no. 1 (January 1996): 100–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472339680000071.

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18

Ghosh, Chandrima. "India-China Relations: Cooperation or Conflict?" Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 13, no. 1 (June 2009): 208–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598409110013.

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19

Harder, Anton. "China-India relations: a petrifying impasse?" Round Table 109, no. 5 (September 2, 2020): 620–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2020.1820209.

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20

Rappai, M. V. "India‐China relations and the nuclearrealpolitik." Strategic Analysis 23, no. 1 (April 1999): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700169908455027.

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21

Fernando, Sithara. "Recent Writings on India-China Relations." China Report 41, no. 2 (June 2005): 173–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944550504100205.

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22

Saran, Shyam. "Changing Dynamics in India–China Relations." China Report 53, no. 2 (May 2017): 259–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517697398.

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23

Baral, J. K., Pramod Panda, and Nilanchal Muni. "The Press and India-China Relations." China Report 25, no. 4 (November 1989): 359–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944558902500403.

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24

Deshingkar, Giri. "India-China Relations: The Nehru Years." China Report 27, no. 2 (May 1991): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944559102700201.

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25

Aryal, Saroj K. "Post-2015 India-Nepal Relations and China Factor in South Asia." Politeja 19, no. 1(76) (May 10, 2022): 285–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.19.2022.76.14.

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The India-Nepal relationship has always been regarded as a distinctive one because of strong cultural, political, and civil ties. The unannounced economic blockade imposed by India in 2015, however, takes the India-Nepal relationship to a cult. The misplayed neighbourhood policy of India after 2015 moved Nepal towards its northern neighbour. Likewise, for India, Nepal is equally very strategic to China as one of the signatories and the core component of the ‘Belt and Road Initiative’. Thus, the Indian-Nepal partnership bitterness and multilevel Chinese participation in Nepal is the same scenario for India’s overall neighbourhood policy misconduct and China’s growth in South Asia. This study examines the major events that occurred in Nepal after 2015, encouraging distancing relationships with India and closeness to China.
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26

Mushtaq, Faiqa. "Prospects for Pak-China Relations." Global Political Review IV, no. IV (December 30, 2019): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(iv-iv).06.

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South Asia is in focus of global geopolitics since the advent of the 21st century. China is an economic giant and outreaching towards West through Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). CPEC (part of BRI) has brought Pakistan in streamline in regional geopolitics. United States (US) is worried about Chinas rise, for its national interests are in danger in Asia so, it perused Pivot to Asia strategy to counter China in Asia while manipulating India. This situation has increased Pakistans importance for China. The article will assess Pak-China cordial relations and answer the following questions. Will Pakistan be helpful to China in addressing the challenges to regional peace? How will Pak-China cooperation counter Indo-US strategic partnership? What are Pak-China mutual efforts to curb terrorism?
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27

Rizwan, Mohd, and Dhiraj Kumar Gupta. "INDIA–CHINA STANDOFF: CHALLENGES and OPPORTUNITIES FOR INDIA." SCHOLARLY RESEARCH JOURNAL FOR INTERDISCIPLINARY STUDIES 9, no. 66 (September 1, 2021): 15319–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21922/srjis.v9i66.6825.

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Though recent May 2020 standoff that continued between India and China in Galwan valley was not taken by the Indian leadership as routine water testing by the Chinese. India took it seriously and very well managed to handle the aggression on its own and halted the China’s backdoor thinking of projecting themselves a superpower at least in Asia. Now it’s going to be a normal routine along the LAC as India is now determined to change the ground strategic infrastructure reality along the LAC. By tackling Chinese on its own, India has bolstered its position in the world’s strategic power pie chart. Further India need to work on many fronts to meet the challenges and convert these sour relations in a Diplomatic, Economic and Strategic opportunities for India. The aim of this paper is to analyze in detail the India’s stand against the PLA's incursion, internal assessment to meet this “going to be routine” challenge on LAC and further considering the India’s population, market size and china’s sour relations with neighbors, it’s time for India to encash the opportunities out of such attempts from China.
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28

Gancheng, Zhao. "China-U.S.-India." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 02, no. 01 (January 2016): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740016500019.

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Triangle relationships usually occur between three parties that are neither friends nor allies. The subtle nature of the triangle, wherein change of one pair of bilateral ties impacts the other two geopolitically, is determined by many factors, among which pursuit for balance of power in the changing landscape of geopolitics is usually the most decisive. In this context, the interactions among China, the U.S. and India in recent years seem to have brought up the birth of a new triangle in international politics. It is the U.S. that pushed for this interactive formula in the first place when India’s role and function as a counterweighing element was perceived. The dynamics have remained unchanged since the U.S. decided to make a nuclear deal with India despite various difficulties. However, China, the subject against which India was seen as a counterweight, is trying to keep itself away from the game in order to diminish the impacts of these interactions. Dealing with the other two nations separately, China continues to work on improving and redefining China-India relations not because of closer U.S.-Indian ties, but rather, because of its perception of India’s status as both its close neighbor and another rising power. This particular situation puts India in a position to play its own balancing game to maximize its self-interests. India’s pursuit for global power status will be promoted by its attempts toward achieving economic growth and military buildup. In both areas, India is likely to obtain more leverage in keeping a balanced approach to handling China and the U.S. In that sense, the geopolitical model between the three is already taking shape, if only perceptually, though it is still far away from substantial operation in real politik terms. Given the different sizes and power statuses of China and India, the U.S. may find it difficult to manage its relations with both nations, and the future of the triangle will thus remain largely uncertain.
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29

Kumar, Pranav. "Sino-Bhutanese Relations." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 243–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600306.

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Historically the interaction between Bhutan and China was through Tibet. The annexation of Tibet by China and the later uprising in Tibet instilled a sense of fear in Bhutan causing it to close its northern border in 1960. However, Bhutan adopted a more open policy in the 1970s gradually increasing the contacts between the two neighbours. Border talks which started in 1984 resulted in an agreement in 1998 on maintaining peace and tranquility along border areas. While China and Bhutan neither have diplomatic relations nor any legal trade, growing Chinese interests in South Asia encompass Bhutan as well. Bhutan, therefore, faces the dilemma of not hurting the interests and sentiments of its traditional friend India while at the same time needing to respond to Chinese overtures and to solve the border problem peacefully and urgently; in the Sino-Bhutanese relationship, the Indian element remains the most important variable. The dynamics of the Sino-Indian relationship and Indian and Chinese strategic interests and activities in the Himalayas will be crucial in shaping Bhutan’s policies towards China.
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30

Kaura, Vinay. "Rising powers or bitter frenemies? India-China relations in the 21st century?" Social Transformations in Chinese Societies 16, no. 2 (October 28, 2020): 111–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/stics-05-2020-0016.

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Purpose The main purpose of paper is to analyse the political, military and strategic significance of China’s rising power and its influence on Sino-Indian relations, while addressing the question as to why India has not been able to develop a long-term, stable and friendly relationship with China. Design/methodology/approach The paper is structured as follows: historical overview of India-China relations; various tools of China’s policy in Indian sub-continent; and India’s response. The paper employs a qualitative analysis of secondary literature, with media reports, official documents and public statements providing important sources for understanding the dynamics underlying bilateral relationship. Findings India needs to be prepared to face challenges as China’s charm offensive in India’s neighbourhood is primarily aimed at establishing a new Asian order in which Beijing would play the leading role. As China institutionalizes its military presence in South Asia and the Indian Ocean, India should adopt an innovative response mechanism, also involving counter-presence in areas considered China’s traditional sphere of influence. Originality/value The primary value of the paper lies in the fact that it covers most of the key dimensions of bilateral ties that impair a stable relationship between India and China. A proper understanding of the dynamics underlying bilateral ties may help the policymakers, scholars and academics to suggest ways to reduce sources of tensions, while also helping the Indian Government to prepare effective countermeasures.
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31

Pulami, Manish Jung. "China-India contemporary relations: Geopolitical challenges to the small states in South Asia." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 1 (November 14, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17419.2.

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Background: The two Asian giants, India and China, have shown unprecedented growth and development in recent decades. The bilateral relationship between them has experienced turbulences, even wars, but their trade and economic relations date centuries back. These characteristics of cooperation and conflict between India and China with aspirations to become major powers globally have tuned up the competitiveness, along with collaborations in some areas, conflicts and contestations in others. This unique relationship with antagonistic cooperation has implications for South Asian states, particularly the small states. Methods: Realising the research gap on a complete view of contemporary India-China relations and its future repercussions in South Asia, the study hypothesises that the contemporary India-China relations not only have consequences but also brings challenges to the small states in South Asia. The paper primarily focuses on present China-India relations and the geopolitical challenges to the South Asian small states. Hence, it is crucial to comprehend ‘What is the nature and pattern of contemporary China-India relations?’ and ‘What are the geopolitical challenges to the small states because of this unforeseen relation?’ The study revisits the historical relationship between India and China examining the trend of collaborations and contestations between them. It also discusses the increasing forays of China in South Asia and the deepening US-India relationship to counter those looming Chinese influences. Results: Notably, the research identifies severe geopolitical challenges for South Asian small states because of those fluctuations in the relationship. The rise of China and deepening India-USA ties have equally added fuel to the geopolitical competition between India and China. Although there is immense competition, the two countries cooperate in the economic domains. Also, the study points out the challenges for the small states evolving due to the major power politics in and near the region.
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32

Ali, Asghar, Nazim Rahim, and Ghulam Hussain Abid Sipra. "AN ANALYSIS OF SINO-INDIAN RELATIONS: MODUS OPERANDI OR MODUS VIVENDI." Global Political Review 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(iii-i).03.

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China and India celebrated their embryonic relations with a documented modus vivendi i.e. “The Panchsheel Agreement”. This concord highlighted five principles of peaceful coexistence between India and China. The Tibet region was the nucleus of this agreement. Nevertheless, after four years of its celebration, eyebrows raised from both sides in 1959 when China started its unification process and India welcomed the Dalai Lama, a separatist leader of the Tibetan region. This caused bitterness between India and China and both the states reversed to their retrospective modus operandi, which later on graduated into a full-fledged war between the two countries in 1962. Despite their limited modus vivendi in the 21st century, both the states tend more towards their intrinsic modus operandi. This analytical study is discussing the Sino-Indian relations through the lenses of Modus vivendi and Modus operandi and its implication for Pakistan.
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33

Bhattacharya, Abanti. "India–China Relations: Putting the Record Straight." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 75, no. 2 (June 2019): 262–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928419841801.

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Tansen Sen, India, China, and the World: A Connected History (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2018). Pp. 541, ₹770 (Paperback), ISBN 0-19-948554-2. Berenice Guyot-Rechard, Shadow States: India, China and the Himalayas, 1910–1962 (Delhi: Cambridge University Press, 2017). Pp. 321, ₹550 (Paperback), ISBN 978-1-108-40131-9. Bertil Lintner, China’s India War: Collision Course on the Roof of the World (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2018). Pp. 320, ₹675 (Hardcover), ISBN 0-19-947555-5.
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34

Philip, Namitha Susan, and Dr Suramya Mathai. "Perceptive traverse through Indio-China relations." YMER Digital 21, no. 03 (March 23, 2022): 332–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.37896/ymer21.03/36.

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The Indo- China relation represents both a threat and an opportunity. The dilemma is how to find a balance between the positives and constraints put forward by China. China’s economic and commercial expansion is making it a crucial country in global trade and financial flows. The opportunities provided by the growing Chinese market cannot be ignored but at the same time, the unfair competitions and conflicts raised are growing day by day. China’s growing military strength is a yet another concern for India. The aggressive maritime claims on Indian Territory also causes great anxiety. This article is a traverse through the Indo- China relations; political and economic and tries to throw light on the pertinent issues between the two nations
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35

Pulami, Manish Jung. "China-India contemporary relations: Geopolitical challenges to the small states in South Asia." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 1 (December 23, 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17419.1.

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Background: The two Asian giants, India and China, have shown unprecedented growth and development in recent decades. As neighbours, the bilateral relationship between the two countries has experienced turbulences, even wars, but their trade and economic relations date centuries back. These characteristics of cooperation and conflict between India and China as they aspire to become major powers globally have tuned up the competitiveness, which has further engaged them with collaborations in some areas, conflicts and contestations in others. This unique relation with antagonistic cooperation has implications for South Asian states, including India and other small states. Methods: Thus, realising the research gap of future repercussions on the region and hypothesising that the contemporary China-India relations not only have consequences on each other but also brings challenges to the small states in South Asia, the paper primarily focuses on current China-India relations and the geopolitical challenges to the South Asian small states. Hence, it is crucial to comprehend ‘What is the nature and pattern of contemporary China-India relations?’ and ‘What are the geopolitical challenges to the small states because of this unforeseen relation?’ The study revisits the historical relationship between India and China to examine the trend of collaborations and contestations between the two. The paper also discusses the increasing forays of China into South Asia and the deepening US-India relationship to counter those looming Chinese influences. Results: Notably, the research identifies the geopolitical challenges for other South Asian small states because of those fluctuations in the relationship and recommends strategies for the small states in South Asia to avert the increasing geopolitical challenges, generalising the challenges for the small states evolving due to the major power politics in different parts of the world.
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36

Kaura, Vinay. "India’s Relations with China from the Doklam Crisis to the Galwan Tragedy." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 76, no. 4 (October 29, 2020): 501–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420961768.

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No other bilateral relationship for India is as complex and challenging as the one with China. The intractable border dispute is at the root of their rivalry. The military stand-off at Doklam in 2017 had poisoned the bilateral relationship until steps were taken to remove mistrust and misunderstanding through two ‘informal’ summits between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping in 2018 and 2019. Nonetheless, the sense of general improvement in Sino-Indian ties generated at Wuhan and Mamallapuram was shattered by China’s aggressive behaviour in June 2020 at the Galwan Valley in Ladakh along the Line of Actual Control (LAC). The article traces key events during the Doklam stand-off and the violent military clashes at Galwan, as well as the steps taken by India to enhance political trust at the highest level. It contends that since there has been no change in China’s policies on a range of issues that are critical for India, it is not possible for India to remain ambivalent on how to deal with China. The article concludes that there seems to be greater recognition of the challenge from China and the need to recalibrate the Indian response.
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Daulet Singh, Z. "Changing Geopolitics and Negotiating Postures in the India-China Border Dispute." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 2 (April 2, 2021): 66–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-2-4.

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The article is based on the author’s most recent book Powershift: India-China Relations in a Multipolar World (2020). It retraces the most salient moments and episodes in the India China border issue ever since the crisis broke out in 1959. What we learn from history is Chinese leaders have often shaped their policy on India as part of a wider geopolitical calculus, typically linked to the degree of pressure Chinese perceive on other geopolitical fronts. For India too, the nature of great powers relations impacts how it formulates China policy. This basic framework has remained relevant until the present day.Over the past decade, as the world order began shifting to a multipolar balance of power, India and China have confronted challenges in their relationship. The relationship is at a crossroad, and both Delhi and Beijing are struggling to find an equilibrium that allows both sides to pursue their interests and visions. Nevertheless, as Asia is returning to what it was for 1,800 years of the last two millennia, and, it is that big picture trend that Indian and Chinese leaders must pay attention to. Ultimately, this means stabilising India China relations
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38

Jacob, Jabin T. "China–Pakistan Relations." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 217–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600304.

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The China–Pakistan relationship has seen several ups and downs in the last decade and especially since 9/11. While Sino-Pakistani ties remain strong, there has been a visible drawdown in Chinese political commitment to Pakistan. Partly, this has been because of Beijing’s concerns about political instability, including terrorism, in Pakistan, and the spread of Islamic radicalism from that country into China. In part, this has also been because China’s global political rise has meant that it is more conscious of its need to adhere to international norms, which includes refraining from nuclear proliferation to Pakistan. In this context, this article argues that one, India is no longer the central concern in the Sino-Pakistani relationship and two, New Delhi’s capacity to play the game-changer in the China–Pakistan relationship has grown over time.
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39

Kumar, Sanjay. "A Brief History of India-China Relations." Research Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 10, no. 2 (2019): 720. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2321-5828.2019.00119.0.

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40

Wu, Mei. "Debating China-India relations on the internet." Global Media and Communication 6, no. 3 (December 2010): 383–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742766510384980.

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41

Raghavan, Srinath. "The Security Dilemma and India–China Relations." Asian Security 15, no. 1 (November 2, 2018): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14799855.2019.1539818.

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42

Gang, Zhou. "Current China—India Relations and Economic Cooperation." China Report 44, no. 1 (February 2008): 41–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944550704400105.

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43

Rana, Kishan S. "Regional Diplomacy and India–China Economic Relations." China Report 44, no. 3 (July 2008): 297–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944550804400305.

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44

Jain, B. M. "India–China relations: issues and emerging trends." Round Table 93, no. 374 (April 2004): 253–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358530410001679602.

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45

Galistcheva, Natalia Valerievna, and Elena Vakhtangovna Nebolsina. "The U.S. and China in India’s Foreign Economic Policy: In Quest of Balance for Maintaining Strategic Autonomy." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 304–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-2-304-324.

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The paper investigates trade and investment relations between India and its two major trading partners, viz. the U.S. and China in the 2000-2010s. On the basis of mixed method research with equal use of quantitative and qualitative, as well as historical and statistical methods, the authors estimate the possibilities for expanding interstate interactions and the difficulties the countries might face. By comparing the scale and particulars of the product structure of Indo-American and Indo-Chinese trade, the authors reveal that intra-industry trade between India and the United States is at a fairly high level, which, in turn, is not typical for the trade between India and China, which is mostly inter-industry due to the sluggish cooperation of Indian and Chinese entrepreneurs. The authors assess the intensity of the Indo-American and Indo-Chinese bilateral trade between 2000-2018 by means of indices of intensity of Indias exports and imports to / from the USA and China, as well as indices of intensity of exports and imports of its partners to / from India. The obtained results outline the upward trend of the share of Indian exports to the U.S. relative to other countries, which indicates that India is successfully conquering the U.S. market, and Indian goods are becoming increasingly competitive. Meanwhile, the volume of Indian-Chinese trade remains on a much lower level than it could be expected with the current share of India in the world trade. In the meantime, neither for the United States nor for China, India is a dominant partner. The article also investigates major obstacles hindering the development of both Indo-American and Indo-Chinese bilateral relations. The obtained results enable the authors to predict that in the short- and mid-term economic cooperation between India and its leading partners is likely to strengthen, with India keeping striving for standing neuter while building the two most crucial vectors of its foreign economic policy.
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46

Munir, Fakhr Ul, SanaUllah, and Anila. "Issues in Sino-Indian Relations: Implications for Competition." Global Political Review IV, no. II (June 30, 2019): 56–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(iv-ii).06.

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India and China are the world's fast mounting economies influencing global politics affecting 2.5 billion of their subjects via their policies. Both states account for one-fifth of the total populace of the globe. Asia's overall progress, peace, prosperity and stability is directly influenced by the relations of these two Asian competitors. It is anticipated that by 2025, these states would be world's economies. However, bilateral disputes and enmity wield greater regional and global implications, which are intensely required to be resolved for the best and prosperous future. One of the most crucial aspects aggravating Sino-Indian relations is the asylum given to Dalai Lama and the status of Tibet. China has been assisting Pakistan economically and technically to build Gwadar Port, supporting Sri Lankan northern Hambantota Port, extending sustenance to Bangladesh's Chittagong Port, and furthering support to the Myanmar Port lying at the coastal region of the Indian Ocean. However, the strained relations for decades between India and China had given little space for healthy trade, increasing from 3 billion $ in 2000 to 20 billion $ in 2010.
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Muhammad Shafique ur Rehman, Tahir Mahmood Azad, and Muhammad Sadiq. "PROSPECTS OF CHINA’S BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE (BRI) ON PAK-INDIA RELATIONS." Asia-Pacific - Annual Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia 39 (January 20, 2022): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4322.

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China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a game changer because it offers comprehensive plans for socio-economic progression and regionalintegration at the global level by providing linkages through land and sea routes. As for South Asia is concerned, it is the least integrated and backwardregion and BRI’s two plans, China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and Bangladesh China India Myanmar Corridor (BCIM) have the potential toupraise the regional economy. The main obstacles on the way to South Asia’s economic progression are the persisting mistrust between India and Pakistanand ongoing Sino-Indian standoff. The CPEC and BCIM will create winwin scenario for China, India and Pakistan that compel them to cooperatewith one another. To realise the association between economic development and stability, the theory of neo-functionalism provides understanding tocomprehend this debate. The connectivity between CPEC and BCIM will be advantageous to India and Pakistan for their economic rise and eradicatingmistrust between them which will lead towards regional peace and stability.
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48

Bhattarai, Gaurav. "Geopolitical Reflections of Sino-Indian Conflict and its Implication on Nepal’s Survival Strategy." Unity Journal 2 (August 11, 2021): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v2i0.38785.

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Border disputes between China and India in June 2020 almost lead South Asian countries to take a side. But, Nepal, situated between India and China, has always expressed a stern belief in neutrality and non-alignment. Even though New Delhi doubted Nepal’s neutrality and non-alignment citing China’s growing footprints in Nepal, Kathmandu reckoned such suspicion as the result of a new map row between two countries connected by open borders. While Nepal’s repeated calls to diplomatically resolve India-Nepal border problems remained unheeded by New Delhi, it provided room for the ruling communist party in Nepal to reap geopolitical benefits out of the Sino-Indian dispute. But, interestingly, such geopolitical benefits are usually targeted in tempering Indian influence in Nepal, by getting closer with China. Apprehending the same, this study aims to assess the geopolitical implication of Sino-Indian conflict on the survival strategy of Nepal. To fulfill the same objectives, the Chinese perception of Nepal-India relations, and Indian perception of Sino-Nepal ties have been critically assessed in this study. This study is methodologically based on the information collected from the secondary sources. In order to critically evaluate the geopolitical expression of Sino-Indian conflict in Nepal, this study reviews India’s perception of Nepal-China relations, and China’s perception of Nepal-India relations. Also, the reports and the press releases of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, historical facts, treaties, government reports and decisions have been studied and analyzed. Media sources are also reviewed to understand the diverse narratives produced on the geopolitical reflection of Sino-Indian conflict. The themes that emerged from the reviews are thematically analyzed and interpreted, to discover that cultivating relations with one country at the expense of the other may be counterproductive to Nepal’s survival strategies.
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Wang, Vincent Wei-cheng. "“Chindia” or Rivalry? Rising China, Rising India, and Contending Perspectives on India-China Relations." Asian Perspective 35, no. 3 (2011): 437–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.2011.0006.

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Dahal, Girdhari. "Foreign Relation of Nepal with China and India." Journal of Political Science 18 (June 29, 2018): 46–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jps.v18i0.20439.

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Nepal is sandwiched between two giant economic and politically powerful nations - China and India. Due to its geographical proximity and historically long multi-faceted linkages to China and India, Nepal's foreign policy with China and India is not distinctly independent but is mutually interdependent. Nepal's foreign policy has always prioritized maintaining balanced relation with these two nations for safeguarding its national interests, integrity and independence. In practice, Nepal has observed friendly and cordial relation with China while the relation with India has been both friendly and hostile. Nepal is firmly committed to 'One China Policy' and had just signed OBOR (One Belt One Road) and respects India's national independence and integrity. China has shown respect to Nepal's sovereignty and has not interfered in Nepal's internal issues while India has been seen trying to influence Nepal's internal politics. The main objective of this paper is to explore the foreign relation of Nepal with, China and India. This paper makes a brief description and analysis of Nepal's foreign policy, political and economic dynamics of these relations, and new developments in Nepal-China and Nepal-India relation based on secondary sources. Election of federal, provincial and local level was held after the declaration of new constitution. Nepal's new priority in foreign relation should be economic prosperity. So, Nepal, China and India must reach a new consensus to re-build strong economic ties for mutual benefit of all.Journal of Political Science, Volume XVIII, 2018, page: 46-61
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