Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'India China relations'
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Jin, Rong. "India and China :competitive co-existance through conflict management and cooperation promotion." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954064.
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Shi, Chen Lu. "India's strategic thinking and policies towards China :a geopolitical analysis." Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335232.
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Que, Wen Jun. "String of pearls, myth or reality? : Sino-Indian interaction in Indian Ocean." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595577.
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Ward, Jonathan D. T. "China-India rivalry and the border war of 1962 : PRC perspectives on the collapse of China-India relations, 1958-62." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ab5688bf-99d3-4ed6-a6e6-dbfcca71c350.
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After Indian Independence in 1947 and the founding of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, China and India began a period of friendship and cooperation, leading to the Bandung Conference in 1955 and the declaration of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence in 1954. Just under a decade later, however, the two new nations were at war in the Himalayas. This thesis examines Chinese views of India as the relationship collapsed between 1958-62, culminating in the China-India Border War of 1962. While much of the current literature argues that the collapse of China-India relations was driven by a territorial dispute in the Himalayas, or by a conflict of interests over the Himalayan region, this thesis aims to widen our understanding of China's view of India during these years, demonstrating that CCP leaders and officials saw India as a comprehensive threat to the PRC, and that India loomed much larger in the early PRC worldview than is generally understood. After examining the periods between 1950-53 and 1954-57, during which the two new nations defined their policies towards one another and began their attempted friendship, this thesis will focus on three core arguments in order to shed light on the years of collapse. First, that the CCP saw India as a threat to the core values of the PRC and to the project of creating a 'New China'. Second, that the CCP saw India as a threat to its international agenda, particularly in Asia and Africa. Third, that the CCP saw India as actively working with both the United States and Soviet Union against the PRC, as the two superpowers competed for influence in India, heightening the threat that India posed. As such, this thesis will argue that CCP leaders and officials viewed India as a comprehensive threat overall, much beyond the border dispute. In doing so, this thesis aims to widen our understanding of China's view of India during these years in which relations rose and fell, and to help to explain India's importance to the early PRC.
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Pal, Deep. "India-China Relationship Since 1988 -- Ensuring Economics trumps Politics." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1586663.
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The Sino-Indian relationship marked by mutual mistrust for the last six decades has seen definitive changes since the late 1980s. Though considerable issues remain unresolved, the two have begun establishing mechanisms to establish a certain level of trust that began with the visit of Indian prime minister Rajiv Gandhi to Beijing in 1988. The paper analyzes recent literature on this relationship and finds them predicting two outcomes primarily - either one where India admits Chinese supremacy and kowtows to it, or one that foresees increased clashes between the two. Neither outcome takes into account the complex association that the two nations are building guided by a series of frameworks, mechanisms and agreements. This paper posits that in the evolutionary arc of interstate relations, Sino-Indian relations have not reached a point where only one of the two options - cooperation and competition, will be chosen. This paper argues that economic interests of the two rising powers is behind the present behavior where the two are courting each other but at the same time, preparing for the other's rise. Both countries consider their economic identity to be primary and do not want to be distracted from the key national goal of economic development. They are particularly careful that their disagreements with each other do not come in the way of this goal. The paper analyzes the various frameworks and suggests that they are created with this end in consideration. Both India and China aim to continue collaboration in economic matters bilaterally or in international issues of mutual interest even when they don't see eye to eye on disputes left over from history. It is likely that competition will at times get the better of cooperation, driven by factors like strategic influence in the neighborhood, finding newer providers of energy as well as markets for their goods and services. But periodic flare-ups notwithstanding, in the absence of serious provocations, the two countries will avoid clashes that can escalate. The paper also analyzes certain black-swan events that might disturb the balancing act. Incidents like the death of the Dalai Lama creating a vacuum within the Tibetan leadership is one such scenario; a terrorist attack on India planned and executed form Pakistan like the one in Mumbai in 2008 is another. However, the presence of multiple bilateral platforms will continue to automatically insulate alternate channels of communication even in these situations. In conclusion, the paper suggests that as they grow, India and China will continue to engage each other at several levels, competing and cooperation, deterring and reassuring each other at once.
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Svensson, Johan. "Sino-Indian Relations:Complex Challenges in a Complex Relationship." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-19198.
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China and India, demographically being the two largest countries in the world, are together accounting for more than a third of the world’s total population. This makes the Sino-Indian relationship critical not only for those living in China and India, but for the whole world. Regardless of a history filled with conflicts and a contemporary competition over regional influence have the two Asian powers managed to increasingly deepen their economic ties. Even though the relationship seems to be moving in a more peaceful direction of mutual understanding and cooperation, it is still a very fragile relationship. The focus of this research lies in the contemporary Sino-Indian relations, which aims to understand the role trade and cooperation have had in moving the attention away from security-related issues on to more positive fields. The empirical observations that will be tested in the case of Sino-Indian relations are the border dispute at Arunachal Pradesh and the political and economic interdependence. Together these will represent the empirical foundation of the research, which will be tested and interpreted by the neo-realist and neo-liberal perspective. The concluding remarks on the research is that trade and cooperation unlikely is the main factor in the Sino-Indian relationship, preventing or reducing attention from being given to security-related issues, but should rather be seen as the foundational source on which a process towards confidence-building measures, institutions, mutual interests and a political goodwill has been established.
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Fang, Tien-Sze. "The asymmetrical threat perceptions in China-India relations after the 1998 nuclear tests." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2070/.
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This thesis draws on evidence from interactions between China and India over the past few years to make an empirical case for the existence and impact of asymmetrical perceptions of threat between the two countries. The major issues of China-India relations, including the nuclear issue, the boundary problem, the Tibet issue, regional competition and cooperation, and China-India relations in the global context, are examined. The first aim of the thesis is to highlight the asymmetry of the threat perceptions between China and India and has explained the interactions of Sino-Indian relations. India tends to be deeply apprehensive of threats from China, while China appears comparatively unconcerned about threats from India. The second contention in this study is that Sino-Indian relations are constrained by the asymmetry between their threat perceptions. The asymmetry in perceptions of threat will result in a dilemma for India. India will try to reduce the sense of insecurity by adopting some countermeasures, such as developing nuclear weapons, allying with other countries, and undermining China's influence. However, India is also very cautious and avoids angering China. On the contrary, China will be in favour of the status quo, and feel no urgent need to sort out the boundary disputes. The Chinese side has ignored the asymmetry and is in no mood to share India's expectations and concerns. Thus, this thesis argues that this asymmetry has made it difficult for China and India to forge shared knowledge and to set a common agenda around which their expectations could converge. India will be on a perennial quest for changes in Sino-Indian relations, such as a final resolution of the border issue and securing more credible nuclear deterrent against China. The asymmetry in threat perceptions is seen as a destabilising factor in China-India relations.
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Guyot-Réchard, Bérénice Claire Dominique. "Decolonisation and state-making on India's north-east frontier, c. 1943-62." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283938.
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Askew, Joseph Benjamin. "The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pha8356.pdf.
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"June 2002" Bibliography: leaves 229-270. This thesis examines the changes in diplomacy of China, the West, Tibet and India from 1911 to 1951, while Tibet functioned as an independent country, and during 1951 to 1959 while under Chinese control. Tibet maintained its own currency, government, armed forces and way of life until 1959. The thesis also examines the cultural shifts in the political, social and military spheres in these countries. It assumes that the general world trend in political life has been towards increasingly intolerant and extreme politics. If Tibet remains part of China with little chance of resuming independence, it is because the Chinese government and people were quicker to adopt radical Western philosophies than the Tibetans were.
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Askew, Joseph. "The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959." Online version, 2002. http://bibpurl.oclc.org/web/25604.
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Kuroki, Maiko. "Nationalism in Japan's contemporary foreign policy : a consideration of the cases of China, North Korea, and India." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/595/.
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Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. The methodology employs discourse analysis on five case studies. It will be explored how the two administrations both used nationalism but in the pursuit of contrasting policies: an uncompromising stance to China and a conciliatory approach toward North Korea under the Koizumi administration, a hard-line attitude against North Korea and the rapprochement with China by Abe, accompanied by a friendship-policy toward India. These case studies show how the nationalism is used in the competition between political leaders by articulating national identity in foreign policy. Whereas this often appears as a kind of assertiveness from outside China, in the domestic context leaders use nationalism to reconstruct Japan’s identity as a ‘peaceful nation’ through foreign policy by highlighting differences from ‘other’s or by achieving historic reconciliation. Such identity constructions are used to legitimize policy choices that are in themselves used to marginalize other policy options and political actors. In this way, nationalism is utilized as a kind of political capital in a domestic power relationship, as can be seen by Abe’s use of foreign policy to set an agenda of ‘departure from the postwar regime’. In a similar way, Koizumi’s unyielding stance against China was used to calm discontents among right-wing traditionalists who were opposed to his reconciliatory approach to Pyongyang. On the other hand, Abe also utilized a hard-line policy to the DPRK to offset his rapprochement with China whilst he sought to prevent the improved relationship from becoming a source of political capital for his rivals. The major insights of this thesis is thus to explain how Japan’s foreign policy is shaped by the attempts of its political leaders to manipulate nationalism so as articulating particular forms of national identity that enable them to achieve legitimacy for their policy agendas, boost domestic credentials and marginalize their political rivals.
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Torney, Diarmuid. "A leader without followers? : European Union relations with China and India on climate change, 1990-2009." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:38fb3450-73dd-46f3-a23c-e51ff0e76cf1.
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The EU has, for a long time, portrayed itself as an international leader on climate change. Previous studies have tended to focus on the characteristics of EU leadership, but have failed to examine the extent to which EU leadership generates “followership”. Going beyond these existing approaches, this dissertation analyzes not just EU attempts at leadership but also the response of two potential followers: China and India. Based on extensive fieldwork, the dissertation explains the pattern of EU engagement and the response to engagement in each case, and makes three key arguments. First, EU engagement was driven by a desire to build the international role of the EU, but also from 2000 onwards in particular by growing normative concern and material interest within the EU regarding combating climate change. The development of engagement was also conditioned by the broader development of EU relations with China and India. Second, EU engagement took the form of institutionalized dialogue and capacity-building projects. These were generally more extensive in the EU-China case; the EU-India relationship was significantly more limited. Both cases were characterized by a lack of EU capacity—particularly the EU-India case—and to some extent by inconsistency and incoherence. Third, the Chinese Government responded through limited normative emulation and limited but growing lesson-drawing through bilateral cooperation in specific sectors. While the Indian Government also responded through limited normative emulation, the principal Indian response was resistance. Moreover, both the Chinese and Indian Governments resisted the EU approach to the international climate change negotiations. This pattern of engagement and significant resistance stemmed partly from the EU’s failure to develop sufficient capacity for effective engagement, but also partly due to significant differences in the way each side has framed the issue of climate change. Based on these findings, the dissertation concludes that while the EU was not entirely a leader without followers, it has acted as a highly restricted leader in its relations with China and India on climate change.
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Stroikos, Dimitrios. "China, India in space and the orbit of international society : power, status, and order on the high frontier." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3491/.
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This thesis is about the space programmes of China and India, and space as international society. Drawing on key concepts of the English School theory, the argument of the thesis is twofold. First, employing international society as the central analytical idea, it suggests that it is possible to conceptualise space not merely as a system, but as an international space society with a distinct international social structure. This argument is developed by highlighting how the nature of space as a distinctive sectoral interstate society is manifested in the ways in which its primary institutions are differentiated from such institutions at the global level (war, sovereignty, law, diplomacy, balance of power, great power management, the market) in a historical and comparative context. This helps to highlight the constitutive impact of these institutions on China and India as emerging space powers. It also puts forward ‘techno-nationalism’ as a primary institution of international space society. Second, the thesis argues that the pursuit of China and India’s space programmes has been informed by a particular understanding of techno-nationalism in a postcolonial context, what I call ‘postcolonial techno-nationalism’, which is centred on the development of space technology as a normative indicator of the state’s power, status, and modernity. The enduring influence of postcolonial techno-nationalism reflects how technological advancement was seen to function as a sort of an informal ‘standard of civilisation’ during the expansion of the European society of states in the nineteenth century. Essentially, this thesis provides a useful range of innovative analytical tools to consider the relationship between technology and International Relations and how order is constructed, maintained, and contested in space. It also offers a new lens though which to consider the complex dynamics that shape China and India as rising space powers.
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Verma, Rajneesh. "The tiger and the dragon : a neoclassical realist perspective of India and China in the oil industry in West Africa." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/794/.
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Can and does neoclassical realism explain the difference in how India and China mobilise oil (a key resource) externally to meet their respective goals and objectives. The thesis illustrates how political economy (political economy as employed in the thesis examines the structure of the economic system, not the foreign policy executive) is incorporated as the intervening variable into neoclassical realism to explain the acquisition of oil blocks by Indian and Chinese oil corporations in West Africa. Consequently, the thesis transcends the existing or prevalent theories of neoclassical realism which either elucidate structural outcomes like polarity or balancing, or deviations from neorealism like under balancing or over balancing. The thesis postulates that the independent or the exogenous variable i.e. the difference in the relative power of India and China elucidates the ability of Chinese oil companies to outbid their Indian competitors and/or be preferred as partners by international oil companies (IOCs) and/or have better quality oil blocks as well as China’s widespread outreach in 11 countries in West Africa compared to India’s presence in two counties namely Nigeria and Gabon. The intervening variable or the difference in the political economy of India and China explicates why China is represented by state owned enterprises (SOEs) in the oil industry in West Africa where as India is represented by SOEs and/or private enterprises. For case study analysis, the thesis uses a pattern-matching logic in 11 countries in West Africa and employs Angola, Nigeria and Gabon for in depth case studies. The thesis examines not only the bids that Chinese and Indian oil corporations place for the oil blocks but tries to explicate the reason why they are able to place those bids. It examines the rate of return on capital/investment, rate of interest on loans and the ease of availability of loans or finance, the difference in the level of technology and ability to acquire technology, project management skills, risk aversion, valuation of the asset and the difference in the economic, political and diplomatic support received by the Chinese and Indian oil companies from their respective governments. It also discusses the reasons why the Chinese national oil companies (NOCs) are preferred as partners by African oil companies and IOCs. Thus, the thesis provides a more comprehensive explanation for the ability of the Chinese oil companies to mobilise oil in the oil industry in West Africa relative to their Indian counterparts, and makes an empirical contribution to the existing literature on India and China in the oil industry in West Africa.
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Li, Hak Yin. "China, India and Russia : cooperation and construction of the Asia-Pacific order in the 21st century." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2007. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/828.
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Salmons, Richard Louis. "The Role of Status in Asia-Pacific International Relations." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144667.
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International Relations widely assumes that states pursue status,
which may provide both emotional and strategic benefits. However,
IR’s existing status literature frequently renders the desire
for status as a constant that cannot explain varying policy
outcomes, and in many cases is overly focused on the connection
between status concerns and war. The importance of status as a
causal factor in IR may be better understood by considering that
if states normally aspire to valued status roles, then threats to
those roles can cause states to change policy settings to protect
them. States with aspirations to the most prized status roles,
notably major power status, should be especially prone to this.
This thesis considers three case studies involving major power
aspirants, where key foreign policy decisions have been widely
attributed to status concerns. As the epicentre of today’s
power transition, the Asia-Pacific region is the focus of the
empirical analysis. The cases all take place during the immediate
post-Cold War period, where the realignment of international
polarity threw into question many established status roles. These
were: Japan’s 1992-93 bid for a permanent seat on the UN
Security Council; China’s 1996 signing of the Comprehensive
Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty; and India’s 1998 Pokhran II nuclear
tests. The project involved interviews with experts with close
knowledge of the cases in each of the three countries, with a
view to assessing leadership self-perceptions regarding national
status at the moments in question.
The thesis outlines a three-phase approach to understanding
status concerns and advances the central argument that the middle
“status crisis” phase acts as the causal driver of policy
change. There is generally a phase of normal status-seeking,
during which a state accumulates prestige to win recognition for
valued status roles; unexpected events may cause a status crisis,
forcing a revaluation of the state’s status position; and the
state embarks on a phase of enhanced prestige-building, narrowing
and intensifying its status ambitions. In short, changed status
perceptions due to a status crisis can cause change to
status-seeking policies, which become more provocative or risky
than before. The case studies highlight examples of
status-seeking involving material power, legitimacy, and
institutional roles.
The thesis makes two contributions to the literature. First, the
argument extends existing theories of status by better
operationalising the concept. It adds to social identity theory
by explaining the circumstances when states may adopt specific
strategies to win status recognition, and it reinforces arguments
that efforts to gain status recognition need not be conflictual
or disruptive to the status quo. Second, the research enriches
our understanding of the historical cases, some of which are
mired in long-running debates about causal factors, and it offers
ways for IR scholarship to account for the role of status in
these episodes. With ongoing power shifts in the Asia-Pacific and
beyond, status will continue to be a key concept in IR and this
thesis provides us with new ways of understanding the
relationship between status concerns and policy change.
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MAXIMO, JESSICA CRISTINA RESENDE. "INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS HISTORIOGRAPH(IES): A POSTCOLONIAL ANALYSIS OF THE HISTORIES AND KNOWLEDGE OF IR AREA IN BRAZIL, CHINA AND INDIA." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2014. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=24141@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
O objetivo central desta dissertação é fazer uma análise discursiva pós-colonial sobre o desenvolvimento e o panorama atual da área de Relações Internacionais no Brasil, na China e na Índia. Procura-se analisar o entrelaçamento destas experiências com a experiência dominante na área (a estadunidense), com o intuito de expor a participação subordinada destes locais (de enunciação) na construção da área globalmente. Para tal, utiliza-se, principalmente, o discurso pós-colonial de Homi Bhabha e autores que interpretam sua obra, como Ilan Kapoor, James Ferguson e Marta Moreno. Através de uma leitura baseada nestes autores, busca-se interpretar a história e os saberes destes locais para além de seu entendimento como cópia inautêntica da experiência estadunidense ou como tentativa frustrada de criação completamente inovadora. Almeja-se, pelo contrário, ressaltar como as histórias e os saberes da área pelo globo são construídos a partir de relacionamentos históricos; os quais, por serem assimétricos, omitem e menosprezam a participação e a contribuição da produção em RI pelo globo. O método de análise discursiva desta dissertação tem como base metodologias de cunho pós-estruturalista e pós-colonial, a saber: a justaposição de narrativas e a ênfase nos conhecimentos subjugados. Esta análise se deu através da revisão de material escrito (artigos de revistas acadêmicas, livros especializados ou coletâneas acadêmicas) que aborda o desenvolvimento e o panorama atual da área de RI de Brasil, China e Índia. Buscase, assim, contribuir com a subversão da Historiografia Tradicional da área de RI através da escavação de outras historiografias e outros saberes que se entrelaçam na construção da área globalmente.
The main goal of this dissertation is to perform a postcolonial discursive analysis on the development and current overview of the area of International Relations in Brazil, China and India. It seeks to analyze the relationship of these experiences with the worldwide dominant experience (that of the U.S.A.), in order to expose the subordinated participation of these (enunciative) places in the construction of the area globally. In order to do so, it is used, mainly, the postcolonial discourse of Homi Bhabha and authors who interpret his work, such as Ilan Kapoor, James Ferguson and Marta Moreno. Through a reading based on these authors, it is sought to interpret the history and the knowledge of these places beyond their understanding as inauthentic copy of the American experience or as a frustrated attempt of a complete innovation. It is aimed, on the contrary, to highlight how the stories and knowledge of the area across the globe are constructed by historical relationships; which, for being asymmetric, omit and despise the participation and contribution of IR production across the globe. The method of discursive analysis of this dissertation is based on poststructuralist and postcolonial methodologies, namely: the juxtaposition of narratives and the emphasis on subjugated knowledge. This analysis has been done by reviewing written material (articles from academic journals, specialized academic books or academic collections) that addresses the development and current situation of the IR area of Brazil, China and India. The aim is, thus, to contribute to the subversion of IR traditional historiography by excavating other historiographies and other knowledge that intertwine in the construction area globally.
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Malaniuk, Bohdan. "Současná podoba čínsko-indických hospodářských vztahů." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-199002.
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This thesis analyzes the current economic relations between China and India in the context of their general bilateral relations. Firstly, focuses on the common historical experience of the two countries in their bilateral relations and tries to identify the basic topics that are shaping them. It also deals with the current state of the economies of China and India. This thesis attempts to characterize current and future economic needs of both countries and their implications for the formation of economic relations. The ultimate goal is capturing the very nature of economic relations, prospects of further development and impact on the general bilateral relations.
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Cheuk, Ka-Kin. "Global fabric bazaar : an Indian trading economy in a Chinese county." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9bab3226-0601-40e1-8342-9bea4919f5e0.
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This thesis is primarily based on ethnographic fieldwork that lasted fifteen months, between 2010 and 2012, in Keqiao, a municipal county in eastern Zhejiang Province, China. Despite its inferior administrative status and rather inland location, Keqiao is China's trading frontier for fabrics, which are the semifinished textiles that are industrially weaved, knitted, dyed, and printed in bulk before being exported. Contributing to the turnover of more than one-third of all fabric produced in China, the county's fabric wholesale market is not only the mainstay of Keqiao's economy. It is also the world's centre for fabric supplies, and where around 10,000 Indians have flocked to start their intermediary trading businesses. The major aim of this thesis is to examine the everyday encounters between Indians and Chinese in the local fabric market. It begins by exploring how Keqiao emerged as the global distribution centre for a wide variety of cheap fabrics. It also shows how Keqiao becomes characterized by the growing importance of low-end fabric sales and the influx of Indian traders, who specialize in exporting these fabrics. The thesis then describes the encounters between Indians and local Chinese in the fabric market, addressing the challenges and difficulties that these Indians, especially the newcomers, confront when dealing with the Chinese suppliers. Focusing on novice traders, the thesis turns to investigate the internal dynamics of Indian trading companies. Remarkably, novice Indian traders successfully learn several strategies to counteract their precarious position in the workplace. These strategies leverage the accumulation of work experience and expanding social networks. These insights bring the thesis to chapters that highlight other strategies, particularly those created from encounters between Indian traders and Chinese clerks, as well as those between Indian traders and Chinese salespersons. Taken together, this thesis illustrates how transnational and local actors team up to create their own, locally based, intermediary economy within a small Chinese county, and how such a collaborative economy, which I term a 'global fabric bazaar', sustains these actors. Without this collaborative economy, these players would otherwise be vulnerable within the fabric wholesale industry because this supply chain is increasingly polarized and weakened by today's global capitalism.
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Lu, Yang [Verfasser], and Subrata K. [Akademischer Betreuer] Mitra. "Dynamics of National Interest and National Identity: A Constructivist Approach to the India-China Relations (2003-2012) / Yang Lu ; Betreuer: Subrata K. Mitra." Heidelberg : Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1179925122/34.
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Mička, Dalibor. "Historicko-politické faktory ovlivňující vztahy mezi Indií a Čínou." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-114236.
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The objective of this thesis is to provide the reader with an overview of the most important factors that have influenced the development of the India-China relations. The oldest period of mutual interaction is treated, as well as the most important Sino-Indian disputes and their impact on mutual relations. Attention is also drawn to the contemporary development in the Sino-Indian relations, marked by both lingering problems and attempts at cooperation.
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Sønnesyn, Jonas Solstad. ""BRICS and a New World Order" : Why Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa do not (yet) constitute a new power bloc in international relations." Thesis, Norges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige universitet, Institutt for sosiologi og statsvitenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-26972.
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Chand, Bibek. "Buffer States in Sub-Systemic Rivalries: Analyzing Nepal's Role in Sino-Indian Security Dynamics." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3779.
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This dissertation analyzes the relevance and importance of small buffer states for contemporary International Relations. It argues that sub-systemic interactions reinvigorate the role of buffer states in regional security. Using the case study of the triadic relationship among India, Nepal, and China, this study explains the evolving role of buffer states. The technological innovations in weapons systems, transportation, and communication have extended the reach of potential adversaries, rendering intermediate territorial space less significant than in the past. Thus, it is hypothesized in this dissertation that increased sub-systemic rivalry reinvigorates differently the relevance and significance of buffer states. The role of such states has evolved from an overwhelmingly geographic concept based on spatial discontinuity between larger rival powers to that of a fluid political space in which Great/Middle Power rivalry and competition play out.
The research utilizes a mixed research design, specifically called the convergent parallel design. Data was collected based on specific critical junctures between 1990-2017. For quantitative analysis, data on trade, foreign direct investment, and foreign aid were collected; for the qualitative data analysis, foreign policy statements, press releases, and media briefs were used. Incorporating the Kruskal-Wallis Test and content analysis, both the results of the qualitative and quantitative analyses were collectively interpreted. Results demonstrate that during critical historical junctures, material and rhetorical engagements of both China and India invigorate within the buffer state of Nepal. In periods that India increases its material and rhetorical engagements, China concomitantly decreases its material engagement all the while increasing its rhetorical engagement. In essence, buffer states maintain relevance through the externalization of interactions between larger powers in the form of dynamic rhetorical and material engagements. In this case, Nepal maintains its relevance as a dynamic political space for interactions between its neighbors, India and China.
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Messaris, Byron. "The political economy of Indian and Chinese foreign direct investment and multinationals in sub-saharan Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20117.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Africa’s rising international profile and geopolitical significance as well as the continent’s relatively ‘under-exploited markets’ have been pull factors for many emerging economies. Globally, the developing and emerging economies of the world for the first time captured more than half of all global FDI in 2011. Changes in the global investment regime are a clear indication of the changing dynamics in the global economy. Since India and China’s FDI liberalisation processes began to gather steam in the 1990s, they have been amongst the most aggressive of the emerging economy investors. This study appraises the role of the government in facilitating investment by Indian and Chinese firms abroad, specifically Sub-Saharan Africa. The study analyses the motivations for such outward foreign direct invest flows, the sectoral trends, and the entry mode differences of Indian and Chinese firms’ investments in Sub-Saharan African markets. Yet, there is a lack of studies that focus on both Indian and Chinese investments in Sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing from theoretical constructs from political economy, International business /economics and International Political Economy - a framework is provided to assess the influence of these investments. The methodology is interpretive and qualitative and draws largely on secondary material from international organisations, government agencies, academic literature and the media. The study finds that the role of New Delhi and Beijing in facilitating and financing outward investments is strategic and pragmatic. These policies greatly influence firms, and the locations and types of their investments. South-South cooperation provides India and China with a framework for long-term political and economic investments and development cooperation with African states. India and China’s engagements in Sub-Saharan Africa share similar and dissimilar forms and motivations for FDI. Markets and resources are primary motivations for these two countries’ firms to invest in the region. India and China’s growing commercial activities in Sub-Saharan Africa provide the region with opportunities for further international market integration and development.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Afrika se ontluikende internasionale profiel en geopolitieke belang tesame met die vasteland se relatief ‘onderbenutte’ markte is ’n trekfaktor vir baie ontluikende ekonomieë. Terwyl vloeie uit buitelandse direkte investering (BDI) na Afrika, wat ’n hoogtepunt in 2008 bereik het, in 2010 steeds afgeneem het, was die ontwikkelende en ontluikende ekonomieë van die wêreld vir die eerste keer in besit van meer as die helfte van alle wêreldwye BDI in 2011. Veranderings in die internasionale beleggingsregime is ’n duidelike aanduiding van die veranderende dinamika in die wêreldekonomie. Sedert Indië en China se liberaliseringsprosesse met betrekking tot BDI in die 1990’s begin ontwikkel het, is hulle van die aggressiefste beleggers onder opkomende ekonomieë. Die gebrek aan streekstudies wat op Indiese en Chinese beleggings fokus, verg egter verdere aandag. Die doel van die studie is om die rol van die regering in die fasilitering van Indiese en Chinese maatskappye om in die buiteland te belê te ontleed. Die fokus val veral op Afrika suid van die Sahara, en op die motiverings vir hierdie BDI-vloeie, die sektortendense en wyse van toetreding van Indiese en Chinese maatskappye se beleggings in Afrikamarkte. Bestande uit teortiese konstakke uit internasionale sakestudie, internasionale politieke ekonomie en politieke ekonomie, word ‘n raamwerk waarin die invloed van hierdie beleggings op wat assesseer word is interpritiet en kwalitatiet en stan op sekondêre materiaal en data van regeringsagentskappe, akademiese literatuur en die media. Die gebruik van ’n veelsoortige teoretiese raamwerk wat ekonomiese en politieke beleggingsverskynsels uitbeeld, illustreer die versoenbaarheid van politiek, ekonomie en sakegebaseerde akademiese gebiede en die moontlikheid om grondliggende uitkomste uitkomste vir navorsing oor beleggingstendense en -strategieë in ontluikende ekonomieë te bied. Die studie bevind dat die rol van New Delhi en Beijing in die fasilitering en finansiering van buitelandse beleggings strategiese en pragmaties is, en dat beleide maatskappye grootliks beïnvloed ten opsigte van waar hulle belê en watter soort beleggings hulle maak. Verder, verskaf Suid–Suid-samewerking, ‘n raamwerk vir verbintenis langtermyn- politieke en ekonomiese beleggings en ontwikkelingsamewerking met Afrikastate. Indië en China se betrokkenheid in Afrika toon ooreenstemmende en verskillende vorme en motiverings vir BDI, en markte en hulpbronne is primêre motiverings vir hierdie twee lande se maatskappye in die streek te belê.
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Willén, Jenny. "International trade with waste : do developed countries use the third world as a garbage-can or can it be a possible win-win situation? /." Uppsala : Uppsala University. Department of Economics, 2008. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:132259/FULLTEXT01.
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Arnoldová, Barbora. "Role BRICS v koncepcích a realitě vnějších vztahů EU." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-199931.
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The topic of this diploma thesis is the role of BRICS in the conceptions and reality of the external relations of the EU. The goal of this diploma thesis is to analyse the mutual relations of the EU and BRICS, based on a comparison of the workings and factual bases of their relations and to deduce possibilities for further progress in their cooperation. The EU develops relations with BRICS countries mostly on a bilateral level. Since the announcement of their strategic partnerships, cooperation between them has grown rapidly. Because bilateral agreements don't reflect actual needs anymore, there are ongoing negotiations about their new form which should enable further deepening of their cooperation. The first chapter describes the position of BRICS countries in the external relations of the EU, the development of the legal-institutional framework of relations between the EU and individual countries and the objectives for further deepening of cooperation. The second chapter analyses trade, flows of foreign direct investments and other areas influencing the mutual relations between these entities. The third chapter offers possibilities for further development of cooperation between the EU and BRICS countries.
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Tooch, David. "The Diffusion of Knowledge in Foreign Policy: The Case of Israel’s Technology Transfers as Tools of Diplomacy." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3178.
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Since its inception, Israel has wrestled with attempts by adversaries to keep her politically isolated in the international arena. To garner more friends and expand diplomatic reach, Israeli leaders initiated a strategy of sharing specialized knowledge with other nations. The technologies and knowledge shared were based on the experience gained from Israel’s distinctive security and developmental struggles. The transfer of technology developed into a foreign policy instrument in Israel’s overall international relations. Technical cooperation became part of a broader foreign relations drive that sought to deliver greater diplomatic recognition for Israel. This strategy, which continues to present times, was born mostly out of two major necessities for the young struggling state. The first, to boost Israel’s political stature in international forums. The second, to counterbalance efforts by Israel’s rivals to keep the Jewish State isolated in the Middle East and the rest of the world. In the early years of the initiative, the technology transfers were mostly confined in fields related to agriculture and the military. In more recent years, the rise of Israel’s hi-tech industry has attracted worldwide attention creating new opportunities for Israeli foreign policymakers to widen the scope of technologies to be offered as part of international partnerships. The dissertation examines the interplay of technology/knowledge transfers as a source of soft power for Israel in efforts to advance relationships even with seemingly unlikely partner nations. It explores the usefulness of know-how sharing in the making, growing and maintaining Israel’s relationships with two influential Asian countries. The study considers the multiple factors including the convergence of interests as drivers of Israel’s ties to India and China in both secretive and open relationships. Over the span of five decades, the Jewish State’s international cooperation efforts have grown in scope of expertise in areas like agriculture, defense, anti-terrorist training, and disaster relief. The study explores the weight of Israel’s technology transfers as tools of diplomacy in terms of propping up trade ties, gaining more favorable policies towards Israel in the context of the conflict with Palestinians and boosting bilateral exchanges in the form of official visits and treaties.
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Dina, Lagnona. "La relation franco-malgache face aux nouveaux enjeux géopolitiques dans le sud-ouest de l'océan indien. La relation d'une présidence à un État (1990-2009)." Thesis, Lyon, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020LYSE3012.
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Le sud-ouest de l’océan Indien se présente comme une des zones d’influences traditionnelles françaises. Le maintien du leadership régional français passe par l’établissement de relations stables et amicales avec les États francophones riverains. L’ambition de la France est, de demeurer le principal partenaire de tous les États insulaires de l’océan Indien occidental. Considérée comme la porte de l’océan Indien, Madagascar figure parmi ces derniers. L’instabilité politique malgache fragilise la relation franco-malgache. Opérant des calculs coûts/avantages qui répondent aux impératifs nationaux, les officiels malgaches réorientent la politique étrangère à chaque nouvelle présidence .A ce titre, l’instabilité est l’une des spécificités de la relation franco-malgache. Remettant en cause la pérennisation de l’influence française à Madagascar, elle peut par conséquent, irradier la zone dite du « lac francophone ». Pour l’Etat français, il est impératif de maintenir Madagascar sous influence française. Cette ambition française répond aux objectifs en matière de politique étrangère post-bipolaire : à savoir la pérennisation de la puissance (moyenne) française dans certaines régions dans un monde oligopolaire. Endiguer, l’influence des nouvelles puissances telles que la Chine ou l’Afrique du sud à Madagascar et dans la région est impossible. Il s’agit pour la France de consolider les relations établies en vue de maintenir le statu quo post-guerre froideThe south western region of the Indian Ocean appears as one of the traditional French influence zones. Upholding the leadership of France in the area requires a solid and amicable relationship with the countries bordering the Indian Ocean. France’s goal is to remain the first main partner of all the French speaking countries in the area. Often described as “the gate to the Indian Ocean”, Madagascar is one of them. The Malagasy political instability jeopardizes the island’s relationship with France. With national imperatives in mind, Malagasy government officials try for a shift in foreign policy with each new presidency. In this regard, instability is one of the main features of French- Malagasy relationship. Putting at risk the perpetuation of the French influence in Madagascar, its consequences can spread all over the “French speaking Lake”. For France, keeping Madagascar under French influence is critical as it meets with France’s post-cold war foreign policy’s objectives such as: the perpetuation of French power (average) over several regions in an oligopolar world. Preventing the influence of other powers like China or South Africa in Madagascar is impossible. Therefore, for France, the challenge consists of strengthening existing relationships for the purpose of upholding post-cold-war status quo
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Monnet, Rodolphe. "La politique extérieure de l'Inde en Afrique." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCB025.
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Depuis 2001 et la recomposition des équilibres de puissance, l'Inde s'affirme comme l'un des acteurs qui compte dans un espace international de plus en plus multipolaire. Les mouvements de fond actuels provoquent une redistribution de cette puissance imposant de nouvelles alliances et de nouveaux jeux de pouvoirs. L'Inde n'est pas étrangère à cette tendance et encore plus depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir, en 2014, de l'actuel Premier ministre, Narendra Modi. Ce dernier conduit une politique extérieure ambitieuse pour que son pays accède à un statut de puissance mondiale. C'est dans ce cadre que se pose notre problématique qui est de savoir dans quelle mesure la place de l'Afrique dans la politique étrangère indienne permet-elle justement à l'Inde de parvenir à se hisser à ce statut de puissance. Pour y répondre, cette thèse investigue trois directions. D'abord, la place de l'océan Indien dans la relation indo-africaine doit rendre compte du rôle de l'Afrique dans la volonté indienne de faire de cet océan un espace pacifique et sécurisé sur lequel l'Inde puisse être un acteur incontournable face à des acteurs politiques puissants et hétérogènes. Ensuite, cette thèse s'attache à déterminer le rôle que l'Afrique joue dans la volonté de l'Inde d'être une puissance ayant une capacité d'influence politique sur la scène internationale au travers des instances internationales, de ses relations bilatérales avec les États africains et de la diaspora indienne installée dans ces pays. Enfin, cette recherche de statut passe par le champ économique et la nécessaire évaluation de l'empreinte économique que l'Inde souhaite imprimer en Afrique pour mieux asseoir ses capacités d'influence. Cette étude doit permettre de donner un éclairage sur la politique extérieure indienne à l'heure où les États-Unis réévaluent leur implication dans l'océan Indien, où la Chine met en place la « One Belt, One Road » et où l'Inde et le Japon viennent de s'unir pour proposer un nouveau partenariat à l'AfriqueSince 2001 and the reshuffling of the balance of power, India has become one of the influential actors in an increasingly multipolar international context. The current groundswells are reshuffling powers between Nations in shaping new alliances and new power games. India is, more than ever, involved in this trend since the current Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, came to power in 2014. He conducts an ambitious foreign policy as a means to make his country a global and respected power. The context of the issue detailed in this document is: to what extent does Africa's place in India's foreign policy enables India to reach this status of power? This thesis investigates the following three themes: Firstly, the Indian Ocean's place in the Indo-African relationship should reflect Africa's role in India's will to make the Indian Ocean region a peaceful and secured space in which India is a decisive player in front of powerful and heterogeneous political actors. Secondly, this thesis focuses on assessing Africa's role in India's initiatives to be an influential player on politics on the international agenda through international bodies, its bilateral relations with African states and the Indian diaspora settled down in these countries. Thirdly, India's search for that particular status goes through the economic area and the assessment of India's economic footprint in Africa to better establish its influence on that Continent. This study tries to shed the light on India's foreign policy while the United States are reassessing their involvement in the Indian Ocean, and while China is setting up its "One Belt, One Road" and India and Japan have just come together to propose a new partnership to Africa
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Gomis, François. "Les nouveaux défis et enjeux de la politique étrangère de la France en Afrique francophone subsaharienne." Thesis, Paris 5, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA05D020.
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Des années 1960 jusqu’à la fin de la guerre froide, voire au-delà, l’influence voire la prépondérance de la France sur les territoires francophones d’Afrique noire est presque totale. Cependant, en ce XXIème siècle naissant, la compétition mondiale dans la recherche de nouveaux débouchés et de la sécurisation de l’approvisionnement énergétique amène inexorablement les grandes puissances à entrer en ‘‘conflit d’intérêts’’ par la pénétration réciproque des « arrière-cours ». Ceci est particulièrement vrai pour la France qui voit des pays tels que les Etats-Unis, la Chine, l’Inde, le Brésil, la Turquie, les pays du Golfe, etc., faire une entrée fracassante dans une région géographique qu’elle considère depuis longtemps comme sa « chasse gardée » compte tenu des liens historique, linguistique et politique. Ces nouveaux défis et enjeux pour la politique africaine de la France se mesurent désormais, à l’aune des transformations à l’œuvre sur la scène internationale avec la mondialisation et l’émergence de nouvelles puissances du Sud. Les défis et les enjeux sont importants pour l’action extérieure de la France et sa place dans le monde, compte tenu de la concurrence féroce des nouveaux acteurs et des changements des sociétés africaines en cours. Néanmoins elle possède encore des atouts économiques, diplomatiques et stratégiques susceptibles de lui permettre d’élaborer, grâce à l’espace culturel francophone, un projet original, ambitieux et porteur d’espoir. Pour ce faire, il faudra répondre aux deux interrogations suivantes : Comment réformer cette politique traditionnelle basée sur des relations étroites et privilégiées avec les dirigeants africains sans toutefois compromettre les avantages comparatifs de la France sur place? Quelle stratégie politique mettre en œuvre pour identifier les véritables intérêts communs des Français et des Africains francophones, en tenant compte des opportunités et des menaces, et les développer dans un partenariat mutuellement bénéfique ?From 1960s to the end of the cold war, even beyond, the influence even the supremacy of France in the French-speaking territories in Sub-Saharan Africa is almost total. However, in this 21st century, the world competition in the research of new markets and the security of the energy supply leads inexorably the great powers to enter in “conflict of interests” by the mutual penetration of the “back-yards”. This is particularly true for France which has countries such as the United States, China, India, Brazil, Turkey, the Gulf Arab States, etc., to make a dramatic entrance in a geographical area where she judged it for a long time as her “exclusive domain” considering the historical, linguistic and political links. These new challenges and issues for the African policy of France are measured from now on, in the light of the transformations at work in the world with the globalization and the emergence of new powers of the South. The challenges and the issues are important for the external action of France and its place in the World, considering the fierce competition between new stakeholders and the ongoing African society changes. Nevertheless it still has economic, diplomatic and strategic assets which enable him to elaborate, thanks to the francophone cultural center, an original project, ambitious and promising. With this aim in mind, it will be necessary to answer to the two following questions: How to reform this traditional policy based on close and privileged relationships with African leaders without compromising, however, the comparative advantages of France on the spot? Which political strategy has to be implemented in order to identify the real common interests of the French and the French-speaking Africans, by taking into account the opportunities and threats, and to develop them in a mutually beneficial partnership?
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Liao, Chien-Shing, and 廖建興. "Research on China-India Relations after Cold War." Thesis, 2009. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/36506243421089038658.
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碩士淡江大學
國際事務與戰略研究所碩士在職專班
97
China and India were once the leaders of the “Non-Allied Countries” until the border conflict, which took place in 1962, changed the relationship between two countries. However, due to the necessity of developing national power post Cold War, both China and India had continuously exploit the opportunities to improve the relationship between two countries by high official visits to each other, reclaim the “Panchshell” and a peaceful resolution of the border issue. India took the initiative by recognizing Tibet Autonomous Region is part of China’s territory. China on the other hand, recognized Sikkim belongs to India. Both countries gradually built a cooperative relationship focus on economy, culture and technology exchange. The Bi-Polar sovereignty vanished with corruption of Soviet Union. The Multi-Polar region hegemony rose with the common diplomatic concern: striving for the dominance in South Asia and block other side to become regional hegemony. On one hand, these two countries tried to maintain harmonic relationship through diplomatic interaction, economic and military cooperation. On the other hand, they are fighting over issues concerning Indian Ocean, Pakistan and energy resource. The cooperation and competition between these two countries had various impacts on other countries like United States, Russia and Japan. The intent of the research is to increase the readers’ understanding of how relationship between China and India might affect the security of Asia-Pacific region. By implementing analysis of archives and studies of geopolitics and history, conclusion can be drawn to indicate the possible interactive pattern and relations of these two countries.
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Chen, Hong-Han, and 陳竑翰. "The Influence of India’s Nuclear Strategy on India-China and India-Pakistan Relations." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/52u2gd.
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碩士國立中正大學
戰略暨國際事務研究所
103
Abstract India has officially become a nuclear states, working on its nuclear strategy since the successful nuclear test in 1998. There are two main factors that India wanted to develop its nuclear power. One of them is the unstable international situation while the other one is that India is desperately pursuing a higher position among countries. With nuclear power, India is considered one of the most powerful countries in the world, being able to determine major national affairs in Asia. Confronting its completely different opponents such as China and Pakistan, India has to decide whether to expand its nuclear power to gain advantage or remain minimum nuclear power to ensure its own safety. The main purposes of this essay are to evaluate India’s nuclear strategy by analyzing different periods of international and its own national situation, discuss the relationships among India, China, and Pakistan in order to disclose the influence and the consequences of nuclear power development in India.
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Chung, Yu-Chen, and 鍾語宸. "Picturing China-India Relations: An Analysis of India''s Printing Media Contents." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/zgrz79.
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碩士國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
101
Since the establishment of diplomatic relations from 1950, China-India relations went through the “Hindi-Chini Bhai Bhai” period, which turn to the border war in 1962 due to the border dispute left over from British colonial period. After the war, notwithstanding China retreated the army back behind the Line of Actual Control, India still thought China’s behavior as a “betrayal”. Although the border dispute still exists, the two countries reestablished diplomatic relations in 1976 and their relations went ups and downs in the following years. Realism argues that the interaction between countries is based on material interests and Constrctivism argues that interest and countries relations should be constructed by mutual perceptions and interactions. The research aims to probe into that in terms of China-India Relations, which theory can better explained how India sees China and the reason behind the way they constructed China’s image. The research uses the quantitative method “Contents Analysis” to study the two most circulated printing media in India, Times of India and The Hindu, to see if the so called “China Threat Theory” really exists in the public opinion in India. The research focuses on three important issues between China and India; they are “border dispute,” “Tibet Independence” and “Indian Ocean issue.” The research tried to find out if there are any different attitudes toward China among various news sources. Furthermore, it also observe China’s image in different issues in the media. The research finds out that the attitude tendency is correlated to the immediate importance to India. Media possess different views toward China in different issues. Different news sources even in the same government can possess different attitudes toward China. Both Realism and Constructivism can explain part of the how China’s image is constructed in India’s Media but not the whole picture.
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Merrington, Louise Michelle. "Beyond the protracted contest : redefining the Sino-Indian relationship." Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150830.
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Situated within the framework of power transition theory - which traditionally examines the relationship between a dominant power and the rising powers beneath it, but which often fails to take into account how the relationships between these rising powers also affect the international system this thesis presents a new conception of the Sino-Indian relationship, moving away from traditional ideas of rivalry as the sole driver of the relationship.
From the time a long-running colonial border dispute flared into the 1962 Sino-Indian War, rivalry - political, economic and military - has been the main prism through which the China-India relationship has been viewed. This type of analysis was most clearly articulated by John W. Garver in his 2001 book Protracted Contest: Sino-Indian Rivalry in the Twentieth Century. In the ten years since Garver's book was published, however, both China and India have built on the successes of their reform and opening policies to become more prominent players in international politics and economics, and this has in tum affected their bilateral relationship. Although the Sino-Indian relationship remains significantly asymmetrical, with China currently exhibiting far more power and influence than India, how the two countries relate to each other is beginning to have an interesting effect on the international system. Rivalry undoubtedly remains one of the driving forces in the relationship, particularly in regard to military and strategic issues such as naval activities in the Indian Ocean or nuclear weapons proliferation, but selective cooperation between the two countries, such as at the 2008 World Trade Organisation Doha Trade Round of trade talks or the 2009 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change summit in Copenhagen, is beginning to shape how global governance organisations conduct themselves. This will become even more apparent if and when India succeeds in its bid for permanent membership of the UN Security Council. It is therefore time to re-evaluate the framework in which the Sino-Indian relationship is viewed, taking into account these new complexities and moving away from the traditional characterisation of pure rivalry.
Based in large part on seven months of fieldwork interviews with diplomats, analysts, academics and journalists from both countries, as well as some archival material and an extensive survey of literature, this research provides a broad overview of the contemporary Sino-Indian relationship in several spheres. These include local military rivalry (and occasional conflict) over the disputed border and within the greater context of China-India-Pakistan-US relations in South Asia; some economic and political rivalry for influence and energy resources in Central Asia and among the ASEAN nations, particularly Burma; and increasing cooperation in certain global governance organisations such as the WTO and the UN Climate Change Summit. In doing so, it aims to move away from the traditional construction of rivalry as the dominant driving force in the relationship, and paint a more complex picture of SinoIndian interactions and the way the relationship has evolved since the 1962 border war.
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Askew, Joseph Benjamin. "The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959 / Joseph Askew." Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/21830.
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"June 2002"Bibliography: leaves 229-270.
ix, 270 leaves ; 30 cm.
This thesis examines the changes in diplomacy of China, the West, Tibet and India from 1911 to 1951, while Tibet functioned as an independent country, and during 1951 to 1959 while under Chinese control. Tibet maintained its own currency, government, armed forces and way of life until 1959. The thesis also examines the cultural shifts in the political, social and military spheres in these countries. It assumes that the general world trend in political life has been towards increasingly intolerant and extreme politics. If Tibet remains part of China with little chance of resuming independence, it is because the Chinese government and people were quicker to adopt radical Western philosophies than the Tibetans were.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of History, 2002
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Voronkova, Anna. "BRICS Organization: Comparison of the Countries' Economies and Geopolitical Influence. Potential Development." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-336415.
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Master thesis "BRICS Organization: Comparison of the Countries' Economies and Geopolitical Influence. Potential Development" describes the cooperation of Brazil, Russia, India, Russia and South Africa within BRICS international group. The countries show remarkable economic growth rates over the past years. This group of countries is believed to undergo the process of structural transformations and reach the level of world leading economies in a short time. This Master thesis evaluates BRICS countries from the perspective of political cooperation within the framework of the organization, assesses current economic and social performance of the member countries. The aim of this research is to indicate the main reasons for BRICS countries to unify into this international organization and to suggest the potential development of BRICS group. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)
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Blažek, Zdeněk. "Čína, Indie a potenciál ozbrojeného konfliktu v jihovýchodní Asii." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-327494.
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Master's thesis China, India and the armed conflict potential in South East Asia is concerned with the current relations of mentioned countries and is trying to figure out, if an outburst of a military conflict between them could occur or whether they will rather cooperate. The thesis is based on the notion that these two world giants in the terms of number of inhabitants, area and even a GDP volume have an unresolved border dispute, ever since the India reached independence. Their mutual border has never been officially demarcated. The small skirmishes between the border patrols of both states are uncountable. In addition, in 1962 they waged a war against each other, which China won in very decisive manner. Both states have been disputing which side caused this conflict till today. Rising economic power of both states currently, together with supposed arming, development of military rocket and submarine technology capable to carry nuclear warheads and establishment of naval bases by China in the proximity of India could create a really effervescent atmosphere in the area. The thesis is divided into six chapters. First chapter introduces the topic. Second chapter establishes the theoretic framework, which is underpinning the research. The other chapters are empirical. The main areas of the analysis...
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Morneau, Louis-Philippe. "Ambitions stratégiques indiennes et dérives perceptuelles : la rivalité sino-indienne contemporaine." Thèse, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/9960.
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Ce mémoire vise la compréhension du mécanisme des choix stratégiques de l’Inde en fonction de la menace perçue de la Chine. Selon une logique réaliste néoclassique, l’étude de l’effet des contraintes systémiques et domestiques présente un paradoxe dans les volontés stratégiques indiennes. L’Inde est soumise à la pression systémique de la montée de la Chine dans un monde post-Guerre froide qui la verrouille dans sa position traditionnellement défensive, alors que sa volonté de projection de la puissance guidée par sa perception, ses idées et sa culture stratégique la porte à adopter une position plus offensive.
L’Inde perçoit la menace chinoise de manière dissonante avec l’orientation stratégique chinoi-se. Elle se concentre ainsi sur des signaux et des indices particuliers afin de justifier cette me-nace perçue. C’est pourquoi l’ambiguïté du langage diplomatique de la Chine envers l’Arunachal Pradesh et de sa présence dans l’océan Indien engendre un accroissement de la menace chinoise et une réponse plus agressive conséquemment. La réponse stratégique in-dienne doit s’adapter aux changements de la puissance relative de la Chine. N’ayant pas les capacités relatives suffisantes, l’Inde choisit une stratégie située entre une émulation dans une logique de poursuite aux armements afin de maintenir la parité technologique et un engage-ment afin de désamorcer la rivalité et éviter une réaction chinoise pré-emptive. La culture stratégique de l’Inde traditionnellement défensive se transforme vers une position offensive sous l’effet du nation building du nationalisme hindou. Les préférences stratégiques indiennes agressives s’illustrent principalement dans le choc multidirectionnel des sphères d’influence sino-indiennes en Asie.This thesis seeks to understand the process of India strategic choice based on the perceived threat of China. According to a neoclassical realism framework, the study of the effect of sys-temic and domestic constraints shows a paradox in India strategic intentions. India is lock in a defensive posture by the systemic pressure of China rise in a post-Cold War era, although its desire to project his power lead by its perception, ideas, and strategic culture shows a progres-sive shift for an offensive posture. India perceives China threat in dissonance with the strategic aims of China. It is focusing on specific signals and indices in order to justify the perceived threat. This is why China’s ambi-guity toward its diplomatic discourse concerning Arunachal Pradesh and its presence in the Indian Ocean creates an increase Chinese threat and therefore a more aggressive response. India’s strategic response must cope with the changes in China’s relative power. Without the necessary relative capacity, India chooses a strategy between emulation defined by a pursuit of armaments logic in order to keep the technologic parity and engagement for the purpose of defusing the rivalry and avoiding a pre-emptive reaction from China. Traditionally defensive India’s strategic culture progressively transforms itself under the influence of the Hindu na-tion building that clash with the nehruvian nationalism. The aggressive Indian strategic pref-erences principally show themselves in the multidirectional clash of India and China spheres of influence in Asia.
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Huang, Chung-Lung, and 黃中龍. "The Research in Relation of Coopetition between China and India (2005-2010)." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/44590572602625602901.
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碩士淡江大學
國際事務與戰略研究所碩士在職專班
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India and China are major developing countries, in order to ensure the sustainable development of the supporting conditions and a favorable strategic environment, both the contradictions and conflicts of varying degrees on many issues, including energy demand, geo-strategic boundary of sovereignty, the issue of Tibet, anti-terrorism activitiesand water resources. In recent years China''s economic development and military power increased demonstrated strong will to defend its core interests. Its military and security awareness and practices have been varying degrees of adjustment, might cause the Asia-Pacific neighboring countries India included,increasing the uncertainties in the future to interact with China. In China and India rise, due to the interactive process of the breeding contradictions emerge, including the Indian Ocean sea line security, energy strategy, the Tibet issue, the UN Security Council permanent seat, water resources development, terrorist activities,demarcation of the border, trade and economic interaction and military security, will become the two sides could not evade the question, there may be competition, cooperation, or cooperation with competition, or competition with the various aspects of cooperation, in addition to affect the development of bilateral relations process, may also in South Asia and Asia-Pacific region and even the global situation, resulting in a profound impact.
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Lin, Jan-Ching, and 林展慶. "The impact of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road on China-Indian Relations." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/7k952x.
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碩士國立政治大學
國家安全與大陸研究碩士在職專班
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The “One Belt and One Road” initiative has become the most concern to the world. The “21st Century Maritime Silk Road” part of “One Belt and One Road” spans Asia, Europe and Africa. So Southeast Asia is located on the route of Maritime Silk Road, that the influence is enormous to Taiwan. In addition, our government has proposed a new southward policy to break through economic dependence on china. The economic and trade relations with India are particularly important to the policy. However, the depth of cooperation between Taiwan and India will be influenced by the development of China–India relations. In brief, this study attempts to analysize the environmental background, strategic implications, and development status of the “21st Century Maritime Silk Road” initiative. To ascertain the strategic choices of the two leaders, Xi Jinping and Modi, as well as the impact of the relation between china and india. This study shows that even if china and india have common interests under the framework of the initiative, the security factor is still the main consideration of their strategic choices. Xi Jinping hopes to gain India's support, but china’s policy to indian is subject to external factors such as the United States and Pakistan and the impact of border disputes, which limiting the space for cooperation. However, Modi assess the initiative from the perspective of strategic security, and regards the emergence of china in the indian ocean as a threat, and then adopts multiple countermeasures. Although Modi does not wish to see the initiative to be successful, he is also reluctant to abandon the possible opportunities for global economic growth. He still maintains limited economic and trade cooperation with china in terms of interests. In conclusion, the china–india relations becoming more intense and competitive. Keywords：Maritime Silk Road, China–India relations, Modi, Xi Jinping