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Journal articles on the topic 'Impunity of the Agent'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 28 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Michel, Verónica. "Institutional Design, Prosecutorial Independence, and Accountability: Lessons from the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG)." Laws 10, no. 3 (July 14, 2021): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/laws10030058.

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In 2007 the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala began working to support the work of the Public Prosecutor’s Office to investigate and prosecute cases of corruption. In this short article, I address three questions: What was the design of CICIG? What were its results? How did the institutional design contribute to the impact it had in Guatemala? To answer these questions, I first discuss the problem of impunity and provide an interdisciplinary review of the factors that impact when a state punishes crime. In the following section, I briefly explain the institutionalist framework that guides my analysis of the work of CICIG and explain the theoretical importance of institutional design in the functioning of prosecutorial organs. In the third section I describe the institutional design of CICIG, its impact, and its limitations. In this section I explain how key characteristics in its design made this international commission a creative solution against impunity in a context where prosecuting state agents for human rights violations or corruption was virtually impossible. I conclude this article highlighting some key lessons from CICIG on matters of institutional design.

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2

Cristina Rodrigues Silva, Laila, Fábio Ferreira Morong, and Celia dos Santos Silva. "A PERÍCIA FORENSE E A ANÁLISE DE VESTÍGIOS EM LOCAIS DE CRIME." Colloquium Socialis 2, Especial 2 (December 1, 2018): 93–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5747/cs.2018.v02.nesp2.s0262.

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The Forensic Expertise is responsible for preserving and analyzing the traces left in certain place, in reason of to a criminal practice. It’s essential, because that traces could be the only have elements for the solution of the crime practiced, with identification of the agent and the details of the execution of that crime. Intended-it to demonstrate the importance of the Expertise Forensic, in the investigation and elucidation of crimes, analyzing your relevance and, highlighting the responsibility and attributions, of the technical expert report , as well as discussing the larger interests of the community, with a resolution of crimes, preventing the impunity. The research applied was the legal deductive with the analysis of the doctrine, national legislation and jurisprudence pertaining to the subject. It’s concluded that the realization of Forensic Expertise provides grants for a fair trial, thus guaranteeing justice, peace and social order

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3

Lessa, Francesca, Tricia D. Olsen, Leigh A. Payne, Gabriel Pereira, and Andrew G. Reiter. "Persistent or Eroding Impunity? The Divergent Effects of Legal Challenges to Amnesty Laws for Past Human Rights Violations." Israel Law Review 47, no. 1 (February 11, 2014): 105–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223713000289.

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Transitional countries have struggled to overcome impunity for human rights violations committed by past authoritarian regimes. While some scholars have hailed the emergence of a ‘justice cascade’, a ‘justice revolution’, and an ‘age of accountability’, our research highlights the persistence of amnesty laws despite efforts to erode them. This article examines 63 amnesties for human rights violations committed by state agents that were enacted in 34 transitional countries from 1970 to 2011, and the 161 challenges that endeavoured to undermine the power of these laws.We find significant variation in the outcome of challenges. While some lead to the removal or weakening of amnesty laws, others validate them. We explain the variation using an explanatory model that focuses on the characteristics of four actors: civil society, international governmental and non-governmental agencies, domestic executives and judicial leaders. Time also plays a conditioning role in our framework. We illustrate our argument by presenting emblematic country case studies. We conclude that even when amnesty laws are displaced or eroded, impunity tends to persist in some form.

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Frost-Arnold, Karen. "TRUSTWORTHINESS AND TRUTH: THE EPISTEMIC PITFALLS OF INTERNET ACCOUNTABILITY." Episteme 11, no. 1 (October 29, 2013): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/epi.2013.43.

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AbstractSince anonymous agents can spread misinformation with impunity, many people advocate for greater accountability for internet speech. This paper provides a veritistic argument that accountability mechanisms can cause significant epistemic problems for internet encyclopedias and social media communities. I show that accountability mechanisms can undermine both the dissemination of true beliefs and the detection of error. Drawing on social psychology and behavioral economics, I suggest alternative mechanisms for increasing the trustworthiness of internet communication.

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Wan, Kam-Ming. "Managerial compensation when managers are principals." Corporate Ownership and Control 1, no. 2 (2003): 106–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv1i2p9.

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Prior research has used the principal-agent framework to examine managerial compensation. However, in a number of corporations, managers own enough of their firms’ voting rights to be able to decide with relative impunity how they will be compensated. In a real sense, they are the principals. Using a sample of the largest U.S. corporations, I examine the compensation of such CEOs to see if they are paid more than other CEOs. My overall results provide no support that such CEOs are paid more in cash compensation as well as all forms of direct compensation. The only exception is in some smaller firms, where CEOs are paid more in total compensation when management controls enough of the company’s stock. However, such firms constitute a tiny fraction of the sample firms. For dual-class firms and firms where CEOs control enough of the company’s stock, I find no evidence that such CEOs are paid more.

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6

Sedacca, Natalie. "The ‘turn’ to Criminal Justice in Human Rights Law: An Analysis in the Context of the 2016 Colombian Peace Agreement." Human Rights Law Review 19, no. 2 (June 2019): 315–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hrlr/ngz011.

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Abstract This article discusses the turn to a focus on criminal prosecution and custodial sentencing in international human rights law. Although it shares the concerns of many critics of the ‘turn’, it does not reject the orientation outright, arguing instead for the role of criminal justice to be seen holistically, encompassing proper consideration of the varied aims it can pursue and be geared towards countering inherent discrimination in criminal justice systems. The analysis is situated in the context of the 2016 peace agreement in Colombia and the attitude taken by human rights groups towards its transitional justice provisions, noting that criticisms raised by one prominent human rights group converged with a campaign against the agreement centred on a right-wing politician hostile to human rights, equality and redistribution. In light of the nuanced views of local civil society actors, it questions whether anti-impunity specifically requires custodial punishment for all international crimes, before assessing the benefits and drawbacks of individual accountability through trials. Finally, it discusses obstacles to the prosecution of powerful state agents and the relationship of the anti-impunity drive with state power.

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7

MALEM SEÑA, Jorge Francisco. "La corrupción. Algunas consideraciones conceptuales y contextuales." RVAP 104-II, no. 104-II (April 29, 2016): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.47623/ivap-rvap.104.2016.2.01.

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LABURPENA: Ustelkeria fenomeno unibertsala da. Herrialde, aro, sistema juridiko-politiko eta jarduera publiko edo pribatu guztietara hedatu da. Hala ere, eremu zehatz batzuk direla-eta, ustelkeria errazago hedatzen da planetako zenbait tokitan beste batzuetan baino. Azalpen ona izan daiteke ustelkeria tresna bat dela helburu politiko, ekonomi edo sozial batzuk lortzeko. Esangura horretan, ustelkeria erabiltzea agente ustelaren erabaki arrazionala da. Hori dela eta, elite politikoek eta gizarteak, orokorrean, ez dute beti ustelkeria gaitzetsi. Lan honetan, ustelkeria pizten den hamar testuinguru aztertu dira. Eszenatoki horiek guztiak honelaxe laburbil daitezke: zigorgabetasuna. Zuzenbidea ez denean eragingarria, ustelkeria loratzen da. Ustelkeria politikoa ustelkeriaren eta zigorgabetasunaren aurrean erakutsitako adierazpen bat baino ez da. Zigorgabetasuna amaitzea giza lazeria horri aurre egiteko forma bat da. RESUMEN: La corrupción es un fenómeno universal. Ha atravesado todos los países, todas las épocas, todos los sistemas jurídico-políticos y cualquier actividad pública o privada. A pesar de ello existen ámbitos que provocan que la corrupción se expanda más en algunas zonas del planeta que en otra. Una explicación plausible es que la corrupción juega un papel instrumental para alcanzar determinados fines políticos, económicos o sociales. En ese sentido su uso se corresponde con una decisión racional del agente corrupto. Por ese motivo, las actitudes frente a la corrupción no han sido siempre de rechazo, ni por parte de las élites políticas, ni por parte de la ciudadanía en general. En este trabajo se analiza diez contextos donde se incentiva la corrupción. Estos escenarios pueden resumirse en un único término: impunidad. Cuando el derecho es ineficaz florece la corrupción. La corrupción política es una manifestación más de las actitudes frente a la corrupción y de la ineficacia punitiva. Acabar con la impunidad supone una de las formas de oponerse a esta calamidad humana. ABSTRACT: Corruption is a global phenomenon. It has been experienced by all countries at all times, in any political-legal system and any public or private activity. In spite of this, there are fields that provoke the expansion of corruption to some areas of the world more than others. A plausible explanation would be that corruption plays an instrumental part for the purpose of achieving some political, economic or social aims. In that regard, its usage corresponds with a rational decision by a corrupt agent. That is why the attitudes towards corruption have not always been of rejection not by political elites not by citizenship in general. We analyze in this work ten contexts where corruption is stimulated. These scenarios can be summarized in a single term: impunity. When law is ineffective, corruption thrives. Political corruption is another manifestation of the attitudes towards corruption and of the punitive ineffectiveness. Erradicating impunity is one of the forms of opposition against this human calamity.

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8

Rodriguez, Roberto. "Fighting Law Enforcement Brutality While Living with Trauma in a World of Impunity." Genealogy 2, no. 4 (December 15, 2018): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy2040056.

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By all rights, I should be dead. Not once, but a number of times. On 23 March 1979, as a 24-year-old, I witnessed and photographed the brutal beating of a young man in a sarape by some 10–12 Sheriff’s deputies on Whittier Blvd in East Los Angeles. In turn, the deputies turned on me with their riot sticks cracked my skull, and sent me to the hospital, charging me with attempting to kill 4 of the deputies. On my arrest report, it stated that I was the leader of a gang of 10–15 Mexicans. With active death threats from the original Sheriff’s deputies that drove to the jail war of the LA County Hospital, I was subsequently arrested/detained some 60 additional times, primarily by Sheriff’s deputies and LAPD officers. By the end of the year, the criminal charges were dropped and 6 years after that, I emerged victorious in a lawsuit. That was a generation ago. No. That was at least two generations ago. I healed long ago from PTSD, though the brutality I witnessed and lived continues to reside within me, intergenerationally. This defies explanation. I am healed, yet the trauma continues to live within my body, even some 40 years after the fact. My life thereafter has been dedicated to the elimination not only of this brutality, but also a trauma that I can literally trace to 1492 on this continent through my studies on this topic. How do the red-black-brown communities of this nation heal when that brutality and that memory have always been present intergenerationally and are not going away anytime soon? I want to explore the tension between fighting for the elimination of law enforcement abuse and living with that intergenerational trauma. The subtext of [anti-indigenous] racial profiling as used against Mexicans in this society, from police to immigration agents to the media, will be examined in this first-person article. How the survivors of this brutality and their families, who have lost loved ones and who fight against this brutality live with these traumas—particularly with the knowledge that as a result of impunity, there is no end in sight to this brutality—will also be examined.

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9

Jilkin, V. A. "Unfounded Accusations against Russia with «High Probability» in the Skripal Case as a Gross Violation of the Supremacy of Law." Russian Journal of Legal Studies 5, no. 2 (June 15, 2018): 158–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls18417.

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The British accusing Russia of the use of the binary-type neuro-paralytic agent in «Skripal case» has resulted in publication by the British media of declassified materials and documents about the experiments on people in Porton Down secret laboratory from 1945, about the experiments in the 1960s on dispersal of bacteria in London Tube and in tunnels under Whitehall government buildings, as well as diffusion of military-destruction viruses and bacteria on the UK territory with the population of over one million people. The article analyzes the ethical and legal consequences of the British programme of biological and chemical warfare in the period between 1945 and 1989, on the basis of the declassified archives containing research materials on the biochemical weapons used over humans in Porton Down laboratory. The author refers to the materials of the hearings held at the British Parliament in 2005 and to the documented evidence of the victims of the secret military laboratory, as well as to the materials of experts in the sphere of medical ethics, British military experts and historians. The world faced the impunity on the part of the system of neglect of the international law, the international rules of conduct and the fundamentals of diplomacy. Accusing Russia of poisoning Russian citizens on the territory of the UK is considered as a violation of the principle of supremacy of law, of the right to fair trial, the presumption of innocence, which includes the right to collect evidence, access to primary and relevant evidence in accusation and inadmissibility of using unacceptable evidence.

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10

Niebuhr, Robert. "Enlarging Yugoslavia: Tito's Quest for Expansion, 1945–1948." European History Quarterly 47, no. 2 (April 2017): 284–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691416688174.

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When Yugoslav strongman Josip Broz Tito secured power at the end of the Second World War, he had envisioned for himself a new Yugoslavia that would serve as the center of power for the Balkan Peninsula. First, he worked to ensure a Yugoslav presence in the Trieste region of Italy and southern Austria as a way to gain territory inhabited by Slovenes and Croats; meanwhile, his other foreign policy escapades sought to make Yugoslavia into a major European power. To that end, Yugoslav agents quickly worked to synchronize the Albanian socio-economic and political systems through their support of Albanian Partisans and only grew emboldened over time. As allies who proved themselves in the fight against fascism, Yugoslav policymakers felt able to act with impunity throughout the early post-Cold War period. The goal of this article is to highlight this early foreign policy by focusing on three case studies – Trieste, Carinthia, and Albania – as part of an effort to reinforce the established argument over Tito's quest for power in the early Cold War period.

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11

Kalmanovitz, Pablo. "From Reprisals to Criminal Accountability: State Bias and the Prospects of Limiting War Through Law." European Review of International Studies 7, no. 2-3 (December 17, 2020): 365–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21967415-bja10026.

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Abstract Over the past 25 years, criminal prosecutions for war crimes have become a central element in the long-standing project of governing hostilities in international law. According to many, the threat of criminal prosecutions can be a general deterrent against violations of the laws of war, and can contribute more broadly to the diffusion and domestic appropriation of humanitarian norms. This article discusses some unintended effects of this “anti-impunity turn” in the laws of war in the context of non-international armed conflicts. Specifically, it examines the consequences of the fact that states typically have a monopoly over the means of legitimate criminal investigation for alleged crimes committed in their territory. Far from operating on a level playing field, criminal investigations in war contexts must be undertaken under institutional conditions that tend to favor state agents over non-state opposition groups. The article spells out some implications of this form of state bias and argues that it can contribute to exacerbate conflict and prolong violence in war.

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12

Pleasants, Nigel. "Ordinary Men: Genocide, Determinism, Agency, and Moral Culpability." Philosophy of the Social Sciences 48, no. 1 (November 16, 2017): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0048393117739974.

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In the space of their 16-month posting to Poland, the 500 men of Police Battalion 101 genocidally massacred 38,000 Jews by rifle and pistol fire. Although they were acting as members of a formal security force, these men knew that they could avoid participation in killing operations with impunity, and a substantial minority did so. Why, then, did so many participate in the genocidal killing when they knew they did not have to? Landmark historical studies by Christopher Browning and Daniel Goldhagen proffer contrasting explanatory answers to this troublesome question. This article focuses on a criticism that has often been leveled at the internal coherence of Goldhagen’s controversial explanatory theory. Goldhagen’s explanation is that the men freely, willingly, and responsibly participated in the genocidal killing because of their beliefs about Jews—beliefs that they were causally determined to hold. Critics charge that this is incoherent: How could perpetrators have been passive recipients of deterministically acquired action-determining beliefs and freely responsible agents of genocidal killing? I defend Goldhagen’s explanation against this charge of incoherence, and go on to explore the implications of his account, and Browning’s, for the moral culpability of the perpetrators.

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13

Gomes, Vera Lúcia de Oliveira, Camila Daiane Silva, Denize Cristina de Oliveira, Daniele Ferreira Acosta, and Cristiane Lopes Amarijo. "Domestic violence against women: representations of health professionals." Revista Latino-Americana de Enfermagem 23, no. 4 (August 2015): 718–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0104-1169.0166.2608.

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AbstractObjective: to analyze the representations about domestic violence against women, among health professionals of Family Health Units.Method: qualitative study based on the Theory of Social Representations. Data were collected by means of evocations and interviews, treating them in the Ensemble de Programmes Pemettant L'Analyse des Evocations software - EVOC and content analysis.Results: nurses, physicians, nursing technicians and community health agents participated. The evocations were answered by 201 professionals and, of these, 64 were interviewed. The central core of this representation, comprised by the terms "aggression", "physical-aggression", "cowardice" and "lack of respect", which have negative connotations and were cited by interviewees. In the contrast zone, comprised by the terms "abuse", "abuse-power", "pain", "humiliation", "impunity", "suffering", "sadness" and "violence", two subgroups were identified. The first periphery contains the terms "fear", evoked most often, followed by "revolt", "low self-esteem" and "submission", and in the second periphery "acceptance" and "professional support".Conclusion: this is a structured representation since it contains conceptual, imagetic and attitudinal elements. The subgroups were comprised by professionals working in the rural area and by those who had completed their professional training course in or after 2004. These presented a representation of violence different from the representation of the general group, although all demonstrated a negative connotation of this phenomenon.

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Tracy, James D. "Asian Despotism? Mughal Government as Seen From the Dutch East India Company Factory in Surat." Journal of Early Modern History 3, no. 3 (1999): 256–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006599x00260.

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AbstractIn the current debate about early modern European perceptions of Asia, the rich documentation produced by the Dutch East India Company has been largely overlooked. The Surat factory, whose correspondence is extant from 1636, was in close connection with the centers of Mughal authority, and the factory here, unlike in some other Dutch outposts, was never allowed to be transformed into a fortified enclosure from which the "hatmen" could challenge the agents of the state with impunity. In published accounts of Asian government, including those written in Dutch, "despots" held sway over lands whose only law was the ruler's whim. But Company documents from Surat (and elsewhere in India) consistently depict local officials as manipulating for their own profit their control over European trade, often in flagrant disregard of trading privileges carefully negotiated with the Mughal court. The image of an all-powerful sovereign, though not altogether absent, is sometimes evoked as a way of explaining to Company superiors in Batavia (Djakarta) or Amsterdam why their servants in Surat could not do as they were bidden. But if Company men developed over time a credible local knowledge of Mughal government, they were no different from stay-at-home European Christians in their view of the Mughal realm's Muslim elites: in this age of continuing warfare between Christendom and Islamdom, a "faithless Moor" was always and everywhere the same.

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Jones, Eric C., Diana Luque, and Arthur D. Murphy. "Recovering Impunity." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 34, no. 2 (2018): 218–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2018.34.2.218.

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In the state of Sonora, the 2009 Hermosillo ABC Day Care Center fire and the 2014 Cananea copper mine spill highlighted how deregulation and divestiture of state services by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and the National Action Party (PAN) served the interests of a few elites, who maintained rule through mechanisms of impunity: in other words, through actions undertaken without concern about the law or repercussions. Although impunity produces a seemingly incoherent set of policy and politics, results from dozens of semi-structured interviews by our team also suggest that exercising power through impunity is part of the culture of governance in Mexico, relying on global ties, but not necessarily requiring any specific individual or party leadership. El incendio de la Guardería ABC de la Cd. de Hermosillo, Sonora en 2009, y el derrame de la mina de cobre de Cananea, Sonora en 2014, exhibió la falta de regulación estatal, así como la ineficiencia en materia de servicios públicos durante las administraciones de los partidos políticos del Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) así como del Partido Acción Nacional (PAN), demostrando que finalmente están al servicio de los intereses de pequeñas élites que mantienen y gobiernan a través de mecanismos de impunidad. Aunque la impunidad sí produce un conjunto de programas y políticas incoherentes, los resultados de más de 100 entrevistas semi-estructuradas sugieren que, además, el ejercicio de poder mediante la impunidad es parte de una cultura de gobernanza en México, que requiere vínculos globales, pero no necesariamente requiere liderazgos específicos, ya sean individuales o de partido.

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16

Eriksen, Thomas Hylland. "Without impunity." HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 8, no. 3 (December 2018): 431–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/701008.

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17

Burt, Jo-Marie. "Counterinsurgency = Impunity." NACLA Report on the Americas 24, no. 4 (December 1990): 30–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.1990.11724673.

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18

Mayerfeld, Jamie. "Ending Impunity." Ethics & International Affairs 20, no. 3 (September 2006): 361–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2006.00032.x.

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19

Durant, Robert F., and Seth Shulman. "Sovereign Impunity?" Public Administration Review 56, no. 2 (March 1996): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/977214.

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20

Crandall, Maurice. "Sovereign Impunity." Reviews in American History 49, no. 1 (2021): 113–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2021.0013.

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21

Basso, Ellen B. "Lessons in Impunity." Journal of Anthropological Research 68, no. 3 (September 2012): 415–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3998/jar.0521004.0068.307.

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22

Nazarko, Linda. "Robbed with impunity." Nursing Older People 8, no. 3 (June 1, 1996): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/nop.8.3.33.s17.

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Reeves, Tony. "Impunity and Hope." Ratio Juris 32, no. 4 (December 2019): 415–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/raju.12257.

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24

Fraser, Nick. "We Love Impunity." Film Quarterly 67, no. 2 (2013): 21–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fq.2014.67.2.21.

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Nerone, John. "Lying with impunity." Journalism 20, no. 1 (December 19, 2018): 48–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884918807612.

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26

Beck, Marshall. "Echeverria and Impunity." NACLA Report on the Americas 38, no. 2 (September 2004): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.2004.11722388.

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Girven, Tim. "Murder with impunity." Index on Censorship 19, no. 10 (November 1990): 3–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229008534966.

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Ochilov, Samariddin Kamoliddinovich. "The Scientific And Theoretical Classification Of Types Of Exemption From Punishment." American Journal of Political Science Law and Criminology 02, no. 11 (November 28, 2020): 114–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajpslc/volume02issue11-18.

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This scientific article addresses the issues of pandemic impunity, the necessity, basis and importance of certain types of impunity in a pandemic, the improvement of certain types of impunity in a pandemic, the legal relationship of illness and disability with a pandemic, some types of impunity in a pandemic. in the application of scientific and theoretical views, the study of problems in legal and law enforcement practice and the coverage of their solutions.

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Pensky, Max. "Two cheers for the impunity norm." Philosophy & Social Criticism 42, no. 4-5 (February 3, 2016): 487–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453715625714.

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International criminal law (ICL) is dedicated to the battle against impunity. However, the concept of impunity lacks clarity. Providing that clarity also reveals challenges for the current state and future prospects of the project of ICL, which this article frames in cosmopolitan terms. The ‘impunity norm’ of ICL is generally presented in a deontic form. It holds that impunity for perpetrators of international crimes is a wrong so profound that states and international bodies have a pro tanto duty to prosecute and punish perpetrators, a duty that cannot be overridden by considerations of cost, including the costs of infringing on the traditionally understood legal sovereignty of states. This deontic reading of the impunity norm is difficult to justify, a fact linked to the waning fortunes of ICL over the past several years. If ICL is to reverse this trend, the impunity norm’s strongly deontic reading should be replaced by a version derived from deliberative principles.

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Aderinoye-Abdulwahab, S. A., A. A. Fasanya, O. W. Kareem, and T. A. Dolapo. "Analysis of cattle rustling among pastoralists in Niger State, Nigeria." Journal of Agricultural Research and Development 18, no. 1 (May 20, 2020): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jard.v18i1.5.

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Livestock is a major component of agricultural activities practiced in Niger State; it’s also a source of income and a form of food security for farmers. Increasing attacks by cattle rustlers have disrupted the stability of pastoralists within the communities in the State. This study therefore, examined cattle rustling among pastoralists in Niger State, Nigeria. The specific objectives were to; (i) describe socio-economic characteristics of the pastoralists in the study area; (ii) investigate the pastoralists’ perceived reasons for cattle rustling; (iii) determine the threats posed to pastoralists through cattle rustling and their solutions; (iv) identify the coping strategies adopted by the pastoralists after their cattle have been rustled; and (v) determine how agricultural extension service could curtail the act of cattle rustling. A Multi-stage random sampling technique was used to select 120 respondents for the study. Well-structured questionnaire and an interview schedule were administered to the pastoralists to elicit information. The data obtained was analyzed through descriptive and inferential statistics. The findings revealed that, 65.0% of the respondents were less than 51 years of age. The majority (62.0%) of the respondents had Quranic education and 39.0% had no formal education. Of 120 pastoralists, 65.0% had their cattle rustled by the rustlers, impunity for crime and police support ranked highest among the reasons for cattle rustling and 80% of the rustlers were Fulani. The findings also revealed that majority (75%) of the respondents were not aware of agricultural extension service, while 27% of the pastoralists had heard about extension services on Radio and 100% had never been visited by extension agents. This implies that cattle’s rustling was a major and rising threat against pastoralists’ livelihood and to the country’s security in general since the act of rustling could trigger the proliferation of illegal arms and ammunition into the country. It is equally obvious that the pastoralists were far from the reach of extension agents which would have provided a strong link between the government and pastoralists in the establishment of grazing reserves along the stock routes. Keywords: Livestock, Farmers/herdsmen clashes, Livelihood, Pastoralist, Poverty, Illegal arms

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31

Duschinski, Haley. "REPRODUCING REGIMES OF IMPUNITY." Cultural Studies 24, no. 1 (January 2010): 110–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09502380903221117.

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32

Simpson, S. J. "IMMUNOLOGY: Killing with Impunity." Science 297, no. 5588 (September 13, 2002): 1771b—1771. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.297.5588.1771b.

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Lindstrom, Beatrice. "When Immunity Becomes Impunity." Journal of International Peacekeeping 24, no. 1-2 (May 24, 2021): 164–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-20210003.

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Abstract After a United Nations peacekeeping mission introduced cholera to Haiti in 2010, victims have struggled for over a decade to obtain remedies from the UN. Their experiences have exposed the extraordinary barriers to justice faced by civilians who suffer injuries caused by UN operations. While the UN has enjoyed absolute immunity from suit in courts where personal injury claims are typically heard, the UN is required to provide civilians harmed by its operations with alternative avenues to seek redress. In practice, however, the UN’s process for resolving such third-party claims is opaque and difficult to access, and allows the UN to be the final arbiter of its own responsibility. Particularly troubling are recent mass tort cases where financial and political interests have improperly influenced the claims process to deny remedies. This article draws on personal insights gained from advocating for victims of cholera for the past ten years, as well as the parallel experiences of Roma, Ashkali, and Egyptian victims who brought claims against the UN for lead poisoning in Kosovo. The article identifies systemic weaknesses in the UN’s third-party claims process and proposes four key reforms to bring the organization’s practice in line with its legal and moral obligations.

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Khalil, Mona Ali. "Immunity Is Not Impunity." Journal of International Peacekeeping 24, no. 1-2 (May 24, 2021): 143–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-20210002.

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Abstract The Chapter seeks to dispel the myth that the immunity of the United Nations amounts to impunity. Accountability is, in fact, required by the applicable law and established policy and practice of the Organization. Immunity and accountability are two co-equal pillars of the 1946 Convention on the Privileges and Immunities of the United Nations and the Status of Forces Agreement. While the UN does enjoy immunity from legal process, it is obliged to provide appropriate modes of settlement of private law disputes to which it is a party. In the case of Cholera in Haiti, the UN Secretariat, the other UN principal organs and UN Member States all failed to ensure respect for the obligations of the United Nations. If even one of them had fulfilled its role properly, then justice could have been done. Thus far, with the notable exception of the human rights special rapporteurs, all have failed to do so.

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Sherry, Virginia N. "Disappearances: Syrian Impunity in Lebanon." Middle East Report, no. 203 (1997): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3012646.

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36

Zur, Judith. "The Psychological Impact of Impunity." Anthropology Today 10, no. 3 (June 1994): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2783479.

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Goeman, H. J. M., J. N. Kok, K. Sere, and R. T. Udink. "Coordination in the ImpUNITY framework." Science of Computer Programming 31, no. 2-3 (July 1998): 313–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0167-6423(97)00025-7.

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Koskenniemi, Martti. "Between Impunity and Show Trials." Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law Online 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138946302775159451.

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39

Bletter, Gloria. "Israel's Impunity under International Law." Peace Review 15, no. 1 (March 2003): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1040265032000059670.

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Rosemann, Nils. "Privatized War and Corporate Impunity." Peace Review 17, no. 2-3 (April 2005): 273–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14631370500333005.

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41

Brett, Sebastian. "Impunity On Trial In Chile." NACLA Report on the Americas 34, no. 1 (July 2000): 34–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.2000.11722647.

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42

Chouard, Tanguy. "Anthropology: The science of impunity." Nature 503, no. 7476 (November 2013): 340. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/503340a.

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Konefal, Betsy. "Memory Offensives Where Impunity Reigns." Humanity: An International Journal of Human Rights, Humanitarianism, and Development 9, no. 2 (2018): 297–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hum.2018.0015.

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44

Koskenniemi, Martti. "Between Impunity and Show Trials." Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law Online 6, no. 1 (2002): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757413-00601002.

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45

Bowen, Rachel E. "The Weight of the Continuous Past: Transitional (In)Justice and Impunity States in Central America." Latin American Politics and Society 61, no. 1 (December 17, 2018): 126–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2018.62.

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AbstractCentral America’s Northern Triangle is infamous for high levels of violent crime and human rights abuses, producing “impunity states” in which violence typically goes unpunished. That violence reflects the broader impunity or “transitional injustice” that has persisted since the peace accords and transitions to democracy of the 1980s and 1990s. Several “posttransitional” trials for past human rights violations in recent years in Guatemala were made possible by institutional strengthening efforts in the prosecutorial agency, led by a unique United Nations commission. Significant progress away from broad impunity may also be seen in the 2015 “Guatemalan Spring,” in which a sitting president was forced to resign and submit to prosecution in connection with a corruption scandal. Comparisons of Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras suggest that institutional strengthening is necessary before “posttransitional justice,” or an end to impunity more generally, can be possible.

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Nadanovsky, Paulo, Roger Keller Celeste, Margo Wilson, and Martin Daly. "Homicide and impunity: an ecological analysis at state level in Brazil." Revista de Saúde Pública 43, no. 5 (October 2009): 733–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-89102009000500001.

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OBJECTIVE: To assess a new impunity index and variables that have been found to predict variation in homicide rates in other geographical levels as predictive of state-level homicide rates in Brazil. METHODS: This was a cross-sectional ecological study. Data from the mortality information system relating to the 27 Brazilian states for the years 1996 to 2005 were analyzed. The outcome variables were taken to be homicide victim rates in 2005, for the entire population and for men aged 20-29 years. Measurements of economic and social development, economic inequality, demographic structure and life expectancy were analyzed as predictors. An "impunity index", calculated as the total number of homicides between 1996 and 2005 divided by the number of individuals in prison in 2007, was constructed. The data were analyzed by means of simple linear regression and negative binomial regression. RESULTS: In 2005, state-level crude total homicide rates ranged from 11 to 51 per 100,000; for young men, they ranged from 39 to 241. The impunity index ranged from 0.4 to 3.5 and was the most important predictor of this variability. From negative binomial regression, it was estimated that the homicide victim rate among young males increased by 50% for every increase of one point in this ratio. CONCLUSIONS: Classic predictive factors were not associated with homicides in this analysis of state-level variation in Brazil. However, the impunity index indicated that the greater the impunity, the higher the homicide rate.

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Fleshman, Michael. "Africa ending impunity for rights abuses." Africa Renewal 20, no. 4 (January 31, 2007): 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/d87df26c-en.

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48

Morris, Madeline H. "International Guidelines against Impunity: Facilitating Accountability." Law and Contemporary Problems 59, no. 4 (1996): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1192188.

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Burt, Jo-Marie. "Case Overturned by Forces of Impunity." NACLA Report on the Americas 46, no. 2 (January 2013): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.2013.11721986.

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Moltó, José Elías Esteve. "The ‘Great Leap Forward’ to Impunity." Journal of International Criminal Justice 13, no. 5 (December 2015): 1121–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jicj/mqv072.

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