Relevant bibliographies by topics / India China relations

Academic literature on the topic 'India China relations'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "India China relations"

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Singh, Swaran. "India–China Relations." South Asian Survey 15, no. 1 (January 2008): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097152310801500106.

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Singh, Prashant Kumar. "China–Bangladesh Relations." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 267–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600308.

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This article argues that the so-called Chinese string of pearls policy needs to be examined from the perspectives of those small countries of this maritime region that are said to be supporting Chinese strategic interests in the region by providing naval bases to China. Bangladesh neither has compelling strategic reasons to be part of an anti-India policy nor is its economy dependent only on the Chinese economy—a situation which could have pushed it into such a strategy. Therefore, apprehensions of the Indian strategic community of Sino-Bangladeshi relations constituting a larger anti-India design are somewhat misplaced. Bangladesh is likely to continue to pursue a policy of making best of its relations with both countries, even though an anti-India bias in certain sections of Bangladeshi society and politics will persist. In the post-Cold War, countries are focused on how to reap the dividends of economic globalisation and such hostile policies are anachronistic and counterproductive especially from the point of view of countries like Bangladesh that are small in terms of overall national capabilities. It is, therefore, argued that China–Bangladesh relations are flourishing in their own right, by and large free from the Indian shadow.
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Sadibekova, Bibisora, and Muqaddas Turdieva. "FEATURES OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF CHINA-INDIAN TRADE RELATIONS." INNOVATIONS IN ECONOMY 4, no. 3 (April 30, 2020): 97–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9491-2020-4-12.

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The article devoted to study the trade relations between China and India,analyzing the foreign trade policy of two countries and their relationship. China -India relations also called Sino-Indian relations,refers to the bilateral relationship between the People's Republic of China and the Republic of India
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Rahman, Nida, and Sheena Rehman. "BRICS Diplomacy: India-China Relations." Management and Economics Research Journal 7, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.18639/merj.2021.9900059.

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The US-China Trade war followed by the global pandemic has reincarnated the diplomatic relations between countries. India-China relations have remained on a roller coaster ride with expectations for the unexpected future. India and China share a cooperative geo-political platform of BRICS and much needs to be assessed with India holding the chairmanship in 2021. The article touches upon the BRICS issues from the perspective of India-China relations as well as the expectations from the current regime. An attempt to decipher India’s stand on key issues such as pandemic cooperation, anti-terrorism, multilateral system reform et cetera is encapsulated in the article.
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Jha, Prem Shankar. "China–India Relations under Modi." China Report 53, no. 2 (April 21, 2017): 158–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517696630.

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The sweeping changes in the foreign policy of Narendra Modi’s government in India reflect several departures from previous year. Most prominent shift was from non alignment that was designed to steer India clear of involvements that could harm the country by diverting its resources from development and social consolidation into militarisation and war. Another shift is from the policy of equidistance which was not a refusal to get involved but an assertion that India would choose when, where and how to get involved, reflecting the rise of India’s soft power. These shifts have ramifications on bilateral relations of India and China and carry substantial impact on future trends of engagements between the two.
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Gancheng, Zhao. "China–Russia–India Trilateral Relations." China Report 45, no. 2 (May 2009): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944550904500203.

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Liu, Zongyi. "Boundary Standoff and China-India Relations: A Chinese Scholar’s Perspective." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 06, no. 02 (January 2020): 223–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740020500141.

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The China-Indian boundary and territorial dispute is one of the major issues affecting Sino-Indian bilateral relations. This issue was a legacy of the British colonialists, but unfortunately, it has been fully inherited by the Indian ruling class. Over the past 60 years, China and India have missed three opportunities to resolve this issue. The Indian ruling class wanted to achieve “absolute security” and therefore introduced a “forward policy”, which led to the 1962 conflict. After the war, India occupied almost all of the strategic commanding heights in the border area between the two countries by continuously encroaching on Chinese territory and pushing the Line of Actual Control (LAC) toward the Chinese side. After Prime Minister Modi came to power in 2014, he adopted the Doval Doctrine and “offensive defense” policy in the border area, with a view to continuing the encroachment on Chinese territory and occupying the strategic commanding heights. The aim was to force China to resolve the border issue in accordance with India’s intentions, so that India can then shift its strategic focus to the Indian Ocean. China-U.S. strategic rivalry and Hindu nationalism have fueled India’s behavior in the border region, and the peaceful resolution of the 2017 Donglang/Doklam standoff has emboldened India, making the bloodshed in Galwan Valley an inevitable incident. That India’s Home Minister Amit Shah categorically declared in August 2019 in Parliament that Aksai Chin was part of new Ladakh Union Territory shows that the Indian government has restored its position on the western sector boundary that the Vajpayee Administration had abandoned in 2003. India is using the Galwan conflict as an excuse to pursue its policy of economic de-Sinicization and strategic alliance with the U.S. and other Western countries. In the future, China-Indian border conflict is likely to become commonplace due to India’s expansionism.
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Sharma, Vishal, Marina G. Shilina, and Manish Kumar. "Reflection of India-China Relations in Indian Media: Problems and Perspectives." RUDN Journal of Studies in Literature and Journalism 26, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 142–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-9220-2021-26-1-142-148.

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China and India interactions are dominated by strategic and business concerns. Despite the massive growth of bilateral trade between China and India, tensions over territorial and political issues have also grown, particularly in the last years. These effects are mediated and often inflamed by media depictions and perceptions of these tensions. India and China are both aware that peace and cooperation are essential. But it seems some media are more intent on fanning the flames than focusing on the ties that bind the two ancient civilizations. The media can play a constructive role in promoting mutual understanding. This paper deals with different areas of bilateral competition and convergence covered by the media as well as discusses the key differences between the Indian medias coverage of China and the Chinese medias reporting on India of the last years and especially in 2020. The article proposes to discover the problems and perspectives of the Indian media in India-China relations today.
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Routray, Bibhu Prasad. "India-Myanmar Relations :." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 1 (October 1, 2011): 299–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i1.22.

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The article is an analysis of India-Myanmar foreign relations which are marked by both paranoia and bonhomie. Myanmar is strategically important for India, especially in achieving its objective of a Look-East Policy. India has to maintain a cordial relationship with Myanmar’s non-democratic military junta to extend its influence in Southeast Asia and due to internal security concerns of its north-eastern states which are under continuous threat from various insurgent groups. This article discusses the pragmatic shift of India’s stand on Myanmar where the growing presence of China in Myanmar and India’s quest for energy are the major drivers. In economic terms, China is a major investor in Myanmar and its military relations with Myanmar are causes for concern in India. The article also discusses concerns raised about India’s Myanmar policy, keeping in view widespread scepticism about its military junta.
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Jha, Gaurav Kumar, and Amrita Banerjee. "India–Myanmar Relations." South Asian Survey 19, no. 1 (March 2012): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971523114539583.

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Despite long historical ties, post-colonial relations between India and Myanmar have fluctuated between magnanimity and mistrust. While India often stood for high moral grounds and promotion of democracy, it did so at the cost of losing Myanmar to China. This affected both India and Myanmar adversely: while New Delhi’s economic, energy and security interests were hurt, isolated Yangon became more China-dependent. However, since the early 1990s, domestic developments in Myanmar and post-Cold War structural changes in the world order necessitated conditions for cooperation and mutual gains. It appears that blatant domestic suppression in, and international seclusion of, Myanmar is not desirable. Having witnessed two eras of magnanimity and mistrust, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s visit to Myanmar in 2012 heralds a prospective era of market interdependence while opening Pandora’s box: can India get a better share of Myanmar’s commercial possibilities without compromising its core interests in promoting democracy, development and diaspora protection?
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "India China relations"

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Jin, Rong. "India and China :competitive co-existance through conflict management and cooperation promotion." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954064.

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Shi, Chen Lu. "India's strategic thinking and policies towards China :a geopolitical analysis." Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335232.

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Que, Wen Jun. "String of pearls, myth or reality? : Sino-Indian interaction in Indian Ocean." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595577.

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Ward, Jonathan D. T. "China-India rivalry and the border war of 1962 : PRC perspectives on the collapse of China-India relations, 1958-62." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ab5688bf-99d3-4ed6-a6e6-dbfcca71c350.

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After Indian Independence in 1947 and the founding of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, China and India began a period of friendship and cooperation, leading to the Bandung Conference in 1955 and the declaration of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence in 1954. Just under a decade later, however, the two new nations were at war in the Himalayas. This thesis examines Chinese views of India as the relationship collapsed between 1958-62, culminating in the China-India Border War of 1962. While much of the current literature argues that the collapse of China-India relations was driven by a territorial dispute in the Himalayas, or by a conflict of interests over the Himalayan region, this thesis aims to widen our understanding of China's view of India during these years, demonstrating that CCP leaders and officials saw India as a comprehensive threat to the PRC, and that India loomed much larger in the early PRC worldview than is generally understood. After examining the periods between 1950-53 and 1954-57, during which the two new nations defined their policies towards one another and began their attempted friendship, this thesis will focus on three core arguments in order to shed light on the years of collapse. First, that the CCP saw India as a threat to the core values of the PRC and to the project of creating a 'New China'. Second, that the CCP saw India as a threat to its international agenda, particularly in Asia and Africa. Third, that the CCP saw India as actively working with both the United States and Soviet Union against the PRC, as the two superpowers competed for influence in India, heightening the threat that India posed. As such, this thesis will argue that CCP leaders and officials viewed India as a comprehensive threat overall, much beyond the border dispute. In doing so, this thesis aims to widen our understanding of China's view of India during these years in which relations rose and fell, and to help to explain India's importance to the early PRC.
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Pal, Deep. "India-China Relationship Since 1988 -- Ensuring Economics trumps Politics." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1586663.

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The Sino-Indian relationship marked by mutual mistrust for the last six decades has seen definitive changes since the late 1980s. Though considerable issues remain unresolved, the two have begun establishing mechanisms to establish a certain level of trust that began with the visit of Indian prime minister Rajiv Gandhi to Beijing in 1988. The paper analyzes recent literature on this relationship and finds them predicting two outcomes primarily - either one where India admits Chinese supremacy and kowtows to it, or one that foresees increased clashes between the two. Neither outcome takes into account the complex association that the two nations are building guided by a series of frameworks, mechanisms and agreements. This paper posits that in the evolutionary arc of interstate relations, Sino-Indian relations have not reached a point where only one of the two options - cooperation and competition, will be chosen. This paper argues that economic interests of the two rising powers is behind the present behavior where the two are courting each other but at the same time, preparing for the other's rise. Both countries consider their economic identity to be primary and do not want to be distracted from the key national goal of economic development. They are particularly careful that their disagreements with each other do not come in the way of this goal. The paper analyzes the various frameworks and suggests that they are created with this end in consideration. Both India and China aim to continue collaboration in economic matters bilaterally or in international issues of mutual interest even when they don't see eye to eye on disputes left over from history. It is likely that competition will at times get the better of cooperation, driven by factors like strategic influence in the neighborhood, finding newer providers of energy as well as markets for their goods and services. But periodic flare-ups notwithstanding, in the absence of serious provocations, the two countries will avoid clashes that can escalate. The paper also analyzes certain black-swan events that might disturb the balancing act. Incidents like the death of the Dalai Lama creating a vacuum within the Tibetan leadership is one such scenario; a terrorist attack on India planned and executed form Pakistan like the one in Mumbai in 2008 is another. However, the presence of multiple bilateral platforms will continue to automatically insulate alternate channels of communication even in these situations. In conclusion, the paper suggests that as they grow, India and China will continue to engage each other at several levels, competing and cooperation, deterring and reassuring each other at once.

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Svensson, Johan. "Sino-Indian Relations:Complex Challenges in a Complex Relationship." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-19198.

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China and India, demographically being the two largest countries in the world, are together accounting for more than a third of the world’s total population. This makes the Sino-Indian relationship critical not only for those living in China and India, but for the whole world. Regardless of a history filled with conflicts and a contemporary competition over regional influence have the two Asian powers managed to increasingly deepen their economic ties. Even though the relationship seems to be moving in a more peaceful direction of mutual understanding and cooperation, it is still a very fragile relationship. The focus of this research lies in the contemporary Sino-Indian relations, which aims to understand the role trade and cooperation have had in moving the attention away from security-related issues on to more positive fields. The empirical observations that will be tested in the case of Sino-Indian relations are the border dispute at Arunachal Pradesh and the political and economic interdependence. Together these will represent the empirical foundation of the research, which will be tested and interpreted by the neo-realist and neo-liberal perspective. The concluding remarks on the research is that trade and cooperation unlikely is the main factor in the Sino-Indian relationship, preventing or reducing attention from being given to security-related issues, but should rather be seen as the foundational source on which a process towards confidence-building measures, institutions, mutual interests and a political goodwill has been established.
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Fang, Tien-Sze. "The asymmetrical threat perceptions in China-India relations after the 1998 nuclear tests." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2070/.

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This thesis draws on evidence from interactions between China and India over the past few years to make an empirical case for the existence and impact of asymmetrical perceptions of threat between the two countries. The major issues of China-India relations, including the nuclear issue, the boundary problem, the Tibet issue, regional competition and cooperation, and China-India relations in the global context, are examined. The first aim of the thesis is to highlight the asymmetry of the threat perceptions between China and India and has explained the interactions of Sino-Indian relations. India tends to be deeply apprehensive of threats from China, while China appears comparatively unconcerned about threats from India. The second contention in this study is that Sino-Indian relations are constrained by the asymmetry between their threat perceptions. The asymmetry in perceptions of threat will result in a dilemma for India. India will try to reduce the sense of insecurity by adopting some countermeasures, such as developing nuclear weapons, allying with other countries, and undermining China's influence. However, India is also very cautious and avoids angering China. On the contrary, China will be in favour of the status quo, and feel no urgent need to sort out the boundary disputes. The Chinese side has ignored the asymmetry and is in no mood to share India's expectations and concerns. Thus, this thesis argues that this asymmetry has made it difficult for China and India to forge shared knowledge and to set a common agenda around which their expectations could converge. India will be on a perennial quest for changes in Sino-Indian relations, such as a final resolution of the border issue and securing more credible nuclear deterrent against China. The asymmetry in threat perceptions is seen as a destabilising factor in China-India relations.
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Guyot-Réchard, Bérénice Claire Dominique. "Decolonisation and state-making on India's north-east frontier, c. 1943-62." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283938.

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Askew, Joseph Benjamin. "The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pha8356.pdf.

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"June 2002" Bibliography: leaves 229-270. This thesis examines the changes in diplomacy of China, the West, Tibet and India from 1911 to 1951, while Tibet functioned as an independent country, and during 1951 to 1959 while under Chinese control. Tibet maintained its own currency, government, armed forces and way of life until 1959. The thesis also examines the cultural shifts in the political, social and military spheres in these countries. It assumes that the general world trend in political life has been towards increasingly intolerant and extreme politics. If Tibet remains part of China with little chance of resuming independence, it is because the Chinese government and people were quicker to adopt radical Western philosophies than the Tibetans were.
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Askew, Joseph. "The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959." Online version, 2002. http://bibpurl.oclc.org/web/25604.

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Books on the topic "India China relations"

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India-China relations. Ghaziabad: Pt. Sunderlal Institute of Asian Studies, 1999.

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Kim, Young-Chan, ed. China-India Relations. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44425-9.

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Athwal, Amardeep. China-India relations: Contemporary dynamics. New York: Routledge, 2007.

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India-China relations: Civilizational perspective. New Delhi: Manak Publications, 2012.

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Ghoble, T. R. China-Nepal relations and India. New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1986.

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China-Nepal relations and India. New Delhi: Deep and Deep Publications, 1986.

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India China relations: Future perspectives. New Delhi: Vij Books India, 2012.

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Bakshi, Jyotsna. Russia-China relations: Relevance for India. Delhi: Shipra, 2004.

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Security perception and China-India relations. New Delhi: KW Publishers, 2009.

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Centre, Nehru, ed. India-China relations: Challenges and opportunities. Mumbai: Nehru Centre, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "India China relations"

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Rajagopalan, Rajeswari Pillai. "India–China relations." In Chinese Foreign Policy Under Xi, 95–106. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2017. | Series: Politics in Asia series: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315628981-7.

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Bhatia, Rajiv. "Africa-China tango." In India–Africa Relations, 57–70. London: Routledge India, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003044550-4.

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Schmidt, Johannes Dragsbaek. "Introduction: India and China in Comparative Perspective—Emerging Asian and Global Powers." In China-India Relations, 1–12. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44425-9_1.

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Karan, Kavita, and David J. Schaefer. "China and Bollywood: The Potential for Building the World’s Largest Film Market." In China-India Relations, 183–201. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44425-9_10.

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Rana, Kishan S. "Conclusion: An Indian Perspective on the Belt and Road Initiative." In China-India Relations, 203–28. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44425-9_11.

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Tsui, Brian. "Coming to Terms with the People’s Republic of China: Jawaharlal Nehru in the Early 1950s." In China-India Relations, 15–30. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44425-9_2.

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Siddiqui, Kalim. "A Comparative Political Economy of China and India: A Critical Review." In China-India Relations, 31–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44425-9_3.

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Tanveer Choudhry, Misbah, Enrico Marelli, and Marcello Signorelli. "China and India’s Global Integration in the Process of Economic Development." In China-India Relations, 59–80. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44425-9_4.

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Caussat, Paul. "Facing Political Issues and Protecting National Sovereignty: The Sino-Indian Economic Relation Since 1947." In China-India Relations, 81–98. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44425-9_5.

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Cooke, Fang Lee, and Geoffrey Wood. "The Role of Chinese and Indian-Owned Multinational Firms in the Global Economy." In China-India Relations, 101–18. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44425-9_6.

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Conference papers on the topic "India China relations"

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Alikberov, Eduard Shabanovich, and Alfiya Rafisovna Alikberova. "THE ANALYSIS OF RELATIONS IN THE CHINA-INDIA-USA STRATEGIC TRIANGLE." In Chinese Studies in the 21st Century. Buryat State University Publishing Department, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18101/978-5-9793-1678-9-2021-1-14-20.

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The presented work is devoted to the study of the influence of such a form of rela-tionship as a triangle on the behavior of states and their interaction within the frame-work of a tripartite format. The relevance of this topic is due to the dominant position of the United States in the world, as well as the growing role in the system of interna-tional relations of two Asian giants, China and India, capable in the 21st century to-confront Western countries in the international arena. The role of the China–India–USA strategic triangle — key players in the world political arena — will increase in the near future. Using the example of the interaction of the three states of the People's Republic of China, the Republic of India and the United States of America, the study examines and analyzes the main principles of the successful coordination of the three sides in the triangle: balance of power, refraining, and security. The main conclusion of the presented study is the importance of maintaining a balance in the strategic tri-angle "China-India-USA", since the aforementioned countries occupy important posi-tions in the main areas of international relations: economy and security, the world or-der in the Asia-Pacific region depends on them. The methodological basis of the work is the general humanitarian research method-system analysis, which allowed us to analyze the principles of construction and functioning of the triangle as a system as a whole, and also to study the features of all components of this system, their interde-pendence and internal patterns of development. The materials of this article can be used in the future by international experts, orientalists and economists studying the Indo-Pacific and Asia-Pacific regions, as well as when reading a course of lectures and writing textbooks.
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Chavda, Jainisha. "China and India: Exploring the Challenges for the Imminent Leadership." In 3rd Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations (PSSIR 2013). Global Science and Technology Forum Pte Ltd, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir13.29.

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Vanyushkin, Alexander S., Ruslan V. Druzin, Igor I. Prikhodko, and Dmitry B. Mirankov. "Prospective forms of innovative cooperation Russia with China and India." In Sustainable and Innovative Development in the Global Digital Age. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcsebm.sdth6411.

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The reorientation of Russia’s foreign economic relations toward the Asian vector (primarily toward China and India) will inevitably affect the field of scientific and technical cooperation as well. The purpose of the study: justification of the prospects of development of scientific and technological cooperation of Russia in the form of technological platforms through the inclusion of business participants from China and India. The study is based on a comparison of the number of technology platforms in Russia and major business companies from the Forbes Global rating in China and India, as well as an analysis of the performance of technology platforms (the share of business participants and the geographic coverage of international cooperation). The analysis leads to the conclusion that there are prospects for expansion for most technology platforms in Russia, due to the inclusion of business participants from China and India. The novelty of the work lies in the methodological approach used to substantiate the possibility of expanding Russian technological platforms by including business participants from abroad. The practical significance of the results of the study lies in the possibility of using them to adjust the programs for the development of technological platforms in Russia.
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Сафаров, Сехран Ихтияр оглы. "THE RELATIONS OF GREAT BRITAIN WITH RUSSIA AND İRAN WHICH HAD INTERESTS IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS IN THE 19TH AND EARLY 20TH CENTURIES." In Социально-экономические и гуманитарные науки: сборник избранных статей по материалам Международной научной конференции (Санкт-Петербург, Октябрь 2020). Crossref, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/seh293.2020.73.18.005.

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В статье обсуждается национальные интересы Великобритании на Южном Кавказе и в Центральной Азии, а также отношения стран региона с Россией, Ираном и Турцией. В статье исследуются и анализируются рост влияния Великобритании в Китае, Индии, Афганистане и Иране в этот период, повышение национальных интересов на Южном Кавказе, агрессивные войны против Ирана и Османской империи и борьба за гегемонию с царской Россией. The article deals with the UK's national interests in the South Caucasus, including its relations with Russia, Iran, and Turkey, the countries of the region. In the article is investigated and analyzed the rise of Britain's influence in China, India, Afghanistan and Iran, the rise of national interest in the South Caucasus, the invasion wars against Iran and the Osmanli Empire, and the hegemonic struggle against Char Russia.
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Karabushenko, Pavel, and Ekaterina Gainutdinova. "The concept of Greater Eurasia and geopolitics." In East – West: Practical Approaches to Countering Terrorism and Preventing Violent Extremism. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcshss.dxyu5419.

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In modern international relations, the emphasis of dominance is beginning to shift more and more from the Western part of the political map of the world to the East. Countries that were previously in colonial dependence on the West (China, India) are beginning to challenge international leadership. Against this background, at the beginning of the XXI century, the concept of Greater Eurasia began to take shape and gradually develop, as a desire to acquire subjectivity and an attempt to establish a new hierarchy of geopolitical leadership. Geopolitical geometry plays an important role in the analysis of these processes, which delineates the Eurasian space in accordance with the currently available geopolitical strategies of the leading world powers. And in this geometry, the Caspian region is increasingly emerging, to which the properties of the axial region of Eurasia are increasingly being attributed. The axial region means a certain space that has an increased degree of attraction (economic, cultural, political), which determines the course of history and politics. As the political history of Eurasia shows, most often significant events and vast empires (Persia, Horde, Russia, etc.) arose precisely in the area of the so-called "Caspian Gate" connecting the expanses of Europe and Asia. This work analyzes the concept of Greater Eurasia through the prism of its geopolitical assessment and the role played in its development by its axial region – the Greater Caspian region.
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Silva, Eluan Joel Rodrigues da, Cristiano de Bem Torquato de Souza, Raphael Henrique Chappuis, Sarah Evelyn Silva Fernandes, and Kleber Fernando Pereira. "Scientific production on the effects of COVID-19 on the central nervous system: a systematic review." In XIII Congresso Paulista de Neurologia. Zeppelini Editorial e Comunicação, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5327/1516-3180.493.

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Background: The presence of COVID-19 in the world has brought changes to our society. The research groups around the world started an analysis of how the SARS-CoV-2 virus interacts pathophysiologically with biological systems. Objectives: Quantify, based on the literature, the scientific production by Institution and country of origin, which related the damage of COVID-19 in the Central Nervous System (CNS). Design and setting: We conducted a literature review. It was use the databases of PubMed, LILACS (Latin American and Caribbean Literature on Health Sciences), SciElo and The Lancet. Results: 91 articles were included. The Institutions with the most publications were: University of California (United States), All India Institute Of Medical Sciences (India) and Qingdao University (China), with May 2020 being the period with the most publications. The most frequent symptoms caused by COVID-19 in the CNS were: Anosmia, Headache, Vomiting, Nausea and Hyposmia. Conclusions: United States, India and China were the countries with an expressive, even small, number of publications relating the effects of COVID-19 on the CNS. The largest number of publications in May 2020 shows that studies were rapidly developed shortly after the disease was raised to the level of a pandemic in March of the same year. The symptomatic effects of the disease show the primary involvement of the respiratory system with effects on the CNS.
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Zainab, Tazeem, Zahid Ashraf Wani, and Masood Ahmad Bhat. "Scientific Research in Relation To Gross Domestic Product (GDP) A Comparative Study of China and India." In 2018 5th International Symposium on Emerging Trends and Technologies in Libraries and Information Services (ETTLIS). IEEE, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ettlis.2018.8485188.

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Starostin, Alexander. "GLOBAL SOCIAL TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE COORDINATES OF THE SOCIAL INNOVATION CONCEPT." In Globalistics-2020: Global issues and the future of humankind. Interregional Social Organization for Assistance of Studying and Promotion the Scientific Heritage of N.D. Kondratieff / ISOASPSH of N.D. Kondratieff, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.46865/978-5-901640-33-3-2020-215-219.

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The article examines the processes of recomposing and revising methodological, theoretical, applied principles and approaches to social and humanitarian knowledge that have emerged in recent decades within the whole world and in relation to Russian society. As the key circumstances, the author highlights a sharp turn in local and global development associated with the collapse of the USSR and the social transformation of the Eastern European states (social transit), rapid progress at the opposite pole (China, India). Other aspects such as the rapid development of social and humanitarian innovations, the deployment of a new wave of multipolar globalization, generating new social realities of the micro and macrostructural level are mentioned. All this is relevantly reflected in the concept of global social transformations supported by UNESCO and the corresponding MOST program that is implemented with the participation of the Commission of the Russian Federation for UNESCO.
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Riandini, P. "Structural Evolution Using Seismic Low Frequency Magnitude Approach: A Case Study on Defining Strike-Slip Development in West Natuna Basin, Indonesia." In Digital Technical Conference. Indonesian Petroleum Association, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29118/ipa20-g-290.

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West Natuna Basin (WNB) is located in the centre of Sunda Shelf in South China Sea; bordered by the Sunda Shelf's basement to the south, the Natuna Arch to the east, and the Khorat Swell to the north. Tectonic evolution of the WNB has imparted a complex structural history of extension, compression and wrenching related to Cenozoic regional tectonic events, for which the structural evolution reflects a history of Late Eocene-Early Oligocene rifting and Middle-Late Miocene inversion. The regional strike-slip movement that associates to the Three Pagodas Fault System has long been recognised at WNB. However, the understanding of this strike-slip behaviour has not previously been investigated despite its important role in reservoir mapping. This study aims to demonstrate how new approaches of seismic attributes analysis combined with structural evolution through palinspastic reconstruction will define the structural geometry as a key point for fault relationship in the production field. Structure map and cross section are generated by integrating wells data and 3D seismic to identify structural trends. Seismic low frequency magnitude has been generated as an attribute to define faults through Spectral Decomposition method. As the faults feature on the seismic are more related to low or even absent of energy, these attributes provide robust attributes to identify four morphology in study area that represent different structural geometry and history. Seismic interpretation shows the structure commences in the early part of the Late Eocene that developed as NE-SW rifting. The rifting is initiated due to creation of pull-apart basins, as part of the WNW-ESE sinistral strike-slip fault development. The major sinistral strike-slip development was accommodated by collision of India that causes onset of rotation of Sundaland. In relation to the oblique NNE-SSW compression, Middle-Late Miocene inversion follows the post-rift deformation. This condition accommodates the development of NW-SE right lateral strike-slip on the marginal fault and result in N-S trending horsetail structure development that plays a role as an essential structure for reservoir trap.This research verifies that the combination between recent re-evaluations of the 3D seismic and its attributes can identify more detailed fault positions to generate better definitions of fault patterns. Therefore, palinspastic restoration becomes one of the classic approaches that brings further comprehension of the fault pattern’s structural evolutions, which leads to the site-development and production’s improvements.
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Reports on the topic "India China relations"

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Kondapalli, Srikanth. India, China relations threaten to freeze over. Edited by Reece Hooker. Monash University, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54377/cab1-dfd3.

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Idris, Iffat. LGBT Rights and Inclusion in Small Island Developing States (SIDS). Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.067.

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This review looks at the extent to which LGBT rights are provided for under law in a range of Small Island Developing States (SIDS), and the record on implementation/enforcement, as well as approaches to promote LGBT rights and inclusion. SIDS covered are those in the Caribbean, Pacific, and Atlantic-Indian Ocean-South China Sea (AIS) regions. The review draws on a mixture of grey literature (largely from international development agencies/NGOs), academic literature, and media reports. While the information on the legal situation of LGBT people in SIDS was readily available, there was far less evidence on approaches/programmes to promote LGBT rights/inclusion in these countries. However, the review did find a number of reports with recommendations for international development cooperation generally on LGBT issues. Denial of LGBT rights and discrimination against LGBT people is found to varying extents in all parts of the world. It is important that LGBT people have protection in law, in particular the right to have same-sex sexual relations; protection from discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation; and the right to gender identity/expression. Such rights are also provided for under international human rights conventions such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, while the Sustainable Development Goals are based on the principle of ‘leave no one behind'.
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